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Kolmapäev, 25. november 2015 - Strasbourg Uuendatud versioon

20. Olukord Moldovas (arutelu)
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  Przewodniczący. – Kolejnym punktem porządku dnia jest oświadczenie Wiceprzewodniczącej Komisji i Wysokiej Przedstawiciel Unii do Spraw Zagranicznych i Polityki Bezpieczeństwa w sprawie sytuacji w Mołdawii (2015/2976(RSP)).

 
  
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  Christos Stylianides, Member of the Commission, on behalf of the Vice—President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. Mr President, this is the first time that Moldova has come back to the plenary since the ratification of the Association Agreement one year ago. Several events have taken place since the debate of last year, including parliamentary elections in November 2014 and, of course, a succession of two short-lived governments.

All of you have followed the developments in Moldova since then, especially those concerning the big banking frauds, amounting to around USD 1 billion, which is around 12% of the GDP of the country, and the large protest movements and demonstrations which culminated at the beginning of September with a big gathering in Chișinău.

While the banking scandal was at the centre of the demonstrations, people have been expressing their discontent more widely, demanding sustainable governance for the country and calling for corruption to be decisively tackled. Despite a decrease in intensity – probably in the expectation of political developments – these protests are still ongoing. The protesters are demanding the resignation of the President and the dismissal of the Prosecutor General and the head of the National Anti—Corruption Centre. They are also asking for the launch of a referendum on the direct election of the President.

Recent developments – namely, the arrest of former Prime Minister Filat on 15 October and the subsequent dismissal of the government in a vote of no—confidence on 29 October – dramatically demonstrate the deep divide that has developed between the political parties that were coalition partners.

As the EU, it is not our role to interfere in the internal political processes of a sovereign country. It is for the Moldovan political forces to put aside personal and group interests and to work together for the sake of their country. It is for them to make the political choices that take into account the welfare of their citizens, to help modernise the country and make the economy grow. These are the political choices that the European Union wants and is ready to support.

We will continue to call for dialogue among the parties. In order to find sustainable solutions to the governance crisis and certainly in order to address pressing needs, we hope that a new government will pursue, as a matter of priority, the implementation of much-needed key reforms. Vested interests and corruption practices currently hinder development in the country and have a heavy impact on citizens’ everyday lives. Moldovan society expects these challenges to be tackled seriously.

That was the message of the EU-Moldova Parliamentary Association Committee in its debates and Statement on 21 and 22 September 2015. I am also aware of the frank exchanges the Committee on Foreign Affairs had with the Speaker of the Moldovan Parliament Mr Candu at the beginning of last week.

We have to remind our Moldovan partners that our support is conditional upon the implementation of key and genuine reforms and policies. This should contribute not only to regaining the trust of citizens but also to building a more resilient country and offering a democratic and stable business environment.

Any new government will face the challenge of dealing, as one of its first actions, with the banking frauds through comprehensive, impartial and effective investigations, with the goal of recovering the diverted funds. Moldovan society will expect any new government to take clear and effective steps against corruption and to proceed with reforming the banking sector, the justice sector and, at the same time, public administration.

Moldova is obviously in a difficult economic and financial situation and will need the support of the IMF. This will mean fulfilling certain conditions on energy tariffs, on the restructuring of the banking sector, and on the management of the National Bank. These are also essential preconditions for a possible resumption of EU budget-support disbursements, as well as for the implementation of our ambitious Association Agenda.

The situation, as I have already described, reflects problems in the political system and, of course, the gap between the political system and society. This is, unfortunately, the situation, and this is why we need, together with this Parliament, to apply all those preconditions which I have already mentioned.

 
  
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  Elmar Brok, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Ich glaube, Herr Kommissar, Sie haben in der aktuellen Beschreibung von Moldawien Recht.

Wir müssen sehen, dass die drei proeuropäischen Parteien die Wahlen gewonnen haben – wenn auch knapp –, aber dass sie nicht in der Lage waren, seit den Wahlen Vertrauen aufzubauen, und nicht in der Lage waren, die vorgegebenen Ziele der Modernisierung des Landes, der Rechtsstaatlichkeit und des Kampfes gegen die Korruption mit Glaubwürdigkeit voranzutreiben. Auf der anderen Seite gibt es viele in diesen Parteien, die die Bereitschaft dazu haben, diese Ziele zu erreichen. Ich als Parlamentarier kann sagen, dass diese politischen Kräfte unterstützt werden sollten, jetzt endlich eine anständige, proeuropäische Regierung auf die Beine zu stellen, weil die Alternative eine Katastrophe ist.

Aus diesem Grunde heraus glaube ich, dass die Europäische Union, die politischen Familien dieses Hauses, die mit Parteien dort verbunden sind, hier die notwendige Zusammenarbeit organisieren sollten und helfen sollten, dass die Moldauer ihre Entscheidung treffen können für den Weg den sie gehen, welche Regierung sie bilden, aber dass unsererseits ein Angebot der Kooperation gegeben ist und dass wir aus diesem Grunde heraus hoffen, dass dort auch die Verantwortlichkeit aller Beteiligten auftaucht, dies so zu machen, dass es im Sinne einer guten Entwicklung ist.

Dies ist keine Zeit mehr für persönlichen Vorteil, dies ist keine Zeit mehr für parteipolitische Spiele der Vergangenheit, dies ist ein Augenblick für wirkliches commitment im Sinne des Interesses des moldauischen Volkes. Ich hoffe, dass die Gespräche, die in diesen Tagen stattzufinden haben, zu solchen Beschlüssen führen werden und dies nicht an den politischen Eigenschaften und an Abhängigkeiten scheitern sollte, weil das Resultat dann alternativlos schlecht ist.

(Beifall)

 
  
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  Andi Cristea, on behalf of the S&D Group. Mr President, one year ago the European Parliament was meeting to ratify the Association Agreement. In doing so, this House acknowledged the reform efforts and ambitions of the Moldovan authorities. A lot of progress had been made, and the ratification was a strong sign of recognition. Moldova was the uncontested front runner of the Eastern Partnership, our favourite success story at that time.

Dear colleagues, if we are meeting today in this Chamber to talk about Moldova, it is not to celebrate one year on from, or the first anniversary of, the ratification. To put it quite bluntly, there is nothing to celebrate. In these past 12 months I have met four different prime ministers. The fifth is on the way. The Co-Chair of our Parliamentary Association Committee, a former prime minister, has been arrested on corruption charges; a banking scandal involving all three major banking institutions has made USD 1 billion vanish – this is almost 50% of Moldova’s GDP – and now, more than ever, the country and its people need the political class to offer resolute action and strong vision. Parties are not even able to propose a new executive.

The situation in Moldova is grave – so critical that the immediate temptation is to get angry because the process is no longer delivering. It is just disappointing us. The wonderland has turned into the dark side, but we should and will resist that temptation for the sake of Moldovan citizens. They deserve better; they deserve our engagement, our encouragement, and we will be at their side more than ever before. Moldova’s political class has simply failed its citizens, and we are very worried. The political process has no predictability. The political situation is in a perpetual state of instability, a chronic state of crisis. This means only one thing: the needs of the population are not being addressed, reforms are not being implemented and citizens are paying the bill. Moldova needs political leaders to take responsibility. Moldova needs transparent institutions. Put quite simply: Moldova needs a political class which is able to restore citizens’ trust. A new executive confirming the ambitions of the Association Agreement and effectively implementing the reforms needed could finally deliver, and that means the rule of law, an independent and efficient judiciary, a bold fight against corruption and a thorough investigation into banking fraud, bringing those responsible to justice.

This is the last chance for the outgoing governing coalition. Once again: this is the last chance for the outgoing governing coalition. The deadline has passed, and there is no alternative to continuing on the path of the current reform agenda. We can see it, and Moldovan citizens can feel it. It is time for political leaders to hear it.

 
  
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  Bas Belder, namens de ECR-Fractie. Ik ben recent op werkbezoek geweest in Moldavië. Het is mijn gewoonte dat, als ik als lid van het Europees Parlement in een derde land kom, zeker een land waarmee wij een associatieovereenkomst hebben, ik me eerst begeef naar onze hoogste vertegenwoordiger, de Europese delegatie. Welnu, het moet mij van het hart dat ik zelden een zwartere situatieschets heb gehoord dan in Chisinau.

Toen ik aan onze ambassadeur vroeg of er daar geen alternatief was voor de zittende politieke klasse, was het antwoord een onthutsend "neen". Tegelijkertijd vertelde hij mij - en dat heb ik mij ook gerealiseerd -: dit politieke bankroet, daar is ook de reputatie van de Europese Unie direct mee gemoeid. Zeg mij wie uw politieke vrienden zijn. Dat betekent ook dat er in het publieke domein een drastisch geslonken vertrouwen is in de weg naar Europa. Dat zouden wij ons hier ook moeten realiseren. Met wie zijn we daar gelieerd?

Toch is er nog een lichtpunt. In mijn land, Nederland, zijn er al decennia christelijke stichtingen die zich om de allerzwaksten in het allerarmste land van Europa bemoeien. Gelukkig houden zij de reputatie hoog. Zij worden ook geconfronteerd met het ontbreken van een rechtsstaat. Maar ik hoop dat de Europese instellingen dit soort burgerinitiatieven steunen, want dan hebben wij nog iets in Moldavië waar we trots op kunnen zijn.

 
  
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  Petras Auštrevičius, on behalf of the ALDE Group. Mr President, a year ago, when speaking about Moldova in my capacity as rapporteur, I remember that I named Moldova as a front runner, a strong leader amongst the Eastern Partnership countries. Moldova was the first to enjoy the visa-free regime within the Schengen area and free trade and association agreements with us, which started to work in good time and to an increasing extent. Moldova has been given all the political tools that the European Union can offer to boost its Europeanisation. There is nothing more that the EU could have done for Moldova.

But things started to go wrong – totally wrong – day after day, with the unprecedented banking scandal with no full investigation until now and the clear evidence of corruption throughout all political segments and layers with, I am afraid, no visible efforts made to fight it. The reforms are stuck. Let us be clear about that. That is no surprise, as governments are changing at the same speed as the seasons of the year. In a situation like this, it is probably natural to see people on the streets for several months. It is just a question of when the tension will explode.

Today I am sorry to say that, from being a front runner, Moldova has become a symbol of political chaos. Today I call on the political elite of Moldova to please wake up. It is time. Wake up and start demonstrating your political responsibility to your own country and your own people – people who deserve to live in Europe and to enjoy being Europeans.

 
  
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  Helmut Scholz, im Namen der GUE/NGL-Fraktion. Herr Präsident! Innerhalb von nur sieben Jahren vier Parlamentswahlen, fünf Regierungen, zahlreiche Wechsel bei der Besetzung führender Staatsämter, endlose Diadochenkämpfe der politischen Eliten und immer wieder Korruption, das bringt selbst Moldau wohlgesonnene Analysten in Erklärungsnot. Seit der jüngsten Regierungskrise wird nunmehr das Bild bedient, der ehemalige Musterschüler der Östlichen Partnerschaft sei zu einem Staat im Würgegriff korrupter Oligarchen geworden.

Lassen Sie mich unterstreichen: Das ist das eigentliche Problem, denn in Moldau ist nichts gerade erst passiert, man hat nur lange nicht genau hingeschaut. Was Analysten neuerdings als „systemisches Versagen“ kennzeichnen, war schon immer so: Trotz Wahlen ist das politische System instabil und korrupt, trotz weitgehender Liberalisierung hängt die Wirtschaft noch immer überwiegend von externer Hilfe ab.

Natürlich ist auch einiges mit der Hilfe der EU geschehen. Was aber sind regelmäßige Wahlen wert, wenn die politische und wirtschaftliche Macht nicht nur Hand in Hand gehen, sondern quasi eins sind? Was sind teure Reformberatungen für die Justizverwaltung wert, wenn man unverändert gegen Grundnormen verstößt und zum Beispiel einen Oppositionsführer sowie Aktive friedlicher Proteste gegen die Korruption der regierenden Oligarchen über Monate einfach in Untersuchungshaft sperrt, sie zum Teil offensichtlich gezielt hohen Gesundheitsrisiken aussetzt und in ihren Rechten stark einschränkt?

Die Bevölkerung hinterfragt zusehends sowohl die Ausrichtung der anvisierten Reformen als auch die Integrität der sie treibenden politischen Klasse, einer Klasse, die sich zwar formal und verbal zu den EU-Werten bekennt, aber dann nach den eigenen Regeln der Oligarchen agiert.

Lassen Sie mich unterstreichen: Wir dürfen nicht zulassen, dass die Glaubwürdigkeit der Europäischen Union durch ein Festhalten an einem Bündnis mit den falschen Leuten in Moldau weiter untergaben wird. Die Kommission ist aufgefordert, die umfassende Einhaltung des Assoziierungsabkommens durchzusetzen. Das entspricht den Erwartungen der vielen gesellschaftlichen Akteure im Land.

 
  
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  Heidi Hautala, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. Mr President, a very serious opinion poll has been conducted in Moldova recently. Only 39% of the respondents would vote positively on Moldova’s accession to the European Union, whereas accession to the Eurasian Economic Union is favoured by almost 43% of interviewed citizens. This is, to a large extent, the outcome of a situation where the public have started to be fed up with the European Union.

Why? Because the European Union is used as a cover-up for very dirty practices in daily politics. I think it is extremely important that today, the two European families – the European People’s Party and the Social Democrats – have acknowledged that they have a responsibility and that they need to use their contacts with their Moldovan counterparts in order to explain that what is going on is no longer possible.

We need to make sure that impunity will not prevail in this incredible banking scandal. It is almost impossible to imagine that 15% of the GDP of this very poor country has been put into some wrong and private pockets, and we need to make sure that the culprits and the perpetrators are brought to justice. The justice system has to be able to perform its function.

 
  
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  Janusz Korwin-Mikke (NI). Mr President, you cannot talk about Moldova without talking about Transnistria, the narrow scrap of land occupied by the Russian army under General Lebed. Now, probably, the soldiers in the army are married to Moldovan girls – who are beautiful, by the way – and there is a problem: what to do with that scrap of land?

Moldovans and Transnistrians do not want to be in Moldova, especially now when there is such great corruption, and Moldovans do not want to be in the European Union, because they know (which is obvious) that where there is democracy, there must be corruption. So they have democracy and they have corruption, and we have two societies – Transnistria and Moldova – which do not know what to do.

Unfortunately I do not think we can do anything with that. I think we should leave the matter to its own fate.

 
  
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  Cristian Dan Preda (PPE). Domnule președinte, mai mulți colegi s-au referit la faptul că într-un singur an Moldova s-a transformat din elevul model al Parteneriatului estic într-o țară care nu mai e deloc previzibilă, unde haosul domnește - cum spunea cineva mai devreme.

Cum s-a ajuns aici? Eu cred că există trei factori importanți care au modificat situația.

E vorba în primul rând de Rusia. Influența Rusiei asupra opiniei este mai mare astăzi decât era acum un an. E vorba în al doilea rând despre oligarhi care controlează astăzi partidele în mai mare măsură decât o făceau acum un an. E vorba în al treilea rând despre corupție care a slăbit instituțiile într-o mai mare măsură decât se întâmpla înainte de alegerile din noiembrie.

Avem în față eșecul unei coaliții pro-europene care a fost validată la urne și timp de un an, în loc să găsească resurse pentru a reporni mașinăria, a produs soluții care nu au durat decât o clipă și au întărit criza politică.

Cred că avem o responsabilitate și Elmar Brok chema diversele familii politice la responsabilitate. Aș spune că nu trebuie să le cerem acest lucru comuniștilor. Cred că familia comunistă din Parlament ar trebui să stea deoparte, precum și toți prietenii Rusiei care sunt inclusiv în Parlamentul European, adepți ai unui scenariu catastrofal pentru Moldova. Deci le cer să se abțină, să nu intre în acest joc.

În al doilea rând cred că trebuie să răspundem cererii făcute la Chișinău în acest moment, aceea de a oferi o mediere europeană pentru construcția unei noi coaliții.

Am pornit pe un drum, ne-am asumat o responsabilitate, am oferit inclusiv prin politica revizuită de vecinătate o perspectivă pentru Moldova și pentru alte țări. Cred că trebuie să ne implicăm, moderând, făcând posibilă o cale alternativă la ceea ce vor comuniștii, la ceea ce vor socialiștii lui Dodon, la ceea ce vrea Moscova în Republica Moldova.

 
  
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  Neena Gill (S&D). Mr President, the citizens of Moldova clearly identified what their priority is when they took to the streets last month to bring down the government: it is tackling corruption. It is in our interest to tackle this because it is jeopardising our security. Moldova is an important route for illegal trade in weapons, and not just in AK47s: criminal gangs have also been attempting to sell stolen nuclear goods to IS and other jihadi groups. I understand one attempt was prevented by the FBI, but others could have been successful.

It is of major concern that the Moldovan police department investigating this was reportedly shut down under pressure from the government. That is why we need to make the fight against corruption and reform of the judiciary absolute priorities. Clearly, we cannot turn those who are trying to increase their grip on the state institutions for personal gain into our partners, even if they promise pro-European policies in return. Of course, we need to be mindful of Russia playing its usual game of placing pawns to discourage democratic reforms, but stooping to that level will not make our neighbourhood safer or more prosperous.

It is important that we, the EU, offer Moldova a clear view of what we have to offer in return for reform. But the government there also has to realise that, first and foremost, these reforms are in its own interest, and it must not be seduced into turning its back on the EU in favour of those masquerading as its allies.

 
  
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  Karol Karski (ECR). Panie Przewodniczący! W Mołdawii narasta kryzys polityczny wywołany bezpośrednio dymisją rządu, a od kilku miesięcy trwają wielkie protesty społeczne wyrażające rozczarowanie obywateli władzami publicznymi, zwłaszcza w kontekście gigantycznej korupcji oraz zniknięcia blisko miliarda dolarów z mołdawskiego sektora bankowego. Pragnę w imieniu grupy ECR wyrazić zaniepokojenie utrzymującą się sytuacją w kraju, a w szczególności zwolnieniem tempa reform administracji publicznej w zakresie wymiaru sprawiedliwości i zarządzania finansami publicznymi, o czym informował ostatnio również na posiedzeniu parlamentarnej Komisji Spraw Zagranicznych przewodniczący parlamentu Mołdawii.

Doceniamy jednak zaangażowanie Mołdawii w ramach Partnerstwa Wschodniego i podtrzymujemy nasze poparcie w jej drodze do integracji z Unią. Należy jednak wspomnieć o kolejnym kamieniu milowym Kiszyniowa na tej drodze, czyli podpisaniu umowy stowarzyszeniowej oraz reorientacji eksportu w kierunku innych rynków zbytu, który obecnie przewyższa pierwszy raz w historii eksport do Rosji.

Na koniec chciałbym wyrazić nadzieję, że władze Mołdawii wsłuchają się uważnie w głosy niezadowolenia społecznego i będą kontynuowały walkę z korupcją oraz dbały o ochronę wartości demokratycznych. Życzymy naszym mołdawskim partnerom sukcesu, jakkolwiek my, Polacy, dobrze wiemy, że wytyczone cele nie są łatwe do realizacji w sytuacji szantażu i nacisków polityczno-ekonomicznych ze strony Rosji, która krok po kroku, od Krymu poprzez Donieck po Abchazję, dąży do odbudowy swojego imperium kosztem niezależności i wręcz integralności terytorialnej swoich najbliższych sąsiadów.

 
  
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  Jiří Maštálka (GUE/NGL). Pane předsedající, bouřlivé dějiny, pestrá etnická struktura, faktické uzavření v prostou mezi odlišnými státy – to vše tvořilo v Moldavsku živnou půdu pro mnoho rozporů.

Když se k tomu všemu přidala divoká privatizace a korupce, bylo na problém zaděláno. A stačilo tak málo, aby tato klimaticky i kvalitou půdy země zaslíbená vzkvétala. Stačilo tak málo – jako dnes v Sýrii. Stačila dohoda mezi mocnostmi o společném postupu.

Jenže Evropské unii se nelíbily návrhy prezidenta Voronina na dohodu s Ruskem o Podněstří, Ukrajině a dalším státům se nelíbí připojení Moldavska k Rumunsku, Washington využívá vliv na oslabování pozice Moskvy. Tak se dostavil zákonitý výsledek. A Moldavsko je sto čtrnácté a nejchudší v celé Evropě

Evropská unie se rozhodně nemůže pochlubit tím, že by v Moldavsku hrála roli, která by zklidnila politické napětí, že by omezila kriminalitu, korupci a politické procesy. A jestli se někdo chce podívat do očí moldavských žen, má možnost. Tady sedí manželka Grigorije Petrenka, který je neoprávněně za mřížemi.

 
  
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  Igor Šoltes (Verts/ALE). Eno leto je od podpisa sporazuma med Evropsko unijo in Moldavijo o trgovini, o pridružitvenih poteh, o carinah in ostalih možnostih, ki odpirajo Moldaviji večjo pot k izmenjavi dobrin, blaga, tudi na nek način delovne sile med Evropsko unijo in Moldavijo.

Eno leto je tudi od tega, ko je naša delegacija obiskala volitve v Moldaviji, tudi sam sem bil tam in moram reči, da takrat so seveda zmagale t.i. proevropske sile, ki pa so očitno izgubile zaupanje državljanov. Zdaj velika večina ne podpira več vstopa oziroma poti v Evropsko unijo, in vse to je pravzaprav plod teh, ki so na nek način izdali zaupanje. Že takrat smo govorili o problemih pravosodja, medijske svobode in bančnega sistema, in to se je seveda pokazalo kot usodno, in danes namesto da bi govorili o napredku, govorimo o ljudeh na ulicah in o slabši perspektivi, kot je bila pred enim letom.

 
  
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  Michael Gahler (PPE). Herr Präsident! Ich kann in Bezug auf Moldawien viele Elemente meiner Georgien-Rede leider nach dem Prinzip copy/paste wiederholen.

Moldawien ist uns wichtig als unmittelbarer Nachbar. Die Bürger Moldawiens sind uns wichtig als Europäer, weil sie sich mit der Europäischen Union assoziiert haben, weil sie mit uns zusammenarbeiten. Wir wollen sie in unserem Ordnungssystem sehen, wir wollen sie in unserem Wirtschaftsraum sehen, weil so die Zone der Stabilität in unserer Nachbarschaft wächst.

Unser Engagement für Moldawien ist nicht frei von Bedingungen. Wir erwarten die Einhaltung von Menschen- und Bürgerrechten, wir erwarten Rechtstaatlichkeit, wir erwarten Pluralismus in der Demokratie, wir erwarten saubere Politik. Diese Erwartung haben auch die Bürger in Moldawien.

Die Moldawier haben Modernisierung und Reformen unterstützt. Sie erwarten eine Stabilisierung des Staates und der Wirtschaft. Die Oligarchen kämpfen stattdessen um die Macht. Vor allem wollen die Bürger jetzt eine Aufklärung der Verbrechen: Wo ist die Milliarde, die aus den Banken gestohlen wurde? Ich würde mir wünschen, dass unsere Geheimdienste ihre diesbezüglichen Erkenntnisse den Moldawiern zur Verfügung stellen, damit das Geld identifiziert und zurückgeführt werden kann. Das Land braucht eine tatkräftige Regierung. Das Land braucht einen unabhängigen Generalstaatsanwalt. Das Land braucht wirksame Korruptionsbekämpfung.

Die Europäische Union muss strikte Bedingungen stellen. Ein detaillierter Vertrag könnte helfen. Darin müssen Reformschritte und Zeitplan festgelegt werden. EU- Fachleute müssen diese Marschroute in den Ministerien durchsetzen. Unsere Unterstützung muss davon abhängig gemacht werden.

Die Bürger von Moldawien wollen bessere Lebensumstände. Das Land darf nicht noch mehr Bürger verlieren. Wir wollen Moldawien nicht als EU-Partner verlieren. Wir dürfen deshalb keine Zeit verlieren. Ich akzeptiere für die EVP, dass wir den Einfluss auf die entsprechenden Parteien, die mit uns in Kontakt stehen, ausüben im Sinne dieser Agenda, die wir alle aufgestellt haben.

 
  
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  Doru-Claudian Frunzulică (S&D). Mr President, allow me to speak in the official language of the Republic of Moldova, the Romanian language.

Doamnelor și domnilor, prin istorie, prin tradiții, prin cultură, prin limbă, prin legături umane, prin poziția ei geografică, Republica Moldova face parte din sud-estul european, nu din spațiul euro-asiatic.

Da, sigur, Republica Moldova are acum probleme, dar nu cred că Uniunea Europeană își permite să lase Republica Moldova într-o zonă de incertitudine, într-o zonă de teamă alături de Ucraina. După cum știți, Republica Moldova are un conflict înghețat din 1991. Ucraina îl are mai de curând în partea de est cât și în sud cu Crimeea. Este nevoie să sprijinim acum mai mult ca oricând Republica Moldova ca să aibă un guvern viabil, un guvern care să aplice programele Uniunii Europene în așa fel încât cetățenii Republicii Moldova să beneficieze de acest acord de asociere al Uniunii Europene, să vadă că viitorul lor este alături de Uniunea Europeană, de statele membre ale Uniunii Europene, de lumea europeană.

În același timp trebuie spus foarte clar că sunt interese estice de destabilizare a Republicii Moldova și trebuie să contracarăm acest lucru, trebuie să sprijinim un guvern viabil la Chișinău, trebuie să sprijinim organizațiile societății civile pro-europene de la Chișinău din Republica Moldova.

Republica Moldova trebuie să vină alături de Uniunea Europeană, alături de România și celelalte state. Viitorul ei este european.

 
  
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  Peter Eriksson (Verts/ALE). Herr talman! Moldavien är ett litet, bördigt, vackert land med väldigt stora möjligheter, men också med mycket stora problem.

Jag tycker att vi måste också erkänna att vi inom EU har misslyckats med att tackla den utbredda korruptionen i Moldavien och att det kan komma att stå oss väldigt dyrt. Det ligger i EU:s intresse att se till att den senaste bankskandalen utreds i grunden och att de skyldiga ställs till svars. I ett land som har ingått ett associationsavtal med EU försvinner bara spårlöst tolv procent av bruttonationalprodukten. Det är helt oacceptabelt. Det undergräver apatin, demokratin och tilltron hos medborgarna till att överhuvudtaget ha ett fungerande samhälle.

Vad vi kan göra är att ännu tydligare erbjuda rättslig hjälp och ekonomisk hjälp för att se till att de skyldiga ställs till svars och att bidra till ett fungerande bankväsende för framtiden.

 
  
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  Andrej Plenković (PPE). Gospodine predsjedniče, premda je moldavski narod izrazio svoju ambiciju da se više približi EU-u, zbog niza korupcijskih skandala u posljednje vrijeme i izostanka reformi izgubljen je korak s europskim putem. Mi smo sa svoje strane Moldovu podržali u značajnom reformskom ali i u financijskom pogledu, no situacija je danas neprihvatljiva jer su političke elite dovele zemlju na rub sloma, a pod europskom zastavom političari i dalje primjenjuju jednak stil postsovjetske politike.

Kao rezultat de facto privatizacije države od strane oligarha, Moldova je najsiromašnija država Europe te postoji snažna potreba deoligarhizacije politike i vladinih institucija. Smatram da su prioriteti programa pridruživanja Moldove s EU-om, borba protiv korupcije, reforma pravosuđa, ekonomska tranzicija upravo pravi prioriteti koje bi podržala i većina moldovskoga naroda.

U tom pogledu smatram da mi u Europskom parlamentu moramo pozvati proeuropske političke elite, danas posebno pozdravljam napor našega predsjednika odbora g. Broka, kolegu Auštrivičiusa i Cristee, da se sve reformske snage organiziraju, promijeni atrmosfera i da se krene onim putem koji je zacrtao Sporazum o pridruživanju.

Možda bi mogli oformiti sličnu grupu za podršku Moldovi, kao što trenutačno imamo za Ukrajinu. Smatram da je produljenje mandata misije EU-a za graničnu podršku Moldovi i Ukrajini, EUBAM, vrlo konkretan i dobar potez za Moldovu. U tom pogledu situacija u Transnistriji važna je za ukupnu stabilnost zemlje i njezin europski put, a učinit ćemo sve da je vratimo na pravu europsku traku.

 
  
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  Siegfried Mureşan (PPE). Domnule președinte, domnule comisar, stimați colegi, de fiecare dată când mă aflu în Republica Moldova oamenii îmi pun mereu aceeași întrebare: mai are Republica Moldova o șansă?

Cred că este datoria noastră, ca reprezentanți ai instituțiilor europene, să oferim Republicii Moldova o perspectivă europeană, iar cetățenilor Republicii Moldova o speranță, să le arătăm că Republica Moldova mai are o șansă. Dacă nu vom oferi noi o perspectivă, atunci o va oferi Vladimir Putin și nu va fi bine. Nu va fi bine nici pentru Republica Moldova, dar nici pentru Uniunea Europeană.

Realitatea este că Republica Moldova beneficiază foarte mult de pe urma asocierii și a apropierii de Uniunea Europeană. Republica Moldova este statul din afara Uniunii Europene care primește cele mai multe fonduri europene pe cap de locuitor. Datoria noastră este să explicăm cetățenilor Republicii Moldova beneficiile apropierii de Uniunea Europeană și să nu-i lăsăm pradă propagandei dinspre est care spune că nu există beneficii concrete pentru oameni de pe urma apropierii de Europa.

Trebuie să spunem foarte clar că în anul 2014, când Federația Rusă a impus embargo asupra produselor moldovenești, Uniunea Europeană a reacționat prin ridicarea cotelor la importul de fructe și eliminarea completă a cotelor la importul de vinuri. Aceasta a asigurat existența întreprinzătorilor agricoli, a fermierilor.

Trebuie spus foarte clar cetățenilor Republicii Moldova cine le e prieten, cine le e dușman. Trebuie să spunem foarte clar că Uniunea Europeană vrea o Republică Moldova puternică, independentă, pe propriile ei picioare.

 
  
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  Agnieszka Kozłowska-Rajewicz (PPE). Panie Przewodniczący! Zaledwie rok temu Mołdawia podpisała umowę stowarzyszeniową z Unią, jako pierwsza z krajów Partnerstwa Wschodniego uzyskała prawo ruchu bezwizowego i dostęp, szeroki dostęp, do rynku europejskiego, i wydawało się, że prozachodni kurs Mołdawii jest niezagrożony. W ostatnich miesiącach i tygodniach patrzyliśmy, jak Mołdawia przeżywa polityczne trzęsienie ziemi, demonstracje w Kiszyniowie protestujące przeciwko kradzieży stulecia, ale także przeciwko korupcji elit politycznych, swoistej prywatyzacji państwa przez oligarchów doprowadziły do upadku proeuropejskiego rządu, który 29 października, więc całkiem niedawno, był zmuszony zrezygnować, podać się do dymisji.

Spadło zaufanie do Unii Europejskiej, do tego jeszcze Fundusz Walutowy wstrzymał finansowanie planowanych wcześniej pożyczek, a więc Mołdawia pogrąża się w głębokim kryzysie politycznym i ekonomicznym, i to czyni ją bardzo podatną na zewnętrzne wpływy między innymi ze strony Rosji, która widziałaby ją w swojej Unii euroazjatyckiej.

Jestem przekonana, że Mołdawia zasługuje na więcej, że jest w stanie przygotować potrzebne zmiany, przede wszystkim zmiany w systemie sądownictwa, bo sprawny system sądownictwa, przekonanie obywateli, że jest możliwa sprawiedliwość, jest podstawą obywatelskiej aktywności i funkcjonowania wszystkich praktycznie instytucji. I w tym kontekście rodzi się pytanie: jakie jest nasze zadanie, co my możemy zrobić jako Unia Europejska, aby ta misja się udała? Co konkretnie, w jaki konkretnie sposób możemy Mołdawii pomóc? Czy możemy pomóc też zwalczać rosyjską propagandę, dostarczać odpowiednich informacji i czy możemy zrobić wszystko, żeby nie wpychać Mołdawii w ramiona wielkiego brata?

 
  
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  Michał Boni (PPE). Mr President, Moldova was a good example of a success story, with economic growth, well—implemented visa liberalisation and an accession agreement, but Moldovan leaders have made lots of mistakes. The reasons are deep and have roots in the past, meaning there is a lack of transparency and responsibility among the political elites. They have lost credibility, they have lost money from the banking system, they have lost the trust of citizens just one year after the parliamentary elections, and they have lost the unity needed for pro-European development. Divided, the political elites have no power to lead the country. Now they have decided to announce a new election without fully recognising what the results might be.

We are on the Moldovan side, but we need, day by day, arguments to promote its integration with the EU. It is our duty to support them on the path to reforms: anti—corruption measures; the reform of state-owned and controlled companies; and the signing of an agreement with the IMF to continue the implementation of EU assistance and balance the budget. It is our duty – as Elmar Brok said – to support Moldova in finding the proper way for themselves. We can settle emotions, but time is running out and Moldovan citizens are waiting for a new leadership – a leadership of trust.

 
  
 

Pytania z sali

 
  
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  Stanislav Polčák (PPE). Pane předsedající, já bych chtěl skutečně vyzdvihnout, v jakém chaosu nebo politické nestabilitě se nyní Moldavsko ocitá a jak nezbytná je naše konkrétní podpora. Samozřejmě po parlamentních volbách, které se udály v minulém roce, a po pádu vlastně dvou vlád. Po vyslovení tolika podezření z korupce a ohrožení vlastně bankovního sektoru je nezbytné občanům Moldavska nabídnout alternativu. Jinak se skutečně jejich zrak obrátí jinam a myslím, že všichni v tomto sále víme, kam se případně může obrátit.

Musíme podporovat moldavské zemědělce a udělali jsme to ostatně už v několika přijatých aktech a to, co dneska potřebuje asi Moldavsko nejvíce, je naše pevné odhodlání stát při Moldavsku i v tomto těžkém čase. Já pevně věřím, že všichni zde v tomto sále stojíme při tomto demokratickém procesu v Moldavsku.

 
  
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  Νότης Μαριάς ( ECR). Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η κατάσταση στη Μολδαβία είναι έκρυθμη. Την ώρα που έχουν δημιουργηθεί τεράστια οικονομικά προβλήματα στην χώρα, την ώρα που η διαφθορά ρίχνει βαριά τη σκιά της πάνω στο πολιτικό σύστημα, την ώρα που πάνω από ένα δισεκατομμύριο ευρώ, κυριολεκτικά, εξαφανίστηκαν ως δια μαγείας από το τραπεζικό σύστημα και μεταφέρθηκαν στο εξωτερικό, την ώρα που μαίνεται η πολιτική κρίση μετά την ανατροπή της κυβέρνησης, υπάρχει πλέον σοβαρός κίνδυνος η Μολδαβία να κυλήσει σε βίαιες εσωτερικές συγκρούσεις των δύο μεγάλων πολιτικών μπλοκ που κυριαρχούν στη χώρα. Από τη μια πλευρά εκείνων που επιθυμούν μια στενότερη σχέση με την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση μέσω της ανατολικής εταιρικής σχέσης και από την άλλη πλευρά όσων επιθυμούν να βλέπουν το μέλλον τους κοιτώντας ανατολικά.

Η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση οφείλει να συμβάλει στην εμπέδωση της δημοκρατίας, το χτύπημα της διαφθοράς και του λαθρεμπορίου, χωρίς όμως να επεμβαίνει στην εσωτερική πολιτική κατάσταση και στις κομματικές αντιπαλότητες στη Μολδαβία. Μόνο έτσι μπορεί η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, πράγματι, να συμβάλλει στην πολιτική ηρεμίας στην περιοχή.

 
  
 

Koniec pytań z sali

 
  
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  Christos Stylianides, Member of the Commission, on behalf of the Vice—President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. Mr President, dear colleagues, I would like to thank you for your interest, your support and your determination on this very difficult and controversial issue in our neighbourhood, with a lot of repercussions in many aspects.

Our discussion today has confirmed that we share the same concerns and that we agree on the need to continue support to Moldova on its path towards political association and economic integration with the European Union, as well as in its efforts to build a democratic society and to overcome the interest of individuals for the sake of the country.

Moldovan society expects its leaders to put an end to state capture; to fight corruption, carry out real reforms and recover the funds stolen from the banks. We remain ready to support Moldova in all of this, but it is only Moldovan political leaders who can make it happen. Together with the implementation of the Association Agreement, this is key to enhancing the resilience and sustainability of the country.

Thank you for this very rich discussion and for your determination.

 
  
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  Przewodniczący. – Zamykam debatę.

Oświadczenia pisemne (art. 162)

 
  
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  Ангел Джамбазки (ECR), в писмена форма. Уважаема г-жо Комисар, уважаеми колеги, с подписването на споразумението за асоцииране и стабилизиране, Молдова тръгна по пътя към по-задълбочена евроинтеграция. Но този процес е сериозно застрашен, защото липсва политическа воля да се приемат нужните реформи в съдебната система, банковия сектор и борбата с корупцията. Молдова е в изключително тежка политическа ситуация - 3 правителства в рамките на една година! Застоят в реформите и евроинтеграцията кара населението да губи вяра в институциите, а държавата се фрагментира. Това е сериозен проблем, защото в Молдова има много етнически общности – наред с молдовците, румънците и руснаците има и много големи български и гагаузки общности. Само със защитата на демократичните, социалните, политическите и икономическите права на всички малцинства, Молдова ще може да осигури териториалната си цялост и държавата ще може да продължи напред към по дълбока евроинтеграция. Молдова е европейска държава и ние всички сме свързани с нея, исторически и културно, и се надявам някой ден да я приемем в за пълноправен член на Европейския съюз.

 
  
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  Илхан Кючюк (ALDE), в писмена форма. Уважаеми колеги, подобно на Грузия и Украйна, преди година Молдова подписа споразумение за асоцииране с ЕС и се наслаждаваше на своята задълбочена европейска интеграция. Европейското семейство е бъдещето на Молдова и нейните хора въпреки тежкото историческо минало на страната. За съжаление, през последните месеци станахме свидетели на множество нарушения и отклонения от европейските ценности в страната. Ширещата се корупция по високите етажи на властта и липсата на върховенство на закона поставят под въпрос европейския път на страната. Исканията на гражданското общество за деполитизиране на съдебната система и борбата срещу корупцията не биват чувани, а това облагодетелства проруските партии в страната. Ето защо смятам, че ЕС трябва да подкрепи нова форма на правителство, което да работи за изпълнение на исканията на гражданското общество и да възстанови проевропейския курс на Молдова. Трябва да помогнем за гарантирането на свободен изборен процес, който ще протече в съответствие с най-високите европейски стандарти, за да можем да дадем на страната реалистична европейска перспектива.

 
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