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Marţi, 6 octombrie 2015 - Strasbourg Ediţie revizuită

4. Situaţia umanitară a refugiaţilor din UE şi din ţările învecinate (dezbatere)
Înregistrare video a intervenţiilor
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  Presidente. – L'ordine de giorno reca la discussione sulle dichiarazioni del Consiglio e della Commissione sulla situazione umanitaria dei rifugiati nell'UE e nei paesi limitrofi [2015/2877(RSP)].

 
  
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  Nicolas Schmit, président en exercice du Conseil. Monsieur le Président, mesdames et messieurs les députés, les causes des flux de réfugiés qui touchent l'Union européenne résident dans les terribles conflits qui frappent la Syrie et l'Iraq ainsi que dans les crises que connaissent depuis très longtemps déjà l'Afghanistan et la Corne de l'Afrique.

Les décisions prises par les chefs d'État ou de gouvernement lors de leur réunion informelle du 23 septembre confirment l'engagement fort de l'Union européenne, que ce soit sur le volet interne ou externe et humanitaire de cette crise.

En termes très concrets, nous sommes en train de dégager les ressources nécessaires afin de pouvoir refinancer les organisations humanitaires actives sur le terrain, comme le Haut Commissariat pour les réfugiés et le Programme alimentaire mondial, pour mieux répondre aux besoins des réfugiés à proximité de leur lieu d'origine, et ce en Turquie, en Jordanie, au Liban et en Iraq. En Syrie, nous restons le principal donateur face à la guerre interminable que connaît ce pays.

Nous sommes engagés dans le renforcement des principaux trust funds permettant de lancer des projets concrets. Cela nous permet d'aider les réfugiés dans des domaines critiques, comme l'éducation ou l'emploi des jeunes. Je pense bien sûr au fonds Madad qui souffrait d'un sous-financement considérable et au fonds d'urgence pour l'Afrique. Dans les deux cas, il s'agit de la réponse à une demande commune du Parlement européen et des chefs d'État ou de gouvernement.

Au niveau interne, le Conseil, conscient de l'ampleur de la crise et de l'urgence d'apporter une réponse efficace et rapide à la situation humanitaire des réfugiés, a tout mis en oeuvre pour traiter cette question comme un sujet ayant la plus haute priorité. Pour cette raison, deux réunions extraordinaires du Conseil "Justice et affaires intérieures" ont été convoquées le 14 et le 22 septembre 2015, outre les réunions déjà programmées par la présidence, et ce afin de donner suite aux orientations données par le Conseil européen lors de ses réunions d'avril et de juin, à l'agenda européen en matière de migration présentée par la Commission en mai et au paquet additionnel de mesures que la Commission a soumis le 9 septembre.

En tant que ministre du travail et de l'emploi, j'ai organisé, pas plus tard qu' hier, dans le cadre du déjeuner des ministres, un échange sur l'appui que l'Union européenne et la Commission peuvent donner aux États qui, actuellement, accueillent le plus grand nombre de réfugiés, pour faciliter leur intégration, pour faciliter aussi leur accès au marché du travail, pour soutenir les cours de langues, l'évaluation de leurs qualifications professionnelles, la scolarisation des enfants, etc.

La commissaire Thyssen nous a présenté un certain nombre de réflexions sur l'utilisation de fonds, notamment provenant du Fonds social européen, pour intervenir à ce niveau. La Présidence a l'intention de poursuivre, aussi dans le cadre du Conseil EPSCO, cette réflexion pour effectivement mettre en oeuvre, de façon cohérente et solidaire, une approche dans les pays qui accueillent les plus grands nombres de réfugiés. Tous ces efforts ont permis et doivent permettre de parvenir à des résultats importants et significatifs dans des délais les plus courts possibles, notamment l'adoption le 14 septembre dernier d'une décision du Conseil instituant des mesures provisoires en matière de protection internationale au profit de l'Italie et la Grèce, qui permettra la relocalisation d'un premier contingent de 40 000 réfugiés.

Lors de sa réunion du 22 septembre le Conseil a également adopté une deuxième décision pour la relocalisation de 120 000 personnes ayant besoin d'une protection internationale, à partir de l'Italie et de la Grèce ou de tout autre États membre qui en aurait besoin.

Je constate avec satisfaction que les premiers hotspots sont déjà opérationnels et je comprends que d'autres hotspots le seront bientôt. Les feuilles de route ont été soumises par l'Italie et la Grèce, elles ont déjà été présentées lors du forum d'experts organisé par la Commission en collaboration avec l'EASO et lors de la réunion du comité stratégique sur l'immigration, les frontières et l'asile, du 5 octobre. Lors de ces réunions, les aspects pratiques de la mise en oeuvre des mécanismes de relocalisation ont été examinés dans le détail.

Le Conseil se félicite de l'excellente coopération nouée avec le Parlement dans l'examen de ces décisions et de la réactivité dont le Parlement a fait preuve. Cela prouve la volonté commune d'aboutir à des résultats concrets pour fournir aux réfugiés la protection et l'aide auxquelles ils ont droit, et aux États membres, notamment les plus exposés, l'assistance et l'aide qu'ils demandent.

Nous soutenons aussi l'aide humanitaire aux réfugiés qui essayent de trouver refuge dans l'Union européenne lorsqu'ils traversent la Méditerranée du sud, notamment au départ de la Libye. Dans ce cadre, je souhaite souligner que nous comptons sur des résultats très concrets avec nos partenaires du sommet de La Valette, que ce soit sur les causes profondes de la migration, sur les questions de protection des réfugiés, sur la lutte contre les trafiquants d'êtres humains ou sur la coopération en matière de retour et de réadmission.

Mesdames et messieurs, monsieur le Président, en tant que Présidence, nous sommes activement engagés dans la mobilisation des États membres et de nos partenaires clés pour atteindre notre objectif de doubler la contribution venant du budget de l'Union et d'arriver à un milliard d'euros supplémentaires pour soutenir les organisations humanitaires engagées dans cette crise.

Récemment, les Pays-Bas et la Belgique ont annoncé respectivement des contributions additionnelles de 48,5 millions et de 30 millions d'euros. Le Royaume-Uni a annoncé un supplément de 100 millions de de livres et la France et l'Allemagne ont chacune annoncé 100 millions d'euros additionnels.

Ces efforts, qui mettent l'Union européenne en première ligne, doivent être accompagnés aussi par le soutien de l'ensemble de la communauté internationale. À cet égard, nous nous félicitons qu'en tant que présidence du G7, l'Allemagne vienne d'organiser, en marge de la semaine ministérielle de l'Assemblée générale des Nations Unies, un outreach event qui a permis d'enregistrer des engagements de plus de 1,8 milliard d'euros supplémentaires.

Comme vous le savez, la Commission a déjà avancé des propositions d'ajustement budgétaire. De notre côté en tant que Présidence, nous sommes déterminés à soutenir cette démarche au sein du Conseil.

Nous aurons bien entendu besoin du soutien actif du Parlement européen pour une mise en oeuvre rapide des décisions prises et des ajustements budgétaires nécessaires. Je suis sûr que nous pouvons compter sur vous à cet égard.

 
  
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  Frans Timmermans, First Vice-President of the Commission. Mr President, today we are all put to the test. We are faced with what is arguably the biggest challenge to Europe in a generation. What is being put to the test is our capacity to handle a huge humanitarian crisis. What is being put to the test is our capacity to understand that there will be solutions only at a European level. What is being put to the test is the very fabric of our European Union. What is being put to the test is actually the fundamental values we share, and much that was said this morning testifies to this.

I have to note that when people try to argue that those arriving in Europe today are, in the majority, people seeking a better future, not refugees – which is completely unfounded, there are no scientific data – and people say this in this House, I draw some hope from this because they do not want to be seen not to be doing something for real refugees.

My hope is that once those in this House who currently reject everything we do understand that we are actually dealing with a majority of real refugees, they will see the fallacy of their ways and come to the conclusion that there are only European solutions here. There is no need to hide from that fact.

I say this also:

(Interjection from the floor: ‘Go to the camps and talk to them’)

It is being said here – because this is apparently the way people who disagree with you think they can make a point – it is being said behind me here ‘Go and talk to them in the camps’. Well, that is exactly what I did. That is exactly what I did, but apparently you only hear what you want to hear when you talk in the camps.

I know that, in this day and age, fear is an important factor in European society. Many European citizens are afraid, and you know what fear has as a characteristic: when you are afraid you go and look for proof that your fear is justified and you are not open to proof that your fear is unjustified. Responsible politics in this situation is not to cater to fear, not to create stereotypes, not to put people in groups, but to come up with solutions to a problem instead of just increasing people’s fears in the hope that it will provide you with more votes at the next election.

This is also the time when politicians across Europe will be challenged on whether their integrity still prevails or whether they go for the easy solution of catering to fears in the hope of then gaining political position. I hope we will all be responsible in this phase.

The European Council was responsible last week, by paving the way for decisions that can now be implemented. Let me briefly go through them. They decided last week to strengthen external borders and increase the financial and human resources for our agencies, Frontex, the European Asylum Support Office (EASO) and Europol, and to increase funding for the EU home affairs funding programmes, with EUR 100 million for emergency assistance to the most affected EU Member States. This is in addition to the EUR 73 million already exhausted. Much of this funding is going to address the immediate humanitarian needs – to help Member States provide the necessary shelter, health, welfare and other specific basic needs of new arrivals.

We speeded up the preparation of the Western Balkan conference next Thursday. We speeded up the roll-out of support teams in the hotspots in the most affected Member States, to identify, register and fingerprint migrants. This is essential to make sure we do indeed distinguish between those who have the right to asylum and those who do not.

It was also decided to uphold, apply and implement the existing Dublin rules and the Schengen acquis; to match the mobilised EU budget contributions with Member State contributions, including notably EUR 1 billion for the UNHCR, the World Food Programme and other agencies to respond to the urgent needs of displaced Syrian refugees in the region; to assist Turkey, Lebanon and Jordan in dealing with the refugee crisis through the help of the Trust Fund for Syria; to increase the funding of the Emergency Trust Fund for Africa; and to speed up preparations for the Valetta Summit on 11—12 November. These are important decisions. Let us implement them.

The issue here is not that we do not know what to do; the issue is that, as in other areas, we lack self-confidence. We can handle this – I agree with Chancellor Merkel: ‘Wir schaffen das’ – I have no doubts. We need to address the issue of what I would call also in this area ‘moral hazard’. Member States need to be able to trust that other Member States will do their part.

This is the core issue here, that so-called frontline Member States will do their part in making sure that our external borders are better controlled and that people who arrive are immediately fingerprinted, and that those Member States who are not frontline states will do their part in showing their solidarity with the Member States who bear the brunt of the arrivals. There is an issue here of just doing what we agreed, and then the self-confidence in Europe will increase, and mutual trust will also increase – and that is what we need between Member States.

As I said before, winter is coming. I spoke to the High Commissioner for Refugees, António Guterres, yesterday and he said clearly that we know how to, and we certainly can, winter-proof the refugee camps, the tents, the reception centres, but we cannot winter-proof masses of people on the move – and moving in an unpredictable and fast manner. You cannot winter-proof movements of people.

In Geneva yesterday our interlocutors welcomed the latest EU steps to mobilise the budget for these purposes. To name but a few: EUR 200 million to the UNHCR World Food Programme and other aid agencies to respond to the urgent needs of displaced persons and refugees in the region; EUR 300 million in humanitarian aid next year and, as you know, we asked Member States to match this and the Heads of State or Government agreed to do that.

I am looking forward to taking stock of these promises at the next European Council and I hope people understand that EUR 1 billion of funding is not too much to ask for in humanitarian aid. In this respect, I am again very grateful to this Parliament, yet again leading by example and fast-tracking the adoption of the budgetary proposals we made last week. This Parliament as an institution has assumed its responsibility in an admirable way. The Trust Fund for Syria, aiming to reach EUR 1 billion, was also welcomed by those frontline states that will need to deal with the approaching winter.

Humanitarian aid is our urgency of today. When it comes to humanitarian aid, it is not enough to find necessary funding. You need to put in place necessary help mechanisms, linking manpower and assets. And those challenges are high on the agenda of my colleagues Commissioners Avramopoulos, Stylianides and Hahn, and also Commissioner Andriukaitis, who is working on the health issues.

The civil protection mechanism is ready to be activated. We need to do this quickly. We do not want to waste time. A quantum leap in reception capacities in Greece is probably the most urgent priority that we are tackling on a daily basis. President Juncker has put in place people to coordinate the national and European technical assistance resources being mobilised to help Greece. Without reception capacity nothing will work, and we all agree on that. Greece will have a separate programme with UNHCR on this. This needs to be finalised in the coming weeks. Greece needs to return to the Dublin system, and I have to say that I salute the Greek Government for committing to returning to the Dublin system.

You will not hear me saying that all is ready for winter but this Commission has identified and proposed all the operational and budgetary measures that are needed internally within the EU and outside our borders. With regard to Turkey, the President has said more than enough: we will continue working on this, and you will also be informed this afternoon about exactly what we will be doing in the next couple of weeks.

I think you will agree with me that, while working on the humanitarian situation and sharing the burden with the most affected countries, we should also not neglect the wider issue in relation to managing the situation and the root causes of the situation. The Valletta Summit will be important – however, I will limit myself to referring to what President Juncker has said about that.

Refugees, on the run from war and persecution, willing to risk everything for even the chance of a decent life, will continue to flee. They simply have no other option. And we have no other option but to provide a safe haven for them, to protect them and to treat them properly, here in the European Union, as well as in other countries where they arrive. So it is time to rebuild our self-confidence and our mutual confidence in our ability to deal with this most pressing humanitarian issue effectively, and together

Wir schaffen das!

 
  
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  Ελισσάβετ Βόζεμπεργκ, εξ ονόματος της Ομάδας PPE. Κύριε πρόεδρε, η συζήτησή μας για το προσφυγικό, αυτή την ώρα, συνδυάζεται άμεσα με την προηγούμενη συζήτηση. Πολύ σωστά, αναφερθήκατε ότι η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση «έχει το μαχαίρι και το σπαθί» για τη λύση αυτού του προβλήματος. Η λύση πρέπει να δοθεί σε ευρωπαϊκό επίπεδο, αλλά η λύση είναι, πρωτίστως και κυρίως, πολιτική. Το λέω γιατί αναφέρθηκε πριν o Πρόεδρος Tusk για την αλληλεγγύη των κρατών μελών που πρέπει να επιδεικνύεται και, ορθώς, για την προστασία των συνόρων, για τον αναγκαίο σεβασμό στους κανόνες της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης. Όμως, το πρόβλημα δεν μπορεί να λυθεί, αν δεν υπάρξει, άμεσα, συνεργασία με τις χώρες προέλευσης του προβλήματος.

Ξέρετε πολύ καλά, ότι Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση έχει κυρίαρχο λόγο στα αίτια που προκάλεσαν αυτή την προσφυγική κρίση, αλλά κυρίως και πρωτίστως, μια συμφωνία-μνημόνιο με τις χώρες διέλευσης των ανθρώπων αυτών και αναφέρομαι στην Τουρκία. Γνωρίζετε πολύ καλά, ότι χτες o πρόεδρος Erdoğan μας άσκησε κριτική γιατί δεν μπορούμε στα εδάφη μας να δεχθούμε την ανθρωπιστική κρίση 250.000 ανθρώπων, όταν εκείνος φιλοξενεί δύο εκατομμύρια, ξεχνώντας, προφανώς, ότι γι' αυτό τον αριθμό των προσφύγων χρηματοδοτείται γερά και ξεχνώντας, προφανώς, ότι υπάρχουν συμφωνίες επανεισδοχής με την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, από το 2011 και με την Ελλάδα από το 2014, που δεν τηρούνται.

Μ' αυτό θέλω να πω, ότι αν όλοι δεν αναλάβουν τις ευθύνες τους, η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, η Ευρώπη, τα κράτη μέλη δεν μπορούν να δώσουν τη λύση σε ένα πρόβλημα που, πρωτίστως και κυρίως, έχει επίκεντρο τον άνθρωπο και την επιβίωσή του.

 
  
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  Knut Fleckenstein, im Namen der S&D-Fraktion. Herr Präsident! Humanitäre Hilfe brauchen wir in diesen Tagen nicht nur in unseren eigenen Mitgliedstaaten, sondern auch auf dem Weg zu uns sozusagen, auf dem Balkan, in der Türkei und natürlich in der Krisenregion selbst. Ich glaube, zu danken haben wir den Freiwilligen und den hauptamtlichen Helfern, die überall mit großem Engagement bis zur Erschöpfung helfen, beispielsweise in den Camps in und um Syrien herum, in Serbien oder am Münchner Hauptbahnhof.

Natürlich muss das Ganze finanziert werden. Und es ist gut, was der Rat beschlossen hat, was wir auch gemeinsam an Erhöhungen vornehmen wollen. Aber wo wären wir heute, oder was wäre vielleicht unterblieben, wenn die Mitgliedstaaten den Verpflichtungen nachgekommen wären, die sie längst eingegangen sind? Wo sind zum Beispiel die 0,7 % für Entwicklungszusammenarbeit? Es kommt jetzt darauf an, Geschwindigkeit zu zeigen, endlich zu zahlen und schnell zu handeln. Die Flüchtlinge, die viele Leiden auf sich genommen und viele Lasten getragen haben, sollten uns jede Anstrengung wert sein.

 
  
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  Helga Stevens, namens de ECR-Fractie. Turkije krijgt nu financiële ondersteuning van de Europese Unie om de adequate opvang van asielzoekers te blijven garanderen. Okay, maar vergeet daarbij ook de mensen met een beperking niet. Die zijn talrijk, mede door de oorlogssituatie in Syrië. Bovendien blijven zij vaak achter in de kampen want ze zijn vaak te arm om de overtocht naar Europa te betalen. Gezien hun beperking hebben die mensen specifieke ondersteuning nodig. Soms hebben ze ook nood aan medische of paramedische hulp. Dat specifieke aanbod ontbreekt in de kampen.

Kinderen met een beperking kunnen bijvoorbeeld niet mee in een gewone klas. Zo hebben dove kinderen lessen in gebarentaal nodig, blinde kinderen hebben lesmateriaal nodig in braille, enzovoort. Een deel van de toegekende noodfondsen zou daarom specifiek moeten worden aangewend om een basis van handicapspecifieke ondersteuning te geven aan die mensen. Dat gebeurt momenteel niet of veel te weinig. Ik heb dat zelf kunnen vaststellen tijdens mijn bezoek aan het Zaatari-vluchtelingenkamp en omgeving in Jordanië in mei dit jaar. Mits de middelen slim en efficiënt ingezet worden, kan de EU met relatief weinig geld een grote impact hebben op de levenskwaliteit van de mensen in die kampen.

 
  
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  Cecilia Wikström, on behalf of the ALDE Group. Mr President, I would like to express thanks and gratitude to Turkey, to Jordan and to Lebanon, which have received up to now between three and four million of the ten million Syrian refugees – where we, in the EU, in our 28 countries, up to now have received approximately 500 000. We are the richest continent in the world and this is our contribution.

In certain Member States, and I will name names – Hungary – the refugees are being met by barbed wire, a fence, they are being shot at, they are being targeted with tear gas. Furthermore, the national legislation today makes sure that Hungarian citizens who show solidarity and humanitarian care by sheltering refugees in their homes run the risk of being put in prison for three years, and their neighbours are now willing to inform on those Hungarian citizens who take their humanitarian responsibility seriously. Is this the Europe we want to see, Mr President? Is this the EU that we want to see?

Not since the Second World War have we had such legislation in our Member States and I feel it shameful that this is where we are today. We can do so much more and we can do so much better, and the world is looking at us. When I was in the US last week, Orbán gave a speech pointing out that this is the reality in Europe today. If this is the situation now, then what will the future be?

(Applause)

 
  
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  Judith Sargentini, namens de Verts/ALE-Fractie. Hoe wij onze vluchtelingen behandelen zegt wat over onze normen, onze waarden, onze samenleving. Ik heb bewondering voor die landen die met man en macht proberen vluchtelingen die in groten getale aan onze grenzen verschijnen en op hun stations verschijnen een schone, een hele, een veilige opvangplek te bieden. Maar ik word woest als ik zie dat er landen zijn die prikkeldraad uitrollen, die traangas gebruiken als middel om mensenmassa's in bedwang te houden en die denken dat ze mensen te eten kunnen geven door broodjes over het hek te gooien. Daarmee ontmenselijken zij deze vluchtelingen. Als wij dat onbesproken laten, als wij dat onbestraft laten dan legitimeren wij dat optreden. Dat is wat hier momenteel gebeurt. Alle pogingen om de situatie in Hongarije op een meer dan vrijblijvende manier te bespreken, om consequenties te verbinden aan het optreden van Viktor Orban, om een artikel 7 te onderzoeken, worden hier stelselmatig geblokkeerd. Gisteravond door de sociaal-democraten. Voorzitter, als we niet eerlijk en beschaafd zijn tegen elkaar, hoe kunnen we dan netjes met vluchtelingen omgaan?

(De spreker is bereid een "blauwe kaart"-vraag te beantwoorden (artikel 162, lid 8 van het Reglement)).

 
  
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  Zoltán Balczó (NI), Kékkártyás kérdés. Két rövid kérdésem van. Az egyik: elvárjuk-e a tagállamoktól, hogy az európai szabályoknak megfelelően megvédjék a Schengeni határt? Magyarország esetében ez az első kérdés. A második: magyarország határát Szerbián és Horvátországon keresztül háromszázezren lépték át. Ezek biztonságos országok. Akik valóban politikai menekültként jöttek el a hazájukból, Szerbiában, Horvátországban biztonságos országban vannak. Miért mennek tovább Németországba? Azért, mert valójában gazdasági menekültté lettek ők is.

 
  
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  Judith Sargentini (Verts/ALE), blue-card answer. At the moment I am the chief observer for the elections in Tanzania, and I have been told very clearly that observing and monitoring are not the same thing as taking action. What Hungary is doing on the border is not monitoring or observing: it is pushing people back and, in our law, that is forbidden.

 
  
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  Laura Ferrara, a nome del gruppo EFDD. Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, anche oggi abbiamo ascoltato la logica del male minore, che pare essere la bussola delle decisioni prese dall'Unione europea.

Grande soddisfazione per le misure provvisorie per il ricollocamento di 40 mila migranti, grande soddisfazione per le misure provvisorie per 120 mila migranti. Bene, mi piace ricordare che è fallita l'idea di avere un progetto pilota, in vista della modifica del regolamento di Dublino, è fallita l'idea di avere dei criteri obiettivi, in modo da avere un meccanismo permanente e non dover ricorrere ogni volta alle procedure e ai mesi di attesa per l'adozione di misure di emergenza.

È stata stravolta la proposta della Commissione ed è stato ignorato il parere del Parlamento europeo. La migrazione è un fenomeno e non un problema, il problema si ha nel momento in cui non si hanno delle soluzioni immediate. È un fenomeno globale e complesso, è giusto affrontare l'accoglienza, ma bisogna andare alle cause profonde: conflitti armati, sfruttamento di risorse umane e naturali.

È per questo che abbiamo proposto uno stop alla vendita di armi, ma si sa che gli interessi delle industrie di armi sono molto potenti, per cui il Parlamento si è espresso a maggioranza contro lo stop alla vendita di armi. Abbiamo proposto delle di vie legali di accesso all'Unione europea in modo da non avere operazioni come Eunavfor Med, Khartoum, l'operazione Triton, ne basterebbe una sola, per evitare il dispendio ai danni dei contribuenti e permettere a chi fugge da guerre e persecuzioni di arrivare in maniera sicura.

Bene, abbiamo proposto infine il cambiamento di Dublino, in modo da poter agire ex ante a tutela degli Stati membri che sono in difficoltà e non ex post, quando ormai sono con l'acqua alla gola.

 
  
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  Lorenzo Fontana, a nome del gruppo ENF. Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, devo dire che la cosa che mi sorprende di più è che sento molto criticare l'Ungheria e per carità tutte le opinioni sono lecite, ma mi sembra che ci dimentichiamo di un problema fondamentale, in particolar modo sulla Siria, che è lo Stato islamico, perché a me sarebbe piaciuto sapere quali sono le strategie anche europee riguardo a questa situazione, mi sembra che paesi extraeuropei stiano intervenendo e non sento nulla da parte dell'Unione Europea, o poca cosa.

Anche perché, se vogliamo fare un vero servizio ai rifugiati, a chi scappa dalla guerra, bisogna fare in modo che le guerre terminino e mi sembra che poco si faccia da questo punto di vista. Ho sentito parlare di paura, io una paura ce l'ho, effettivamente, che la politica estera sia affidata alle stesse persone che hanno causato quei danni che ha creato poi in questo momento tutta questa ondata di rifugiati. Pensiamo che a qualcuno che ha causato questi danni in maniera diretta o indiretta è stato anche affidato il Premio Nobel per la pace. Questo mi fa molta paura e spero che l'Unione europea incominci a prendere coscienza che forse dovrebbe essere un po' più libera.

 
  
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  Ελευθέριος Συναδινός (NI). Κύριε πρόεδρε, πριν από ένα έτος, ο Επίτροπος Αβραμόπουλος δήλωσε ότι δεν θα ξαναγίνουν τα κράτη της Ευρώπης κάστρα και αοριστολογούσε για πιθανή επανεξέταση των συνθηκών Σένγκεν και Δουβλίνο ΙΙ.

Ένα χρόνο μετά, δεν πρέπει να είναι ικανοποιημένος, υπερήφανος με τα αποτελέσματα της πολιτικής του στο μεταναστευτικό. Εκατοντάδες χιλιάδες λαθρομεταναστών έχουν κατακλύσει ευρωπαϊκές χώρες, οι εκατόμβες στη Μεσόγειο συνεχώς αυξάνονται, και τζιχαντιστές επωφελούνται των μεταναστευτικών ροών για να διεισδύσουν στην Ευρώπη. Οι αρχές του χωρών εισόδου αδυνατούν να ελέγξουν τις ορδές των εισερχομένων, πόσο μάλλον να προσφέρουν τα δέοντα στους πραγματικούς πρόσφυγες και χώρες όπως η Γερμανία, η Αυστρία και η Σλοβενία επανέφεραν τους διασυνοριακούς ελέγχους, ενώ άλλες χτίζουν φράχτες και χρησιμοποιούν τις ένοπλες δυνάμεις τους στη μάχη για την επιβολή της τάξης και ασφάλειας.

Με ευχολόγια και πακτωλούς χρημάτων δεν λύνεται το πρόβλημα. Η Ευρώπη οφείλει να συνειδητοποιήσει ότι πρέπει να συνταχθεί στο πλευρό των χωρών που πολεμούν το ισλαμικό κράτος. Πρέπει να εξαναγκάσει την Τουρκία να πάψει να εκμεταλλεύεται τους λαθρομετανάστες - και μάλιστα με χρηματοδότηση από την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση - που διέρχονται από το έδαφός της, και ως πρώτη χώρα εισόδου, μουσουλμανική και γειτονική της Συρίας, να αναλάβει τη διεκπεραίωση των αιτήσεων ασύλου, σύμφωνα με το διεθνές δίκαιο και τον κανονισμό της Ύπατης Αρμοστείας του ΟΗΕ.

 
  
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  Monika Hohlmeier (PPE). Herr Präsident, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Zunächst einmal freue ich mich darüber, dass die Mitgliedstaaten gemeinsam mit der Kommission nunmehr endlich konkrete Schritte zu vollziehen beginnen. Woran mir besonders liegt, ist, dass diesen Reden, die wir halten – zu einer Milliarde zur Unterstützung für den Madad-Fonds, für den Dringlichkeitsfonds, um die Türkeihilfe aufzustocken – auch tatsächlich konkrete Schritte folgen, dass es eine Garantie dafür gibt, dass die Fonds tatsächlich aufgestockt werden und entsprechende Zahlungen tatsächlich erfolgen, weil die bisherigen Einzahlungsraten in das Welternährungsprogramm sowohl von Seiten der EU als auch von Seiten der Mitgliedstaaten sträflich vernachlässigt worden sind.

Zweitens: In der Tat ist eine ganz wesentliche Frage, dass wir auch die Ursachen des Krieges mit angehen und dass dies nicht gerade jemandem überlassen wird, der sich in dieser Welt in der letzten Zeit in der Ukraine keinen Namen dafür gemacht hat, sehr friedlich mit seinen Nachbarn umzugehen.

Ich habe gerade festgestellt, dass Frau Sargentini versucht hat, die S&D anzugreifen. Es waren EVP und S&D, die den Weg der Grünen, der GUE und eines Teils von ALDE nicht für sinnvoll gegenüber Ungarn gehalten haben, weil wir dieselben Schritte in Tschechien zu verzeichnen haben. Wir haben ähnliche Schritte in der Slowakei zu verzeichnen. Das bedeutet, es ist notwendig und sinnvoll, das zu tun, was Kommissionspräsident Timmermans formuliert hat: konkret mit diesen Staaten zu konkreten Schritten zu kommen, um mit Flüchtlingen anders umzugehen und um in sinnvoller, den europäischen Rechten gemäßer Art und Weise entsprechend auch die Grenzübergänge zu gestalten.

 
  
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  Josu Juaristi Abaunz, en nombre del Grupo GUE/NGL. Señor Presidente, tras escuchar esta mañana al Consejo me queda la sensación de haber asistido a un ejercicio calculado de victimismo para justificar el cierre de fronteras exteriores, vendiéndonos, además, que así están salvando Schengen. Y asistimos también a la primacía cada vez más evidente y grave de la seguridad sobre la acogida y los derechos humanos. Algunos Estados miembros están comprando el discurso del miedo a la extrema derecha y eso sí que puede crear una crisis política y social de gravísimas consecuencias en Europa.

Hace un mes, la señora Mogherini cuantificaba de qué estamos hablando cuando decimos que una crisis migratoria y de refugiados masiva llega a Europa. Señorías, hablamos del 0,1 % de la población de la Unión Europea. No somos unos campeones porque algunos Estados miembros decidan abrir la puerta a 160 000 personas y porque algunos Estados miembros sean los principales donantes en el Líbano, Jordania o Turquía. Esto es lo que la Unión Europea utiliza para externalizar la crisis. En realidad, estamos eludiendo la responsabilidad. Crear el caldo de cultivo del miedo, del odio al otro, al diferente, imponer la primacía de la securocracia siempre termina por socavar las libertades civiles y los derechos humanos.

 
  
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  Josef Weidenholzer (S&D). Herr Präsident! Ich war dieses Wochenende mit einigen Kollegen im Libanon und in Jordanien. Wir konnten uns davon überzeugen, welch ungeheure Belastungen diese Länder auf sich nehmen. Die Grenze der Belastbarkeit ist leider schon erreicht. Wir haben uns auch gefragt: Was passiert, wenn das alles nicht mehr funktioniert? Schon jetzt können wir den ursächlichen Zusammenhang mit der Kürzung der Unterstützungen sehen. Im Juli wurden die Unterstützungen von 27 Dollar pro Monat auf 13,5 Dollar reduziert. Das war einer der Gründe für diese massive Welle von Flüchtlingen, die dann nach Europa gekommen sind.

Ich begrüße die Entscheidung des Rates. Ich fürchte nur, sie kommt zu spät. Diese Mittel müssen schnell bereitgestellt werden, diese Mittel müssen wirklich auch existieren, und sie müssen vor allem mehr sein. Sonst werden wir wirklich ganz massive Probleme bekommen.

 
  
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  Jussi Halla-aho (ECR). Mr President, my country, Finland, expects to receive some 50 000 asylum applications this year, which is ten times the usual annual number. These are mostly young men from Iraq and Somalia and sub-Saharan Africa. They are coming because they were told by smugglers that they will get a free apartment, a well-paid job and a good life in Europe. Instead they find themselves in crowded reception centres, barracks or even tents, with nothing to do because there are no apartments and no jobs. The winter is coming and we will have tens of thousands of disappointed and frustrated young men on the streets.

It is dangerous and irresponsible to allow this kind of uncontrolled migration to Europe and within Europe. We need better border controls and faster repatriation schemes on a European level.

 
  
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  Nathalie Griesbeck (ALDE). Monsieur le Président, nous nous accordons tous maintenant, depuis de nombreux mois, pour dire que le défi pour l'Europe, le défi pour les États membres est un défi historique.

Aujourd'hui, la crise humanitaire continue de se répandre non seulement aux frontières externes de l'Europe, mais encore au cœur même de l'Europe et de nous interroger par rapport à ses causes.

Il y a quelques jours, avec Marielle de Sarnez, nous sommes allées sur la route des Balkans et ce que nous avons vu était digne des images les plus sombres du milieu du vingtième siècle et de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, à savoir des hommes, des enfants, des femmes harassés, épuisés, en détresse.

Ils attendent de l'Europe, de notre Europe et des États membres, en particulier, pour reprendre ce qu'a dit M. Juncker, une réponse qui est d'abord une réponse en termes d'aide immédiate aux ONG et aux États membres, notamment aux États qui sont enclavés au cœur de l'Europe, tels que la Macédoine et la Serbie, et, bien sûr, aux États qui sont aux frontières extérieures de l'Europe.

Il convient également de coordonner le système des hotspots, pas seulement aux frontières extérieures mais aussi dans les États membres enclavés, de façon à organiser l'accueil et à contrôler cet accueil en même temps qu'il nous revient de conforter les frontières extérieures de l'Europe.

Ces éléments font partie des urgences à la veille de l'hiver.

 
  
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  Marisa Matias (GUE/NGL). Senhor Presidente, Senhor Schmit, Senhor Timmermans, este debate é sobre a situação humanitária dos refugiados na União Europeia. E, sobre isso, não ouvimos nada. Ouvimos sobre lista de mercearia e contas, mas não ouvimos sobre a situação humanitária dos refugiados. Onde é que estão os registos de pessoas a serem alimentadas em currais de animais, de pessoas a serem numeradas à entrada dos países europeus, de pessoas a serem enfiadas em comboios e abandonadas em sítios, que nem sequer sabem onde estão, de pessoas a serem alojadas em antigos campos de concentração? Isso é a situação humanitária de muitos refugiados na União Europeia.

O tratado que os senhores aprovaram, o vosso tratado, diz que os valores europeus são o respeito pela dignidade humana, a liberdade, a democracia, a igualdade, o Estado de Direito e o respeito pelos direitos humanos, incluindo os direitos das pessoas pertencentes a minorias. Senhores, o tratado não é para ser aplicado à la carte. Com a austeridade já rasgaram metade, com a crise dos refugiados estão à beira de deitá-lo todo fora. O que é que vão fazer ao Senhor Orban, o que é que vão fazer ao vosso amigo? Deverá ele cumprir o tratado ou é uma exceção?

 
  
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  Tamás Meszerics (Verts/ALE). Mr President, there is much to welcome in the decisions of the informal European Council and the Home Affairs Council. This is indeed the way to go. May I, nevertheless, point out two things? One is that the EU candidate countries of the Western Balkans, on the direct land route of migration could have been – and should have been – invited at least to the informal Council. Politicians, especially from the former Soviet bloc, should have been more keenly aware of the difference between making decisions for someone and with someone. Anyway, history teaches us that messing up the Western Balkans is not necessarily a very good idea.

I would also remind our colleagues in the Council that taking a decision by a qualified majority – which I personally welcome – is a courageous step only if they are willing to go the whole way. Unless there is a willingness to go the whole way and have sanctions for non-compliance, this just adds to the political theatre on this question – of which we already have too much.

 
  
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  Paul Nuttall (EFDD). Mr President, I would like to start by questioning the very title of this debate. The EU is calling the crisis we have in Europe at the moment a refugee crisis, basically to pull on heartstrings and to suit its own political ends. Let me make it clear that the crisis we have in Europe at the moment is not a refugee crisis, it is an economic migrant crisis.

(Applause from certain quarters)

That is not just my appraisal. It is also that of Robert Fico, the Prime Minister of Slovakia, who has said that 95% of the people who are coming to our continent are not refugees: they are economic migrants. Indeed Eurostat, the EU’s own statistical collecting body, has reported that 85% of the people coming are not from war-torn Syria, but from Pakistan, Albania, Nigeria and the Gambia. So let us, at least, not insult everyone’s intelligence, and let us call this crisis what it is, however politically incorrect you might find that, Mr Timmermans. It is an economic migrant crisis, not a refugee crisis.

Mr Timmermans, it is a case of people moving from poor countries to rich countries and in the meantime breaking international law – and you would think we would do something about that, would you not? But, amazingly, we are not doing something about it. Actually we are just encouraging it.

Then, of course, there is the security aspect of this total farce. ISIS has already told us that it is going to flood our continent with their Islamist lunatics, so you would think we would be doing something to prevent that. But no, we are doing quite the opposite: we are putting the lives of our own citizens at risk – the lives of people like those here in the gallery. We are putting them at risk by not stopping the boats. The German authorities last week reported that one in three so-called ‘Syrians’ are arriving with fake passports. They are on sale on the Turkish black market for EUR 750. We do not know who these people are!

One of the founding principles of the European Union, Mr Timmermans, is freedom of movement of people. What we are probably allowing now is freedom of movement of jihad. I fear that in the future, in the very near future, we will all have blood on our hands as a result.

(Applause from certain quarters)

 
  
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  James Carver (EFDD). On a point of order, Mr President, I assumed that the Members of this Parliament here are all elected, and indeed I am quite right in believing that all Members of this Parliament were elected in last year’s European elections. Mr Timmermans, with respect, you are a member of the Commission; you have no right to interact during a parliamentary debate.

(The President cut off the speaker)

(Heckling from the floor (Messrs Nutall and Carver): ‘We got elected; you did not’)

 
  
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  Presidente. – Non è un richiamo al regolamento, onorevole la prego di essere rispettoso del regolamento. Ci sono delle regole che tutti gli eletti devono rispettare, Lei è un eletto, siede in questo Parlamento, rispetti le regole del Parlamento.

 
  
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  Afzal Khan (S&D), blue-card question to Paul Nuttall. The question really is this: I have visited Lebanon, Jordan, Iraq and also Serbia. All I saw was refugees there. I would like to ask Paul Nuttall this question. Three-year-old Aylan, whose body was found: what was he, in your opinion?

 
  
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  Paul Nuttall (EFDD), blue-card answer to Afzal Khan. He was the son of a family that had been in Turkey – a safe country – for many, many years. In fact, the father was trying to get to Canada to get a new set of teeth!

So, look, the big question here is simply this, our continent is being flooded by migrants at the moment, economic migrants, whilst Saudia Arabia, Qatar, Kuwait, Bahrain and the United Arab Emirates are doing absolutely nothing. In fact all they are doing – I will give you an example – is that Saudi Arabia has offered to build 200 Wahhabi mosques in Germany. It is madness. We need to protect our borders and we should look to the Australians for a way of doing things.

(Applause from certain quarters)

 
  
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  Barbara Kudrycka (PPE). Panie Przewodniczący! Dobrze, że w końcu Komisja Europejska zrozumiała, że obowiązkowe kwoty relokacji uchodźców nie są jedynym sposobem rozwiązania problemu. Dobrze, że wreszcie zaczniemy skutecznie ograniczać źródła i prawdziwe korzenie migracji. Wspólnotowa ochrona granic zewnętrznych, także tych w Grecji, we Włoszech i na Malcie, staje się dzisiaj warunkiem sine qua non poradzenia sobie z tym największym kryzysem Europy. Operacyjne działania hot-spotów i faktyczne zawracanie tych, którym azyl nie przysługuje, są w tym kontekście pilną koniecznością, ale nie mniej ważna jest perspektywa każdego uchodźcy i jego osobiste bezpieczeństwo. Proszę mi powiedzieć, jak w państwach, które będą przyjmować uchodźców w wyniku relokacji, zapewnić im bezpieczeństwo, jeśli już dzisiaj nasi koledzy z prawej strony podsycają nastroje ksenofobiczne, antyimigracyjne i rasistowskie, jeśli już teraz organizowany jest aktywny opór, wyolbrzymiane są zagrożenia i straszy się szariatami?

Panie Przewodniczący! Nowy pakiet migracyjny już nie wystarczy. Dzisiaj potrzebna jest reorganizacja ochrony granicy zewnętrznej Unii Europejskiej tak, abyśmy przywrócili nad nimi rzeczywistą i pełną kontrolę. Potrzebna jest też wielka akcja edukacyjna, która pozwoli przekonać społeczności lokalne, że goszczenie uchodźców nie zagraża ich bezpieczeństwu. Jest raczej dowodem na ich wrażliwość i człowieczeństwo wobec tych, którzy uciekają od wojny i bomb.

 
  
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  Linda McAvan (S&D). Mr President, this is the first time our Parliament has discussed this issue, on both the internal and external aspects of the refugee crisis together. I think that is a sign of what has been missing so far in our debate, namely a holistic approach, looking at the two things together.

I was in Turkey three weeks ago with a delegation from the Committee on Development and we could see that lack of coherence in our policy there. I think you are absolutely right: we have to talk to Turkey, because without Turkey we are not going to get a solution to the problem, and we have to work more with the United Nations agencies. What we saw there was that we – that is the Member States – have cut our budgets to these agencies, and we have to change that.

And yes they were refugees, these people in Turkey. We met children who have lost their limbs: they are refugees, no doubt about it.

We need more resources for immediate needs, we need money for education for those children. The families are losing hope, they are getting weary: that is why they are coming here. We need education, and I hope people will support the budget amendments we have to increase money for education. We need a legal route to resettlement, directly from the camps to the EU. And, finally, we need more support for NGOs working directly in Syria. They are not getting enough support. They are the only people getting humanitarian aid into parts of Syria and that is very urgent.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 162(8)).

 
  
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  David Coburn (EFDD), blue-card question. Are you really suggesting that we should have a motorway for ISIS right through Europe? Have you no sense at all? This is ridiculous! What is going to happen to Europe?

(Heckling)

You are going to change the nature of the whole of Europe. It is madness!

(Applause from certain quarters)

 
  
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  Linda McAvan (S&D), blue-card answer. I tell you what I do know: 15 months ago Nigel Farage told the British public he thought more should be done to support Syrian refugees. Now we have a chance to do it and you lot over there are saying there is no such thing as a Syrian refugee. I think you really do not have a policy, and I think this is just a cheap, electorally motivated attempt to get votes, as Mr Timmermans said earlier.

 
  
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  Zdzisław Krasnodębski (ECR). Panie Przewodniczący! Sytuacja w obozach dla uchodźców poza Unią jest dramatyczna i to tam powinna być skierowana największa pomoc humanitarna. Dobrze, że to wreszcie zrozumieliśmy. Trzeba też myśleć o tym, jak zwalczać nie symptomy, ale przyczyny tej tragedii, a to wymaga zupełnie innej polityki: być może łącznie z zaangażowaniem militarnym. Na pewno jednak nie rozwiążemy problemu, otwierając dla każdego uchodźcy, nielegalnego emigranta zewnętrzne granice Unii, powiększając chaos. Dzisiaj nawet Niemcy zrozumieli, że ich możliwości są ograniczone i powoli wraca im poczucie rzeczywistości.

Nein, wir schaffen nicht alles, und wir werden auch die Welt nicht erlösen.

Trzeba też jasno powiedzieć, że humanitarnym rozwiązaniem nie jest przymusowa relokacja uchodźców w Europie i przymusowe trzymanie ich w kraju, do którego nie zamierzali emigrować i którego społeczeństwo nie jest przygotowane na ich przyjęcie.

(Mówca zgodził się odpowiedzieć na pytanie zadane przez podniesienie niebieskiej kartki (art. 162 ust. 8 Regulaminu))

 
  
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  Bill Etheridge (EFDD), blue-card question. Thank you for your speech: much of it made good common sense. Would you agree with me that one of the most disgraceful things that has happened during this whole crisis – whether it be a refugee crisis or migrant crisis, whatever you wish to call it – is people using images of suffering people to try and tug at the heart strings of the public in order to change well—set, well—meaning border controls, which we need within the EU and within Member States, and that the people who use these images to try and tug at our heart strings for their own political gains are a disgrace?

 
  
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  Zdzisław Krasnodębski (ECR), blue-card answer. My answer to your questions would be that we have to consider suffering people, but we also have to have a responsible policy in the east, the far-east and near-east region, and with our neighbourhood, both in the east and in the south. And we have to be responsible in our policymaking, not just making policies based on emotions, even if they are humanitarian emotions.

 
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