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Mercoledì 3 febbraio 2016 - Strasburgo Edizione rivista

15. Situazione in Libia (discussione)
Video degli interventi
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  Președintele. – Următorul punct de pe ordinea de zi este dezbaterea privind Declarația Vicepreședintelui Comisiei/Înaltului Reprezentant al Uniunii pentru afaceri externe și politica de securitate referitoare la situația din Libia (2016/2537(RSP)).

 
  
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  Bert Koenders, President-in-Office of the Council, on behalf of the Vice—President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. Mr President, honourable Members of the European Parliament, I welcome the opportunity to join you today to discuss an important topic on behalf of the High Representative Federica Mogherini: the situation in Libya, the advances made so far and the challenges that are still lying ahead.

We have seen considerable progress since the last debate in this Chamber. The Libyan political agreement was signed in Skhirat on 17 December, a Presidency Council has been formed and is meeting and working, and the Government of National Accord has been announced and the Temporary Security Council has been appointed. As soon as she could, on Friday 8 January, the High Representative travelled to Tunis to meet the Presidency Council to express the EU’s political support for their action and to discuss with all its members, all together, about the immediate and longer-term assistance the European Union can provide to the new Libyan authorities. She reminded them that the European Union’s EUR 100 million aid package for Libya has been ready for a while and that all it takes for its full implementation is for the Government of National Accord to start working in the country.

On the ground, promising new truces were signed recently between the municipalities: between Misrata and the neighbouring Tawergha, finally putting an end to an enmity dating back to the 2011 revolution; and between Zawiya and Zintan west of Tripoli, in Sorman, again just west of Tripoli and in the south, although it remains shaky between the Tebus and the Touareg, who have been fighting for months in Obari.

The House of Representatives voted on 25 January to approve the Libyan political agreement, albeit conditionally. The recognition of the UN-brokered process is the sole genuine political process in Libya. At the same time the House of Representatives did not approve the ministerial appointments in the proposed GNA.

Further discussions are required, but eventually we hope and expect that Libyan decision-makers will realise that there is no alternative to a Unity Government representing all the regions and all the social and political groups and that only such a government will give real hope to the Libyan people that their country can finally tackle, hopefully once and for all, the spread of terrorism, an economy on the brink and threats to Libya’s integrity and development.

When the Unity Government is endorsed by parliament, the priority will be the security of the population and the fight against Daesh. Tripoli’s security must be essentially enforced by the Libyans themselves. Libyans will provide the core of the new security apparatus and the international community can provide further training and assistance should the new government request it.

The European Union is also actively engaged in this security effort. Our liaison and planning cell in Tunis has been active and will continue to support the United Nations and the new Libyan authorities in drafting plans. Member States have agreed to bolster the cell and also to reinforce civilian planning capacity through a reactivated and expanded EU-BAM mission. It should become operational in the next few weeks and provide capacity on a broad spectrum of police support including counter-terrorism, customs, border security and migration.

Mr President, honourable Members, the democratic transition in Libya is a difficult and complicated process, but a UN-brokered Libyan political agreement has made important progress and deserves our continued support. The alternative is simply chaos – a country on the brink of economic catastrophe – and all this can still be avoided. It is our duty as Libya’s neighbours to continue supporting the United Nations process and the GNA, and we are fully committed to continuing doing exactly that.

 
  
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  Mariya Gabriel, au nom du groupe PPE. Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Ministre, oui, la priorité en Libye est aujourd’hui la formation d’un gouvernement d'union nationale.

Nous ne pouvons que soutenir aussi les efforts sans pareils de Martin Kobler.

L'installation du gouvernement à Tripoli est aussi un élément clé pour mettre fin au vide politique et à la division symbolique et géographique du pays, qui laisse le terrorisme se répandre.

Dans l'immédiat, la situation en Libye est à un tournant majeur et il convient de rappeler la responsabilité des parties libyennes, non seulement vis-à-vis des Libyens mais aussi au regard des autres pays de la région du Sahel, y compris du Burkina Faso et du Mali.

Nous savons depuis longtemps que la situation en Libye est un enjeu sécuritaire régional et international. La responsabilité et la conscience des parties libyennes sont aujourd'hui les éléments décisifs.

À court et moyen terme, l'Union européenne et la communauté internationale devront se tenir prêtes sur différents fronts, dès que le gouvernement sera remis en place, afin de redéployer la mission d'assistance à la gestion des frontières et de déployer rapidement une nouvelle mission civile.

En dehors de ces priorités, nous devons travailler à mobiliser d’ores et déjà la communauté internationale pour la reconstruction économique, car la paix sur le plan politique sera vaine si l'économie du pays s'effondre et le gouvernement sera impuissant.

Troisième élément: la coordination et la complémentarité du soutien de la communauté internationale doivent être organisées. Les Nations unies, l'Union européenne, l’Union africaine, la Ligue des États arabes ont toutes un rôle à jouer sur les plans économique, sécuritaire, de la réconciliation et de la prévention de la radicalisation, par exemple. Ce n'est qu'ensemble que nous pourrons éviter que la situation en Libye n’ait des conséquences toujours plus graves pour nous tous.

 
  
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  Victor Boştinaru, on behalf of the S&D Group. Mr President, the latest information we have received from Libya is of a country on the brink, as was mentioned before, who knows how many times in this House. The humanitarian situation is disastrous and needs immediate relief. Daesh has managed to put down roots. It used to have only a few hundred fighters on the ground, now there seem to be thousands. It is easy to understand what it means in terms of eradicating them.

A political solution with a government of national accord is essential – imperative – and we call on the House of Representatives to show a spirit of compromise and to endorse the new list of ministers once it is proposed, hopefully in the coming hours. But this will only be a small step in the right direction, because the challenges ahead are many and all of them are urgent.

Let me not miss another important point: until now, sanctions against certain people were threatened but never put in place. It is now time to be more concrete and effective and to apply sanctions against those people who undermine the political solution for Libya. The new government will have to tackle the disastrous humanitarian and security situation in the country, which is already in the wind. To do so, it needs the help of the EU and the international community.

As the President of Nigeria, Mr Buhari, mentioned this morning, the situation in Libya is not only a local problem, it is becoming a major regional one, with huge consequences for a region which is already confronted with too many crises. Today Libya desperately needs a united army to eradicate Daesh, but this will not be enough if it is not complemented with all the necessary means from the international community.

 
  
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  Charles Tannock, on behalf of the ECR Group. Mr President, as the UN—brokered talks continue, we must remain optimistic that the agreement reached in December of last year can be fully implemented and that a stable and durable Libyan Government of National Accord can now be formed. Such discussions take time, however, and we cannot ignore the growing presence of ISIS in the region.

As the coalition against ISIS meets in Rome to discuss progress, militarily speaking, in Iraq and Syria, I am pleased to see that Libya is also now on the agenda. All options must remain open. I welcome the news that the United States is considering military offensives against ISIS in Libya, as well as Syria and Iraq, in the event of a UN agreement breaking down. Whilst reports suggest that the French Government has ruled out any further military action, I would hope that other EU Member States, not least my own, the United Kingdom, would also consider supporting such action, as we were active in Libya when the Gaddafi regime fell. Entrenched ISIS strongholds on the coast of Libya after their defeat in Syria or Iraq would constitute a complete failure of the Neighbourhood Policy and pose a grave security risk to EU Member States, particularly in the context of the migration crisis.

 
  
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  Pavel Telička, on behalf of the ALDE Group. Mr President, I would like to thank the Minister for the brief and show my appreciation for the efforts from colleagues from the other political groups on the draft resolution that we have managed to agree on. It is a very good text. It is balanced, and what is important is that there was strong support behind it. I hope that this will also show tomorrow during the vote.

It has already been said today that President Buhari has reminded us of the situation not just in the south of Libya, and not just in Libya, but in the whole Sahel region, which is in crisis. It also has to be said that there is now one of the highest concentrations of arms that has ever been seen in the region. It is also a matter of fact that human trafficking has been present for years and is further intensifying. The situation of the people, as well as of minorities and migrants, is just devastating. It is tragic.

So it is high time that we were able to arrive at an agreement, but of course we need that agreement to be supported. What can we do apart from assisting Libya in this respect? I think that it is a condition sine qua non that we will be communicating only with those entities that are party to the agreement. This is absolutely necessary.

We know that sometimes some of our Member States and some of our politicians find informal channels. This is not an issue on which we should play with fire. Daesh is present. A part of the coastline is basically in the hands of Daesh, or groups loyal to it. The territory is not that far from Europe, so basically we have all the prerequisites for a widespread conflict in which ISIS will be gaining ground. We should therefore avoid making the mistakes of the past and make the best of the opportunity today. It will not be easy, but it needs to be supported. For me, the last resort – if political efforts fail – would eventually be an intervention. I understand that the coalition against ISIS has not reached that yet in Rome, but this is the option of last resort.

 
  
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  Javier Couso Permuy, en nombre del Grupo GUE/NGL. Señor Presidente, estamos viendo que hay dificultades para aplicar el acuerdo político en Libia auspiciado por las Naciones Unidas. Es algo que está alentando la intención de abandonar esa vía ―lenta pero segura― y que están lanzando, otra vez, para que vayamos por los vientos de guerra.

Hemos escuchado a mandos de Estados Unidos y al Secretario General de la OTAN abogar por una nueva intervención militar. Hay que acordarse de lo que pasó con la anterior intervención de la OTAN: destrucción total del Estado libio; miles de víctimas inocentes; desestabilización permanente de la región y la expansión del terrorismo.

Rechazamos cualquier intervención militar. Rechazamos el intento de la OTAN de sustituir a las Naciones Unidas. Exigimos el cese de toda la exportación de armas y el cese de la financiación de las milicias ―es decir, comprar su petróleo― y la investigación de la violación de la Resolución 1970 del Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas.

 
  
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  Barbara Lochbihler, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. Herr Präsident! Die derzeit vordringlichste Aufgabe der EU ist es, die UN im Einsatz für eine Einheitsregierung in Libyen zu unterstützen. Die rivalisierenden Fraktionen müssen beweisen, dass sie Führungskraft besitzen und sich auf eine solche Regierung einlassen. Dazu gibt es keine Alternative. Es steht zwar außer Frage, dass in den Verhandlungen einige Bevölkerungsgruppen und Milizen nicht berücksichtigt wurden. Doch seien wir realistisch: Ohne ein gemeinsames Vorgehen der Regierungen von Tripolis und Tobruk wird es keine Grundlage für einen Friedensprozess geben.

Wir beobachten, dass sich in den chaotischen libyschen Verhältnissen der sogenannte Islamische Staat immer weiter ausbreiten konnte. Deshalb müssen sich alle Anstrengungen darauf konzentrieren, ihn zu bekämpfen. Wer aber denkt, dies derzeit durch eine militärische Intervention zu erreichen, der irrt. Angesichts der chaotischen Verhältnisse wären solche Aktionen nicht nur zum Scheitern verurteilt; sie wären zugleich Wasser auf die Mühlen jener Gruppen, die jedes internationale Agieren als Angriff auf die Souveränität des Landes propagandistisch zu nutzen wissen.

Mehr als fragwürdig ist in diesem Zusammenhang auch die geplante dritte Phase des EUNAVFOR MED-Einsatzes, also eines bewaffneten Einsatzes gegen Schlepper auf libyschem Territorium. Ein solches Vorgehen würde die Konflikte noch weiter anheizen.

Mit Blick auf die Menschenrechte stellen wir eine ständige Verschlechterung fest. Personen werden willkürlich verschleppt, gefoltert, die Gewalt gegen Journalisten und Menschenrechtsaktivisten nimmt zu, Flüchtlinge und Migranten leben unter entsetzlichen Verhältnissen. Das dürfen wir nicht hinnehmen!

Will die internationale Gemeinschaft kein zweites Syrien schaffen, muss sie die künftige Regierung mit humanitärer Hilfe unterstützen und zivilgesellschaftliche Organisationen stärken. Und wir müssen darauf hinwirken, dass die Verantwortlichen für schwere Menschenrechtsverletzungen vor der internationalen Strafjustiz zur Rechenschaft gezogen werden.

 
  
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  Fabio Massimo Castaldo, a nome del gruppo EFDD. Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la politica ai giorni nostri è affetta da un male terribile: la sindrome del fare. Fare qualsiasi cosa pur di non dare l'impressione di essere immobili e quindi superati dai concorrenti o per lo meno travolti dagli eventi. Uno dei malati cronici di questo male è proprio l'attuale premier del mio paese Matteo Renzi. Ma adottare scelte con conseguenze gravissime, come dare il via ad esempio a un intervento militare senza avere chiaro l'obiettivo politico da perseguire, è imperdonabile per un uomo di Stato.

Peggio ancora è lo sbandierare un motivo per inseguirne un altro, quello è proprio un crimine. Un crimine che ad esempio è avvenuto nel 2011, e tutto ciò che è venuto dopo è stato diretta responsabilità di chi è intervenuto all'epoca in modo sconsiderato. A detta del funzionario Blumenthal del governo degli Stati Uniti, quell'intervento fu spinto da Sarkozy per perseguire biechi interessi economici e commerciali: mettere le mani su più concessioni petrolifere, sottraendole all'italiana ENI, aumentare l'influenza francese in Africa, riaffermare il prestigio militare e anche interno – in questo caso di Sarkozy –, ma soprattutto prevenire il possibile piano di Gheddafi per soppiantare il franco francese africano, il CFA, con una nuova valuta panafricana garantita dalle riserve libiche. C'erano tanti sospetti e adesso c'è la parola del corpo diplomatico degli Stati Uniti.

Quando sento i pruriti interventisti di Francia, Gran Bretagna, Italia e Stati Uniti in Libia, penso che certe lezioni non sono state comprese. Penso a quei leader che si preoccupano troppo delle risposte mediatiche da dare agli attentati di Parigi, di mostrare i muscoli. Penso che l'unica vera paura che li affligge, e che Daesh ha ben compreso, è semplicemente di difendere le infrastrutture petrolifere, non certo i diritti dei libici o la sicurezza degli europei. Tuttalpiù sono finalizzate a non perdere le elezioni.

L'obiettivo prioritario è stabilizzare la Libia e riprendere la transizione. Se noi andiamo a bombardare e dispiegare i nostri eserciti finiremo solo a far coalizzare le milizie islamiche intorno al catalizzatore di Daesh. La presa di Sirte non è nient'altro che quello che è accaduto anche a Tikrit dopo la caduta di Saddam Hussein: esclusione di una comunità per rappresaglia, logica di vendetta al posto della riconciliazione. Ed ecco che Daesh cresce con gli ex elementi di Gheddafi e gli elementi tribali, non per scelte ideologiche ma per errori politici. Se si interviene senza un accordo politico chiaro, le fazioni e le milizie che si avvicineranno alle nostre forze diverranno poi dipinte come collaborazionisti degli invasori, subiranno discredito, e quindi si andrà a minare ulteriormente il processo di riconciliazione. Invece, si dovrebbe pretendere che le potenze regionali, di fronte al caos crescente, stiano finalmente lontano dall'interferire e la smettano di essere sedotte dalla logica degli uomini forti come Aftar che non hanno fatto che complicare i negoziati. Se le fazioni non vogliono trattare, che si allarghino i colloqui alle realtà locali, alle municipalità, ai leader tribali direttamente. Non permettiamo di nuovo che la catastrofe di una guerra dissennata dell'emergenza si abbatta contro di noi perché sia facile. È tempo di pretendere ciò che è giusto.

 
  
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  Mario Borghezio, a nome del gruppo ENF. Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, dal parlamento di Tobruk ho ricevuto oggi una lettera, firmata da decine di parlamentari, con l'incarico di trasmetterla all'Alto rappresentante, cosa che ho fatto. In essa il Parlamento di Tobruk ci informa di non essere in grado, a causa dell'embargo, di difendersi dall'Isis e di volere un governo che non sia strumento di forze esterne interessate solo a controllare le risorse libiche. Perché finora l'Unione europea non ha fatto nulla in Libia per aiutare veramente i libici a combattere l'Isis e lo si è lasciato espandere fino alle porte dell'Europa? Dati i risultati dell'intervento franco-americano, non pensa l'Alto rappresentante che un ulteriore intervento non coordinato, che i libici non accetteranno e che combatteranno, possa portare alla completa perdita di controllo delle frontiere e incrementare un'ulteriore invasione dell'Europa?

Il governo libico ha ereditato l'embargo cui era soggetto il regime di Gheddafi. Ma l'Unione europea si è accorta che Gheddafi non c'è più e che quindi la situazione è cambiata? Noi chiediamo che l'Unione europea e gli Stati membri sottoscrivano accordi di riammissione con il nuovo governo, come quello che l'Italia aveva già con la Libia. Ricordiamoci che, secondo l'ONU, ci sono in Libia 400 000 migranti pronti a partire verso l'Europa, fra i quali, lo ha denunciato il Ministro della difesa francese, possono inserirsi facilmente moltissimi terroristi o uomini legati comunque all'Isis e a Daesh. Io credo che questo appello che ci viene dai deputati del parlamento di Tobruk debba essere preso in seria considerazione da questo Parlamento e naturalmente dall'Alto rappresentante che fino adesso è stato sordo a questi appelli.

 
  
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  Diane Dodds (NI). Mr President, in my constituency, Northern Ireland, and indeed for all victims of Gaddafi-sponsored IRA terrorism, the fight for justice and compensation goes on. The Northern Ireland Affairs Select Committee at Westminster has rightly criticised our former Prime Minister, Tony Blair, for his unwillingness to give straight answers to straight questions regarding what discussions he had about compensation for IRA victims when Colonel Gaddafi was in power. His approach ignores the valid concerns of innocent victims of terrorism.

I am under no illusions; we must see a relative and sustainable peace in Libya in order to further our goal of negotiating a fair financial settlement for these innocent victims. In Libya we want a peace that is democratic, upholds fundamental freedoms, and that provides space for religious minorities who, at present, live under an escalating threat of persecution.

We in this House must play our part in bringing that about. But we must then stand with the victims of IRA terrorism in pressing their right to compensation.

 
  
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  Elmar Brok (PPE). Herr Präsident, Herr Ratspräsident, Herr Hoher Beauftragter Gonzato, meine Damen und Herren! Wir sollten eines sehen: Die Lösung der Fragen und die Herstellung friedlicher und stabiler Verhältnisse in Libyen ist eine Frage der Humanität für ein Land, aber sie ist von entscheidender Bedeutung für unsere eigene Stabilität. Aus diesem Grunde müssen wir unmittelbar diesen Prozess, den Herr Kobler vernünftig angestoßen und vorangebracht hat, fortsetzen – von Seiten der Hohen Beauftragten, von Seiten der Mitgliedstaaten – um eine Möglichkeit zu erreichen, dass auch unsere EU-Mission SOPHIA in Gang gesetzt werden kann, um die Territorialgewässer einzubeziehen und auf diese Art und Weise Schmuggler und Menschenhändler zu bekämpfen und auch die Flüchtlingszahlen ein Stück weit in den Griff zu bekommen. Da erwartet uns möglicherweise Schlimmes in Italien und in dieser Richtung, wenn bis zum Frühjahr hier keine Fortschritte gegeben sind.

Zweitens müssen wir Stabilität im Land erreichen. Deswegen ist es dringend notwendig, dieses Land durch ökonomische Hilfe und Sicherheitshilfen so zu stabilisieren, dass es seine internen Verpflichtungen wahrnehmen kann. Denn wir müssen auch hier sehen, dass die Mitgliedstaaten viel reden, aber bisher noch kaum einer beispielsweise in den Afrika-Fonds eingezahlt hat. Hier sollen die Mitgliedstaaten ihren beschlossenen finanziellen Verpflichtungen gerecht werden, damit die entsprechenden Spielräume zur Entwicklung einer besseren Situation in diesem Land und in anderen Ländern erfolgen und so verhindert wird, dass sich die ISIS dort weiter festsetzt und durchsetzt. Hier muss man auch militärische Unterstützung geben, denn wenn die in die Ölfelder hineinkommen, auch in die Ölfelder Algeriens – was offensichtlich ihr Ziel ist –, werden wir noch schlimmere Situationen haben, als wir sie gegenwärtig haben oder als wir sie in Syrien und Irak haben. Deswegen hat das solche Priorität.

 
  
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  Pier Antonio Panzeri (S&D). Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, le indicazioni presenti nella proposta di risoluzione sono abbastanza chiare. L'accordo politico libico rappresenta un'occasione unica per far fronte all'attuale situazione insostenibile e mettere le basi per la costruzione di uno Stato civile e democratico. L'accordo raggiunto in Marocco mira infatti a garantire al popolo libico un governo basato sul principio della separazione dei poteri e a rafforzare le istituzioni statali, in particolare il governo di accordo nazionale, in modo da affrontare tutte le sfide a cui deve far fronte la Libia.

Il nostro compito oggi è quello di mettere in campo tutta l'azione politica e diplomatica necessaria perché non solo venga approvato l'accordo, ma lo si implementi e si creino le basi per una maggiore inclusività di tutti i soggetti nel quadro del necessario processo di riconciliazione nazionale. In questo quadro sottolineo tre elementi, oltre a quelli già presenti nella risoluzione, sui quali sarebbe opportuno che il Consiglio e la Commissione lavorassero. Il primo è l'importante ruolo dei paesi vicini, un ruolo che in realtà già stanno giocando, di aiuto al processo di stabilizzazione, e noi dobbiamo investire su questo ruolo. In secondo luogo, è importante un ulteriore ruolo quello che bisognerà conferire alle municipalità. Proprio per come è conformata la realtà libica, a partire dalla realtà tribale, le istituzioni locali possono svolgere una funzione vitale nel processo di stabilizzazione democratica. Infine, vi è un ulteriore messaggio che credo sia utile dare qui al Parlamento: si evitino gli errori del passato. C'è da augurarsi da parte della comunità internazionale e della classe dirigente che questa volta vengano usate maggiore consapevolezza, lungimiranza e saggezza. Si usi la testa e non solo la pancia.

 
  
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  Mark Demesmaeker (ECR). De debatten over Libië herhalen zich een beetje in dit halfrond. Elke keer zeggen we: de tijd raakt op voor Libië. Ondertussen zien we anarchie, poreuze grenzen, mensensmokkelaars, lange rijen wanhopige vluchtelingen: een wingebied voor IS. En terwijl de Islamitische Staat stilaan terrein verliest in Irak en Syrië, wint ze er terrein bij in Libië. Langs de zuidkust van de Middellandse Zee, op amper 300 kilometer van de Europese Unie, bouwt IS een bruggenhoofd, een regelrechte bedreiging voor de stabiliteit en de veiligheid in Europa. Uit de drommen mensen uit Soedan, Nigeria en Tsjaad rekruteert IS zijn leger van de armen. De tijd raakt inderdaad op. De tijd is op. Zonder een veilig en stabiel Libië is er geen veiligheid voor de regio en voor de EU. Een legitieme, inclusieve Libische regering is een eerste voorwaarde. En dan kan een internationale vredesmissie helpen om het land te stabiliseren - hopelijk met de steun van de Arabische Liga en de Afrikaanse Unie - en plannen we deze keer ook een stap vooruit. De heropbouw moet een integraal deel uitmaken van zo'n interventie.

 
  
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  Barbara Spinelli (GUE/NGL). Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, sono meno ottimista di lei signor Koenders. Temo l'ennesima guerra in Libia perché conosciamo ormai i disastri delle guerre antiterrore. Non dimentichiamo che i rifugiati sono il frutto del caos che da anni seminiamo ovunque. I foreign fighters parlano confusamente di Islam, ma pensano soprattutto a se stessi come war generation. Non sapete sciogliere il nodo siriano e non lo volete, visto che accettate il diktat turco: niente curdi ai negoziati per ora. L'unico a volerli è Putin, forse il solo che sa l'indispensabilità dei curdi se si vuol vincere l'ISIS. Stessa cecità in Libia: il fallito intervento del 2011 ha aperto le porte di questo paese all'ISIS e ora ha preparato un intervento senza essere sicuri che in Libia ci sia uno Stato. Non per ultimo, penso che l'Italia non debba mettere i piedi in Libia a causa del suo passato coloniale.

 
  
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  Jordi Sebastià (Verts/ALE). Señor Presidente, creo que es evidente que la Unión Europea no ha jugado un muy buen papel en Libia. Nosotros tenemos serias dudas sobre la idoneidad de enviar allí contingentes militares y no sabemos muy bien qué hacen esos mil soldados británicos, esos cinco mil soldados italianos; qué hacen ni tampoco a quién están sirviendo, en realidad.

Al menos, en esta Resolución sí que constan claramente nuestros dos objetivos. En primer lugar, el de agotar de todas las formas posibles ese proceso de paz, esa constitución de un Gobierno unitario que realmente sirva a los intereses del pueblo libio. Y en segundo lugar, el de ayudar a los refugiados, que están sufriendo en sus carnes esa guerra y que están, además, produciendo desestabilización en el Mediterráneo, y especialmente en el país vecino, en Túnez.

Pero me gustaría señalar que esta Resolución no puede quedar completa si no hay al menos una referencia al caso del diplomático español Bernardino León, ese alto enviado de las Naciones Unidas que, al mismo tiempo que hacía de mediador, negociaba con los Emiratos Árabes Unidos —con una de las partes involucradas— un gran contrato personal. Esto es un conflicto de intereses que no podemos tolerar y que debemos condenar y reflejar en esta Resolución.

(El orador acepta responder a una pregunta formulada con arreglo al procedimiento de la «tarjeta azul» (artículo 162, apartado 8, del Reglamento))

 
  
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  James Carver (EFDD), blue-card question. Thank you, colleague, for taking my blue card. Do you agree with me that the European Union getting involved in this dispute further complicates the situation? Should this not ideally be left to local actors, i.e. the African Union, with support from the United Nations? Is European Union meddling just exacerbating the situation and making it worse?

 
  
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  Jordi Sebastià (Verts/ALE), respuesta de «tarjeta azul». Apreciado colega, no comparto su punto de vista. Yo considero que la Unión Europea no debe involucrarse de una forma militar ―creo que lo he dicho muy claro―.

Pero estamos en la frontera con Libia, tenemos intereses en Libia y tenemos, además, un llamamiento hecho en nuestra propia Constitución para defender los derechos humanos. Y, por tanto, tenemos que involucrarnos en solucionar el conflicto libio con toda nuestra energía.

 
  
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  Raymond Finch (EFDD). Mr President, David Cameron’s support for the UN resolution to overthrow the Gaddafi regime in Libya is a classic example of the short-sighted reaction to events which these days takes the place of any proper strategic thinking on the international stage. By overthrowing a dictator using a bombing campaign, we created anarchy in Libya and left a power vacuum which the murderers of Islamic State have been able to exploit. What this has led to is a humanitarian crisis on the EU’s external borders, the consequences of which we saw this summer and continue to see in the Mediterranean, in Scandinavia, Calais, and of course the recent disgraceful events in Germany. And now the EU wants to lead the military mission in resolving the situation in Libya, as we heard from the Chairman of the EU Military Committee at last week’s defence committee meeting. I would suggest that rather than dilute our sovereignty further by joining up with the doomed-to-fail EU mission, the UK Government instead learn from its mistakes and stop rushing in to remove leaders without considering the consequences.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 162(8))

 
  
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  Jiří Pospíšil (PPE), otázka položená zvednutím modré karty. Velmi pozorně jsem poslouchal, pane kolego, Váš příspěvek a mám malý dotaz. Pochopil jsem správně, že podle Vašeho názoru bylo špatně, že jsme přispěli ke svržení diktátora Kaddáfího? Prosím o upřesnění, děkuji.

 
  
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  Raymond Finch (EFDD), blue-card answer. Right: if you go around interfering in foreign countries without having a plan for fixing it, what you do instead is you bring horror and terror to the poor people who live there and you bring terrorism and issues relating to this to your own borders. I hope that clears it.

 
  
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  Marie-Christine Arnautu (ENF). Monsieur le Président, la situation en Libye est, entre autres, la conséquence de l'intervention de Nicolas Sarkozy, sous l'égide de l'OTAN, soutenue par certains députés français du PS et de l'ex-UMP, ici élus. Elle entraîna la chute du colonel Kadhafi, seul capable d'unifier les quelque 150 tribus vivant sur le sol libyen et de faire de la Libye le pays le plus riche d'Afrique, avec un taux de chômage très bas. Aujourd'hui, ce pays est plongé dans un chaos généralisé. La seule voie de sortie crédible serait d'appuyer les tribus qui s'opposent au groupe "État islamique".

J'ai lu une interview de Franco Roberti, procureur national de la direction antimafia et antiterroriste à Rome. J'en ai retenu deux choses.

Premièrement, ses services soupçonnent le groupe "État islamique", présent en Iraq, en Syrie et en Libye, d'être impliqué dans le trafic des clandestins, ce qui n'a rien d'étonnant. Deuxièmement, M. Roberti affirme ce que nous avons toujours dénoncé: parmi les immigrés qui traversent la Méditerranée, il y aurait des terroristes liés au groupe "État islamique". Nous savons que ce groupe progresse en Libye et nous pouvons donc vraiment craindre pour notre sécurité.

Nous nous devons de revoir d'urgence notre politique immigrationniste, qui prévaut dans cette Assemblée, et de mettre fin au départ d'embarcations clandestines depuis la Libye.

 
  
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  Aymeric Chauprade (NI). Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Président du Conseil, chers collègues, la situation en Libye est bien plus que préoccupante: elle nous promet un avenir sombre en Europe si nous n'agissons pas rapidement.

Les attaques du groupe "État islamique" contre les terminaux pétroliers à l'est de Syrte, la situation de la ville d'Houn dans le Fezzan, ses nombreux camps d'entraînement: tout cela démontre que, chaque jour, notre ennemi gagne du terrain.

Il y a au moins deux motifs légitimes pour intervenir en Libye: premièrement, la progression rapide du groupe "État islamique" et, deuxièmement, l'explosion des flux de migrants illégaux. Dans un pays que l'intervention contre Kadhafi a détruit, l'urgence est de prendre en mains ces deux sujets et d'éviter leur combinaison.

Je vois deux solutions à mener de concert. Premièrement, une nouvelle intervention militaire européenne coordonnée avec l'Égypte afin d'éliminer le groupe "État islamique", mais la France, déjà fortement engagée au Moyen-Orient et en Afrique, ne saurait la mener seule.

Deuxièmement, la construction de centres de rétention et d'admissibilité au statut de réfugié politique sur le territoire libyen, comme d'ailleurs au départ de toutes les voies de migration qui convergent vers l'Union. Sur ce sujet, nos États pourraient se voir renforcés par le recours à des sociétés privées de sécurité agissant sous contrat de l'Union.

 
  
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  Cristian Dan Preda (PPE). Monsieur le Président, lorsque nous observons la Libye, nous avons comme une impression de déjà-vu. La situation politique se retrouve une nouvelle fois dans l'impasse. Le Parlement de Tobrouk, pourtant reconnu par la communauté internationale, vient de rejeter le gouvernement formé sous l'égide de l'ONU. L'espoir qu'avait suscité la signature de l'accord politique, en décembre dernier, a vite été déçu.

L'Union doit désormais faire tout son possible pour permettre à cet accord de se concrétiser à travers la formation d'un gouvernement d'union nationale crédible et légitime aux yeux de tous les Libyens. Pendant que ceux-ci ne parviennent pas à se mettre d'accord sur un gouvernement, le groupe "État islamique" profite de l'instabilité et des dissensions pour s'implanter davantage. Cette organisation terroriste menace non seulement la sécurité du pays, mais également sa survie économique. En visant les infrastructures pétrolières, il met en danger la seule source de revenus des Libyens, qui sont face à une situation économique catastrophique.

Il faut bien entendu privilégier la voie diplomatique dans le conflit libyen, mais un appui militaire ne peut être exclu. Une chose est sûre, le gouvernement libyen ne pourra pas demander notre aide militaire pour stabiliser le pays si ce gouvernement n'existe pas. Une intervention militaire des pays de la coalition ne peut être envisagée sans une stratégie politique efficace et acceptée par tous les Libyens. Nous devons travailler main dans la main avec eux afin de définir cette stratégie.

 
  
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  Ana Gomes (S&D). Senhor Presidente, a União e Estados-Membros falharam em agir como uma Europa coesa e coerente para ajudar os governos de transição líbios na tarefa que devia ter sido prioritária, sem a qual era óbvio que não funcionaria nem um Estado nem governação.

A construção de forças de segurança sob comando nacional, o que implicava desmobilizar as milícias, não deixar que fossem infiltradas por redes criminosas e terroristas, explorando os arsenais de Kadhafi no bazar de armas, de que ainda hoje ouvimos falar o presidente da Nigéria.

A União e os Estados-Membros continuam a enterrar a cabeça na areia, tudo reduzindo a lutas tribais entre líbios, continua em denegação da guerra por procuração conduzida em solo líbio por potências rivais sunitas, Egito e Emirados atrás da Arábia Saudita, que financia os grupos salafistas, contra a Turquia e Qatar, que apoiam a Irmandade Muçulmana.

Guerra por procuração que organiza a desintegração da Líbia e a expansão do Daesh e de outros grupos terroristas no terreno. O acordo político líbio que o representante do Secretário-Geral da ONU, Martin Kobler, conseguiu negociar oferece uma oportunidade que o povo líbio e a União Europeia e a região não podem desperdiçar. É uma oportunidade in extremis para impedir a escalada da violência.

Um ataque terrorista organizado a partir da Líbia contra europeus terá resposta e ninguém saberá controlar os impactos de uma intervenção militar externa. Para o acordo político líbio e o Governo de acordo nacional vingarem, é vital que a União Europeia imponha imediatamente sanções direcionadas contra qualquer indivíduo, ou organização, líbio ao estrangeiro, que boicote o acordo e o Governo.

A Europa tem de assumir que é sua obrigação e interesse vital investir na segurança na Líbia. A erradicação de santuários terroristas implica trabalhar na desmobilização, desarmamento e reintegração de qualquer milícia no combate ao tráfico de armas e de seres humanos e na formação de forças de segurança líbias sob comando unificado.

Se não se restabelecer segurança não haverá transição democrática na Líbia, nem capacitação para a governação, nem respeito pelos direitos humanos, nem controlo de fluxos migratórios, nem gestão de petróleo. A União tem de se empenhar na Líbia e interessar-se pelo povo líbio. Só assim assegurará a sua segurança e a segurança da região.

 
  
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  Anna Elżbieta Fotyga (ECR). Liczę, że rząd jedności narodowej powstanie niezwłocznie. Jest niezbędny dla bezpieczeństwa ludności, absorpcji środków pomocowych, wyparcia Daisz i związanych z nim mafii przemytniczych, kontroli nad instalacjami wydobywczymi. Popieram EUBAM Libia, popieram EU NAVFOR MED Sophia, wysiłki Wysokiej Przedstawiciel i całej społeczności międzynarodowej.

 
  
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  Louis Aliot (ENF). Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, voilà où nous ont conduits les aventures qui ont été soutenues par des parlementaires ici présents de M. Sarkozy, ancien président de la République française, et du philosophe de café du commerce, M. Bernard Henri-Lévy.

Le constat, nous l'avons là: la situation dramatique des Libyens et de l'Europe, qui est la conséquence directe de cette aventure en Libye.

La vérité, c'est que nos gouvernements traitent aujourd'hui avec des terroristes, des terroristes islamistes d'un côté ou de l'autre, mais terroristes quand même, et personne ne souhaite discuter ou ne continue à discuter avec le Parlement de Tobrouk, qui a en partie la clé du rétablissement de la situation.

Dans ce brouillard géopolitique criminel que nous avons créé, nous devons envoyer un signal et une mission de députés européens, notamment au Mali, pour faire un état des lieux et ne plus nous tromper sur nos adversaires et sur nos amis dans cette région.

 
  
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  Francisco José Millán Mon (PPE). Señor Presidente, el acuerdo político firmado el pasado 17 de diciembre en Sjirat, respaldado posteriormente por el Consejo de Seguridad en su Resolución 2259, fue un paso muy positivo para Libia, pero las decisiones adoptadas por el Parlamento de Tobruk, como se ha dicho la semana pasada, esto es, el rechazo al Gobierno propuesto y las diferencias en torno al artículo 8 del acuerdo, son escollos muy importantes; deben superarse rápidamente. Junto a los enfrentamientos armados, la división política no ha hecho más que agravar el desplazamiento de cientos de miles de personas, hundir la economía libia y facilitar el establecimiento y la progresiva expansión de Dáesh, que es muy preocupante. Dáesh parece haberse hecho fuerte en Sirte y ya hemos visto su capacidad de atracción y de desestabilización en Oriente Medio.

Necesitamos un acuerdo definitivo sobre un Gobierno de unidad nacional cuanto antes. Será la mejor fórmula para combatir a Dáesh y pacificar y estabilizar Libia, país mediterráneo muy importante, cuya situación repercute también en vecinos como Argelia, Egipto y, desde luego, Túnez. Además, Libia es la vía directa de conexión entre la convulsa región del Sahel y las costas del Mediterráneo, que son también nuestras costas. Es imprescindible, repito, que se forme rápidamente un Gobierno de unidad que luche contra el terrorismo y el tráfico de seres humanos y lleve a Libia por el camino de la paz y la prosperidad. Espero que los esfuerzos del enviado especial de las Naciones Unidas, el señor Kobler, y la implicación de los diversos actores con mayor influencia en la región contribuyan también a una pronta superación de los obstáculos existentes.

 
  
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  Gilles Pargneaux (S&D). Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, après les incantations et les discours, il est temps de passer aux actes. Nous le savons, pour faire face à ce chaos que nous constatons en Libye, aux menaces en Tunisie mais aussi par rapport au continent européen, il va falloir ainsi passer aux actes, et c'est ce que je demande aux autorités européennes, au Conseil et à la haute représentante.

Il faut tout d'abord que des frappes militaires puissent être mises en œuvre d'urgence. Pour ce faire, il faut qu'il y ait en Libye un état de droit et un gouvernement d'union nationale. Il faut dire au Parlement de Tobrouk d'accepter le gouvernement d'unité nationale pour permettre ces frappes militaires et permettre de lutter contre le groupe "État islamique". Et, bien évidemment, il faut aussi lutter contre ces mafias, contre ces passeurs qui amènent la mort. Troisièmement, il faudra également qu'à l'initiative de l'Union européenne, des aides économiques soit accordées à la population libyenne.

(L'orateur accepte de répondre à une question "carton bleu" (article 162, paragraphe 8, du règlement))

 
  
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  Gianluca Buonanno (ENF), domanda "cartellino blu". Volevo chiedere al collega se lui è d'accordo o no nel togliere, come chiede il governo di Tobruk, l'embargo, cioè se ritiene che senza l'embargo si potrebbe andare più a veloce soluzione, rispetto invece al fatto che il governo di Tobruk ha l'embargo e quindi non può fare quello che ritiene di fare, mentre, diciamo così, i Fratelli musulmani hanno la possibilità di fare quello che vogliono.

 
  
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  Gilles Pargneaux (S&D), réponse "carton bleu". Monsieur le Président, pour répondre à la question posée par mon collègue, il convient aujourd'hui de permettre que les voisins (l’Égypte, mais aussi l'Algérie, le Maroc et la Tunisie) soient parties prenantes à une discussion, à un rapport de force avec le Parlement de Tobrouk, afin de trouver une solution diplomatique et un accord pour mettre en place un gouvernement d'unité nationale.

Il ne s’agit nullement de savoir si, oui ou non, il faut imposer ou maintenir l'embargo. Il faut trouver une sortie, une issue qui permette de lutter efficacement contre le groupe « État islamique ».

 
  
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  Bas Belder (ECR). Voorzitter, Nederlands voorzitter van de Raad, minister Koenders, ik stel uw aanwezigheid hier bijzonder op prijs als landgenoot. Meneer de voorzitter, het is steeds meer evident dat het Libische strijdtoneel bepaald geen zijtoneel is voor de Islamitische Staat. De feiten spreken voor zich. De Islamitische Staat dirigeert momenteel prominente commandanten richting zijn strategische bolwerk en uitvalsbasis Sirte. Daarnaast adviseert de IS-propaganda Afrikaanse en Europese moslims voor hun jihad in plaats van naar Syrië naar Libië te reizen, dus naast onze Syriëgangers krijgen we nu onze Libiëgangers. Voeg daaraan toe een enorme Libische kustlijn onder directe IS-controle. Kortom, de Islamitische Staat vormt vanaf Libisch grondgebied een rechtstreekse bedreiging voor ons continent. En passant vestigt de EU, dat heb ik toch gehoord van minister Koenders, haar hoop op een Libische eenheidsregering. Er is echter nog een ander Libisch scenario mogelijk, een waar doemscenario waarin al-Qaeda, IS en de Moslimbroeders elkaar vinden. Minister Koenders, hebt u daarover gehoord in de Arabische pers en wat denkt u daarvan? U moet alle kanalen open hebben.

 
  
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  Eduard Kukan (PPE). Mr President, I would like to encourage all efforts of the Libyan leaders to reach a political agreement on swiftly forming the Government of National Accord. No doubt this could be a crucial breakthrough for Libya and a positive contribution for the security and stability of the whole region. Let us hope that this is going to last.

Only a united Libya can start the long-overdue process of addressing its political future and the security, humanitarian and economic issues. Continued chaos in Libya would be a major threat to the security of the region and of the EU, with the possibility of a new migration wave. Therefore in this respect the EU’s support for peace in Libya and stability in the entire Southern Neighbourhood is essential.

The European Union can be and should be of crucial humanitarian and institutional assistance to the country, including in the security sector reforms. Let us assure the Libyans that we are at their side.

 
  
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  Elena Valenciano (S&D). Señor Presidente, yo también quiero felicitar a los negociadores por este inicio de acuerdo, pero voy a dedicar el poco tiempo que tengo a pedir ayuda humanitaria para Libia.

No se está librando la ayuda que el plan de respuesta humanitaria requiere. Hay dos millones y medio de personas que necesitan nuestra ayuda. Lo humanitario no es político, pero, para hacer política, probablemente lo más urgente es resolver la situación humanitaria. Es invierno y hay muchas personas que en este momento necesitan la urgencia de nuestra intervención.

Así que apelo a los responsables de la Comisión, a nuestras agencias, a los responsables del Servicio Europeo de Acción Exterior para que sean conscientes de que solo de acuerdo político no vive el ser humano. El ser humano necesita ayuda, necesita mantas, necesita medicinas, necesita comida, necesita una salida que le permita tener un horizonte de esperanza.

 
  
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  Amjad Bashir (ECR). Mr President, while I support UN-brokered negotiations and hope that they bring lasting peace to Libya, the reality on the ground is particularly worrying. Mounting speculation about another military intervention in Libya shows that the country is closer to chaos than anything else.

Ultimately, this is yet another stinging indictment of the international community’s inability to effect positive change in the region. If Libya were to fall apart again, it could also have a devastating impact on Tunisia – alas, the only bright spot of the so-called Arab Spring. This would only add insult to injury. A lasting outcome will undoubtedly require concessions, patience and, most significantly, Libyan solutions to Libyan problems.

Nevertheless, we must support democratic reform, as the consequences of failing again would be far more dramatic than what Libya and its people are living through right now.

 
  
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  David McAllister (PPE). Mr President, with this resolution on the situation in Libya, Parliament is drawing the right attention to a country which is at a crossroads. As we have heard this evening, the humanitarian crisis in the country is worsening. Extremist organisations and movements in Libya are on the rise and represent a major threat to the stability of the entire region, and neighbouring countries like Egypt, and particularly Tunisia, are in danger of a security spillover from the Libyan conflict.

I firmly believe the European Union must now assist the country in the creation of effective and nationally-commanded security forces that can ensure order in Libya. Another priority must be support for initiating a ceasefire and a mechanism to monitor it. These actions, however, have little prospect of success as long as the endorsement of a Government of National Unity has not taken place. The international community must therefore continue to support Libya in making this key step.

 
  
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  Alfred Sant (S&D). Mr President, the situation in Libya is becoming desperate. Daesh extremists are extending their reach. The time to stop them is as soon as possible. However, the European Union decided to await the formation of a Libyan Government of National Unity under the aegis of the United Nations. It should honour this decision so that it can reclaim the respect and trust of the Libyan people.

Negotiations towards a National Unity Government have been spiked with mistrust, for Libyan society has been deeply fractured by the events of the past few years. It cannot surprise us that negotiations have encountered long delays. Nor should one overlook mistakes in mediation efforts that were made. Irritated by delays, they went for speed.

The main players in the Libyan drama share a country but have totally contrasting perspectives and interests. Whether in good or bad faith, they must decide the future of the people. Imposing sanctions against those who fail to deliver unity now is a bad decision, especially if taken independently of the United Nations system. That will serve to kindle the suspicion of the Libyan people in European intentions. True, quick action is required against Daesh, but allowing more time to truly find a lasting solution by establishing a Libyan National Unity administration is one risk to take.

 
  
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  Mirosław Piotrowski (ECR). Od czterech lat w Europie z niepokojem, ale i z zatroskaniem obserwujemy wydarzenia w Libii. Ma to przełożenie na sprawy europejskie, zarówno jeśli chodzi o ropę, jak i zagrożenie terroryzmem oraz falę uchodźców. Obecnie w Libii funkcjonują dwa parlamenty, choć brakowało niewiele do utworzenia rządu jedności narodowej. Animatorem porozumienia jest ONZ współpracująca z Unią Europejską. Sądzę, że jest to dobra konfiguracja, za którą opowiada się również nasza grupa Europejskich Konserwatystów i Reformatorów. Należy przy tej konfiguracji pozostać, mając przede wszystkim na uwadze, aby, łącząc i godząc dwa zwaśnione ośrodki, nie wykreować przypadkiem trzeciego, przy okazji mimo woli wzmacniając dżihadystów z Państwa Islamskiego. Ci ostatni również w Libii prześladują i masowo mordują chrześcijan. Trzeba zrobić wszystko, aby ich powstrzymać.

 
  
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  Santiago Fisas Ayxelà (PPE). Señor Presidente, como ya he dicho en numerosas ocasiones en este Pleno, la caída descontrolada de Gadafi supuso que Libia sea hoy un Estado fallido, lo que ha provocado que el armamento de su ejército de mercenarios haya servido para desestabilizar numerosos países de la zona y, tal como ha dicho esta mañana el Presidente Buhari, que el sur de Libia se haya convertido en un mercado de armas.

En estos momentos, Libia se enfrenta a dos grandes problemas: la continua expansión del Daesh y sus ataques a la población y a las instalaciones petrolíferas; y, también, una catastrófica situación económica debido a su enorme dependencia del petróleo.

Ante esta dramática situación de un país, que quiero recordar que está a las puertas de Europa, es imprescindible hacer todos los esfuerzos para que se implemente el Acuerdo Político firmado el pasado 17 de diciembre y, sobre todo, que se llegue a la creación de un Gobierno de Unidad Nacional con sede en Trípoli.

 
  
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  Afzal Khan (S&D). Mr President, time is running out to stabilise Libya. The security, humanitarian and economic situation has become dreadful. ISIS is seizing territory and has now access to significant oil reserves. We know that the US is looking at military options for stopping ISIS advances. At the European Union level we have been supporting Libya primarily with humanitarian aid and by assisting the political process that will lead to a unity government. Libyans want this agreement to succeed; after five brutal years, they must see some hope. Only a government of national accord can stabilise Libya. The House of Representatives in Libya needs to ensure that, although not perfect, the agreement on a unity government needs to be endorsed so that Libya’s situation does not become hopeless. The EU should continue providing the necessary humanitarian and development assistance. We must not allow any other Libyan military leader to hijack the political process. Libyans do not need another Gaddafi.

 
  
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  Jana Žitňanská (ECR) Líbya, krajina vzdialená len 300 km od južnej hranice Európy, sa po 5 rokoch od pádu Kaddáfího režimu zmieta v čoraz väčšom politickom chaose a je nevyhnutné, aby čo najskôr vznikla vláda národnej jednoty. Reálne totiž hrozí, že krajinu ovládnu radikáli Dá‘iša. Už teraz útokmi na ropné rafinérie ťahajú Líbyu na ekonomické dno a vytvárajú živnú pôdu pre chaos, radikalizáciu a terorizmus. Líbya sa stala miestom, kde sa darí nielen obchodom so zbraňami, ale aj s ľuďmi, ktorí sa chcú vydať za lepším životom do Európy. Prípady porušovania ľudských práv sa znásobujú, nielen pokiaľ ide o obyvateľov Líbye, ale státisíce utečencov žijú v katastrofálnych podmienkach. Líbya dnes viac ako intervenciu zvonka potrebuje jasnú víziu svojich politických elít, potrebuje jednotu a od nás väčšiu podporu a humanitárnu pomoc, lebo akým smerom sa krajina vyberie v najbližšom čase, neovplyvní len jej budúcnosť, ale aj bezpečnosť celého regiónu vrátane Európy.

 
  
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  Tunne Kelam (PPE). Mr President, Libya is our neighbouring country. The situation is extremely dramatic because a political vacuum is being exploited by Daesh and other extremist forces, and their growing presence and influence is now spilling over to neighbouring countries like Tunisia, Egypt, the Sahel and even Europe. On the coast of the Mediterranean, there are estimated to be about 3 000 Daesh fighters who are also targeting Libyan oil fields and refineries.

Today the EU should concentrate all political and humanitarian efforts on supporting the implementation of last December’s political agreement and the Government of National Unity, but in case this fails, we should consider another alternative – military intervention by a UN-backed international force just to prevent Daesh taking over Libya, which is our neighbour.

 
  
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  Jaromír Štětina (PPE). Pane předsedající, minulý týden pohořela dohoda o vytvoření vlády národní jednoty, a to je zpráva, která je velice závažná a tragická. Absence legitimní vlády destabilizuje celou oblast. Politické vakuum zhoršuje humanitární situaci zdejšího obyvatelstva a zásadně destabilizuje okolní státy, zejména Tunisko a Egypt. Libyjské vakuum je úrodnou půdou pro extremistické organizace napojené na IS. Dokud nebude existovat vláda národní jednoty, bude i dopad námořní vojenské mise EU namířené proti pašerákům (operace Sophia) velice omezený. Pouze legitimní libyjská vláda totiž může umožnit jejím plavidlům vstup do teritoriálních vod. Naléhavě tedy žádám představitele EU i mezinárodní společenství, aby vyvinuli veškeré úsilí ke stabilizaci této země a napomohly dosažení dohody o vládě národní jednoty.

 
  
 

Procedura „catch the eye”

 
  
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  Jiří Pospíšil (PPE). Pane předsedající, já jsem pozorně poslouchal debatu, která zde zazněla, a souhlasím s analýzou, kterou zde kolegové provedli. Situace v této zemi je naprosto neutěšená a Evropě hrozí do budoucna další příliv uprchlíků z této země. Chci ovšem zmínit ve svém vystoupení jednu věc, která zde nepadla a která je také hrozbou pro Evropany, a to jsou únosy Evropanů, kteří se nějakým způsobem objeví na území Libye. Chtěl jsem vystoupit a dát informaci Komisi a zástupcům Evropské rady, že takto byl unesen jeden Čech, zastupuji zde Českou republiku, minulý rok v březnu 2015. Šlo o Pavla Hrůzu, který pracoval na ropném poli a byl teroristy unesen a více než rok je zadržován. Je dobré tuto informaci vědět a při vyjednáváních s některými skupinami ji případně také zohlednit, protože nebezpečí únosů je zde aktuální a bude do budoucna, pokud se v Libyi situace nezlepší, narůstat.

 
  
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  Νότης Μαριάς ( ECR). Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η τρέχουσα οικονομική και πολιτική αποσύνθεση της Λιβύης πλήττει τον ήδη καταπιεσμένο λαό της χώρας. Αρχικά, παρατηρούμε ακόμη και σήμερα επιθέσεις εναντίον σημαντικών πετρελαϊκών υποδομών, οι οποίες έχουν κεφαλαιώδη σημασία για την ευημερία του πληθυσμού της Λιβύης, αφού το 80% του ΑΕΠ της εξαρτάται από τον πετρελαϊκό τομέα. Πρόσφατα, οι τρομοκράτες του Daesh, οι οποίοι έχουν εδραιώσει την επιρροή τους στη χώρα μετά την ανατροπή του Καντάφι το 2011, συνέχισαν για δεύτερη μέρα τον βομβαρδισμό του λιμενικού, αλλά και πετρελαϊκού σταθμού Ες Σίντερ, προκαλώντας μεγάλη πυρκαγιά σε δεξαμενή πετρελαίου.

Αποτέλεσμα αυτής της εμπόλεμης κατάσταση στη Λιβύη είναι ο εξαναγκασμός χιλιάδων ανθρώπων να εγκαταλείψουν τη χώρα, εντείνοντας με τον τρόπο αυτό τις μεταναστευτικές ροές. Επομένως, είναι σαφές ότι όλα τα κράτη μέλη της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης θα πρέπει να αντιταχθούν στις παραβιάσεις του διεθνούς δικαίου που παρατηρούνται καθημερινά στη χώρα, καθώς και σε κάθε ενέργεια που παραβιάζει τα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα. Ταυτόχρονα, πρέπει να στηλιτευτεί η δράση της Τουρκίας που στηρίζει τους τρομοκράτες του Daesh που δραστηριοποιούνται στη Λιβύη.

 
  
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  Ivan Jakovčić (ALDE). Gospodine predsjedniče, kada sam prvi put govorio o Libiji u ovom Parlamentu, rekao sam da znamo što nećemo. Nismo htjeli diktatorskog Gadafija. Znamo što hoćemo: hoćemo demokratsku Libiju, ali ne znamo kako to hoćemo. Znamo li sada što zaista hoćemo i pogotovo znamo li kako ćemo to postići? Nevjerojatno je da nekoliko tisuća razbojnika nama stvaraju kompletan problem u našem južnom susjedstvu, destabiliziraju naše prijateljske države.

Mi ne možemo razriješiti taj problem, a mogli smo svojedobno uništiti jednu, moćnu tada, vojnu silu koju je vodio Gadafi. Ja ne mogu vjerovati da ova naša Europska unija nema dovoljno jakih diplomatskih sredstava da razriješi taj problem. Trebamo hitne i radikalne mjere jer sva nesreća s južnog Sredozemlja dolazi preko Libije.

 
  
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  Stanislav Polčák (PPE). Pane předsedající, já bych chtěl zdůraznit, že dnes všichni hlavní kandidáti jak republikánské, tak demokratické strany uznávají, že základní chybou Spojených států bylo vyklizení pole právě v Iráku, že to vytvořilo bezpečnostní vakuum a vytvořilo to předpolí pro rozšíření Dá´iš. Myslím si, že by bylo značnou chybou, kdybychom tento proces opakovali, kdybychom opustili právě Libyi v této době. Je nezbytné říci, že největší koncentrace zbraní podle všech dostupných informací je právě dnes opravdu na území Libye. A my bychom se měli zabývat tím, jak ustanovit vládu národní jednoty, myslím si, že k tomu zazněla celá řada instruktivních návodů v této debatě. Já bych velmi přivítal, kdyby pan ministr a samozřejmě i instituce Evropské unie v této věci sehrávali nadále řekněme pozitivní úlohu, přestože některé jiné mocnosti se snaží Libyi ponechat v tom stavu, ve kterém je. To by určitě neměl být zájem Evropské unie.

 
  
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  Csaba Sógor (PPE). Mr President, supporting militarily the toppling of Gaddafi, Europe and the United States were wrong in not providing support to Libya after the intervention. Everybody assumed that the Libyan institutions were strong and stable enough, despite the fact that the country was the playground of a single dictator for 42 years.

Four years after the fall of Gaddafi and a horrible civil war – the end of which is only now in sight – the advance of Daesh should not come as a surprise. Drawn by the oil infrastructures of Libya, the terrorist group gains ground in a war-torn country with porous borders, which lacks the structures to resist its advance.

We should draw the consequences of our inaction until now and provide all the necessary financial, political and security assistance we can in order to support the establishment of a functional and inclusive Government of National Accord and a state strong enough to withstand the spread of the cancer that is Daesh.

 
  
 

(Încheierea procedurii „catch the eye”)

 
  
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  Bert Koenders, President-in-Office of the Council on behalf of the Vice—President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. Thank you very much, Mr President. Thank you for this interesting debate and for the important remarks made by Members. I think we all agree – and I am speaking here on behalf of the High Representative – that Libya is absolutely crucial for our common foreign and security policy. Libya is close by. It is close by Tunisia and Egypt and it is close by Mali and Niger; and I also agree with those of you who said that there are risks, and increasing risks, of a Daesh presence in Libya. We also agree that the political process, although advancing, is not proceeding fast enough, that there are plenty of hurdles ahead, and that the new authorities are fragile and need all our support. I think we also agree, if I listen carefully to Members, that the European Union, so close to Libya, is confronted with serious threats; that terrorist groups are expanding and must be contained; that Daesh is posing a growing threat, for instance to Libya’s oil industry; that the threat reinforces even more the urgency of finding a political solution through implementation of the LPA, enabling Libyan forces themselves to unite against Daesh; that the Libyan economy and its social fabric are in a perilous state; that there is a serious humanitarian crisis – I shall return to that in a second – that needs to be tackled; and that smugglers must be confronted and illegal migration brought under control.

It is important to say that we all know that the real solution to all these daunting problems would be a Libyan Government endorsed by all Libyans and working for all Libyans and benefiting from all the support the international community can give. If you look at the different entities, the many militias and the presence of Daesh in so many parts of Libya, is it possible still to come to a compromise? It will not be easy. We have no doubt that the vast majority of Libyans are not radicals; they do not support Daesh in any shape or form. The new authorities represent much more a relatively moderate majority and we have the obligation to encourage and support them for that precise reason.

The European Union will continue to do all it can to contribute to this effort and to make sure Libya emerges a safer and stronger country after five years of upheaval and disappointment. I think it is important also to say that I understand the reasoning that many of you want to talk about plan B. But we firmly believe – and I think the international community as a whole firmly believes – that a unity government at the stage where we are right now, accepted by all Libyans as a result of wide-ranging negotiations, is now the only chance to restore peace and security in the country and prevent a total economic collapse. That is not a matter of naivety; that is where we are right now in negotiations, and going along any other track, in my view and in the view of the High Representative, would not be wise.

It is important to say also that, obviously, we are ready to support not only the negotiation process – we do already, the High Representative is active on this; we work very closely with Martin Kobler, whom I would like (and I think many of you said that) to applaud for his work. He came into a very complex situation in December and has immediately taken up the initiative to work not only with the parties in the country but also with the municipalities, which I think is extremely important. Those of you who are closer to the situation in Libya know how important it is to work on different fronts, if you wish, and he has been working on that. He knows the region; he knows how to negotiate, but we have to support him. A special representative cannot do this by himself or herself; it needs the support of the international community, the European Union, but obviously also the members of the Security Council in New York.

I think many of you mentioned also the issue of the humanitarian crisis. I think it is important because, in a fragmented security situation, what happens always is that the citizens of the country are victimised. They pay the price, and there is no doubt that the complete disregard for international humanitarian law and limited access make the delivery of humanitarian aid a real challenge.

In spite of this, the Commission remains the main humanitarian donor for the Libyan crisis. Besides ECHO, several projects funded from other instruments have been revised in order to respond to the most urgent needs of displaced peoples and migrants, both in terms of humanitarian assistance and protection. It does not mean that we can reach everybody, but the European Union is, I think, the most active actor in responding to this very important humanitarian imperative.

That also refers to the issue of human rights abuses. When we work towards a political solution, when we think through the risks of Libya, obviously we realise that human rights abuses are tremendous. You see how many of the militia groups are present in Libya and how they actually, in many instances, control the populations and also abuse their rights. It is important that we keep not only drawing attention to this but also doing the maximum we can do. I have no doubt that it can only be done if we have further progress on the whole discussion of this new government: on the discussions around the formation of that government – how many members – all these issues that play right now and that are in the middle of the fire of the discussion, so to speak, so I do not want to go into them in detail. But an EU human rights mission has taken place in order to at least know exactly what is going on. We work also in the media sector. That also includes training people to ensure that these kinds of things are actually reported, and there are several projects dedicated to transitional processes. To save time, I will not go into all the details.

I would like to close with these remarks, realising that I feel very much that there is broad support also in the European Parliament for continuing without any naivety. I realise that: without any naivety. But I also realise that in the end, a political solution, as elsewhere, is actually the most effective one. It is not a soft approach. It is an approach in order to bring some order. It will not be automatically a Denmark or another democracy in Europe in a few years, but it is the only way to bring about stability and to fight, with the support of the European Union, also the threats of Daesh and other extremists.

 
  
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  Președintele. – Am primit opt propuneri de rezoluție, depuse în conformitate cu articolul 123 alineatele (2) și (4) din Regulamentul de procedură.

Dezbaterea a fost închisă.

Votul va avea loc mâine.

Declaraţii scrise (articolul 162)

 
  
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  Miriam Dalli (S&D), in writing. To many, the situation in Libya may seem nothing more than another conflict on TV. However the reality is that one of the world’s worst internal armed conflicts is happening less than 300 km away from Europe’s borders. We are not talking about the other side of the world, we are talking about our neighbours – and this is why it is imperative to promote peace efforts within the region.

However, this Parliament needs to be clearer – in its words and its actions. We can no longer support one faction, or another – we can only support peace. We must encourage and promote dialogue between all parties that want unity, democracy and above all, amity. We need to ensure that Libya empowers itself, but through unity not division – we must look towards combating terrorism in the region not simply through military actions, but through political ones.

Daesh aims to divide and conquer – and it is only through accord that we can triumph over terrorism. This is why I commend the efforts of the United Nations and Member States like my own, Malta, for taking on an active participatory role in bringing both sides together for a sustainable way forward.

 
  
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  Urmas Paet (ALDE), kirjalikult. Poliitiliselt stabiilne Liibüa ei ole vajalik mitte ainult Liibüale endale, vaid laiemalt kogu regioonile ning ka Euroopale. Kokkuleppe leidmine kõigi osapoolte vahel on võtmetähtsusega ning pärast seda saab hakata edasi liikuma abiga riigi ülesehitamisse, julgeoleku tagamisega, rahuvalvega jne. Liibüal on oluline roll ka praeguses rändekriisis. Samuti on murettekitav Da’eshi kohaloleku suurenemine lausa päevadega. Sellega peab võitlema kohe.

 
  
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  Bogdan Brunon Wenta (PPE), na piśmie. Od obalenia dyktatury Muammara Kadafiego w 2011 r. Libia mierzy się z zawirowaniami politycznymi i falą przemocy. W połowie 2014 r. kraj został podzielony na dwa oddzielnie administrowane obszary. Działania wojenne spowodowały przymusowe wysiedlenia 435 tys. ludzi, załamanie się systemu sprawiedliwości, co sprzyja rozprzestrzenianiu się ekstremistycznych grup, takich jak ISIS. Obszary zamieszkiwane przez ludność cywilną są ostrzeliwane, bojówki stosują miny przeciwpiechotne i amunicję kasetową. W efekcie dziesiątki tysięcy ludzi decyduje się uciekać niebezpieczną drogą morską przez Libię do Europy. Organizacje humanitarne mają poważne trudności z dotarciem do osób potrzebujących, a niedobory żywności, przerwy w dostawie wody i energii elektrycznej, a także ograniczony dostęp do opieki zdrowotnej są na porządku dziennym.

Apeluję do Komisji o dalsze wspieranie wysiłków ONZ w zakresie realizacji porozumienia politycznego w Libii, mimo odrzucenia przez libijski parlament nowo sformowanego rządu jedności narodowej i politycznego porozumienia między rywalizującymi ze sobą władzami. Należy także zapewnić swobodny dostęp do pomocy humanitarnej oraz wdrożyć mechanizmy, takie jak Fundusz Powierniczy dla Afryki, które umożliwią szybkie i elastyczne reagowanie na kryzysy – także ten obecny- imigracyjny.

 
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