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Postupak : 2016/2954(RSP)
Faze dokumenta na plenarnoj sjednici
Odabrani dokument : O-000126/2016

Podneseni tekstovi :

O-000126/2016 (B8-1804/2016)

Rasprave :

PV 26/10/2016 - 11
CRE 26/10/2016 - 11

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Rasprave
Srijeda, 26. listopada 2016. - Strasbourg Revidirano izdanje

11. Stanje na sjeveru Iraka/Mosulu (rasprava)
Videozapis govora
PV
 

Puhemies. Esityslistalla on seuraavana komission varapuheenjohtajan ja unionin ulkoasioiden ja turvallisuuspolitiikan korkean edustajan julkilausuma Pohjois-Irakin/Mosulin tilanteesta (2016/2956(RSP)).

 
  
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  Dimitris Avramopoulos, on behalf of the Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Madam President, I welcome this timely opportunity to join you today. The military campaign to retake Mosul is a critical step in defeating Daesh as a military force and bringing an end to Daesh rule, which has had such disastrous consequences for the people of the region and continues to pose a threat to all of us.

The crimes and the atrocities committed by Daesh, including the killings of innocent civilians in and around Mosul over the past days, are a reminder, if a reminder was needed, of the complete depravity of this organisation. Whilst over the past days there has been progress in the military campaign, we need to be aware that this is an extremely complex operation which will need endurance, perseverance and pressures.

There are bound to be setbacks. Many fears and concerns have been expressed about the conduct and consequences of the campaign. These are real and valid concerns, and they require all of us to watch the events on the ground closely. At the same time, there are two reasons that give me cause for cautious optimism, at least in this opening phase of the campaign, which I would like to share with you.

The first is that the military campaign is based on comprehensive planning and coordination between the Federal Government, the Government of the Kurdistan region and the global coalition. This has led to improved political ties between Baghdad and Erbil. It has seen the Iraqi army enter Kurdish territories for the first time in 25 years with the full agreement of the Kurdistan region. This was unimaginable even a few months ago.

The second reason is that we are confident that the Federal Government, under Prime Minister Al-Abadi, has taken on board the message concerning the need to protect civilians and for the Iraqi army to enter Mosul as a liberator, not as an occupying force. Not only that, it is now the Iraqi Government which is the most vocal advocate of the protection of civilians with government instructions to its forces and to the United Nations and the humanitarian community, reflecting their approach.

This helps to explain why the Shia militia, with the Pershmerga, have been ordered to keep out of the campaign for the city centre. It is the national institutions of the Iraqi army and the federal police, backed by Sunni tribes, that will fight for the city. Again, a year ago this seemed an unlikely scenario but, as I said, we need to keep a watchful eye.

You are all aware of the humanitarian situation and concerns about massive displacement. The way hostilities are conducted will have a huge impact on the safety of the citizens of Mosul, on the perception of the campaign, on civilian infrastructure and on returns and reconciliation.

We also need to bear in mind that the behaviour of both Daesh and the militias is inherently unpredictable and will need to be managed as the campaign develops. Currently, the European Union is ensuring the delivery of principal life-saving humanitarian assistance for all civilians most in need, whoever and wherever they are. This is our top priority. To date we have allocated EUR 134 million to respond to the needs of Iraqi internally displaced persons. Equipment is pre-positioned and humanitarian contingency planning has been done jointly with the Iraqi Government and the United Nations. We are also ready to respond to stabilisation challenges that post-Daesh Mosul poses. Stabilisation after the military campaign is as important as the military campaign itself.

One area in which the European Union is very proactive is the removal of improvised explosive devices, which is a precondition for the return of the internally displaced people. I am confident that Daesh will be defeated on the battlefield, but we can only defeat extremist ideology by addressing root causes which have given terrorist groups a foothold.

In Iraq non-inclusive policies have allowed Daesh to flourish. Therefore, we need to help Iraq in rebuilding an inclusive, peaceful, multi-ethnic and multi-religious society trustful of its state institutions. Inclusiveness, national reconciliation and the rule of law are essential.

On regional dynamics, Iraq’s relations with its neighbours are crucial. We are strongly in favour of dialogue between all countries of the region. This is essential as we focus on the primary task of fighting and defeating Daesh in an effective way.

Looking ahead, it is our collective moral responsibility to remain a strong partner of Iraq during these difficult moments. Iraq needs all the help we can give at this critical moment for the country’s stability. If we do not do our utmost to help now and ensure that Mosul is both liberated and then stabilised, we will have a much worse situation to deal with, which will have knock-on effects for all the neighbours.

The Council has therefore been looking at what more the European Union can do in Iraq. I call on the Parliament to continue to support all the strands of EU actions, to tackle in a comprehensive manner the multiple causes and consequences of the crisis.

Thank you very much for your attention and I look forward to our discussion.

 
  
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  Lars Adaktusson, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Madam President, I would like to thank Commissioner Avramopoulos for the important introductory statement. Today we all share the anxiety when it comes to the humanitarian situation in northern Iraq and the risk for extensive loss of lives. In these difficult times we have a responsibility to assist fellow human beings and support a peaceful transition. For centuries Mosul has been a multi-ethnic city which has surrounding areas like the Nineveh Plain. But let us be clear: without international commitment and a European strategy, sectarian conflicts might replace the ethno-religious coexistence and put an end to 1 700 years of Christian presence in the region.

In order to restore human rights and property rights, the resolution we are about to debate supports the idea of establishing an autonomous Nineveh Plain province within the framework of the Iraqi constitution. Furthermore, the resolution emphasises the need for security arrangements and military support to regional defence forces. This is imperative in order to make it possible for refugees and IDPs to return to their ancestral homelands. By passing this resolution, this Parliament will take a lead in the political efforts for a sustainable solution in northern Iraq and its vulnerable minorities.

 
  
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  Victor Boştinaru, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Madam President, I will first express my Group’s gratitude for the manner in which all political groups were cooperating yesterday in order to adopt swiftly a very balanced and a very serious piece of positioning ourselves under situation in Mosul in the northern part of Iraq. And, once again, our gratitude to all.

The fight for Mosul shows a quick territorial win for the Iraqi-led coalition forces. Mosul is more than a symbol. It is a decisive step in our effort to defeat Daesh. This being said, this is foreseen to be a long-lasting operation and our absolute priority is to protect the civilians. We have to ensure that they will not remain trapped in Mosul under heavy gunfire and bomb attacks, and they are not used as human shields by Daesh. We have to ensure that the military on all fronts will open humanitarian corridors for the citizens and IDPs that flee the fighting.

Therefore my Group calls on all parties to abide by international humanitarian law, to respect principles of proportionality and distinction, and to take all precautions to minimise casualties and to ensure that civilians and civilian infrastructure will be protected, like schools and hospitals, and then they will not be bombed. The evidence of the war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by Daesh should be preserved as a fundamental priority in order to ensure accountability for the perpetrators. With Mosul the Daesh scourge could be largely vanished in Iraq, but Daesh is just a symptom of a larger problem in the Middle East. Until there is a political accommodation between Shia and Sunnis in Iraq and in the region we will not achieve peace in Syria and the terrorism will remain. Finally, it is important to take this opportunity to express our full support for the sovereignty, territorial integrity of Iraq. And then the dramatic need, after Daesh, of a strategy which will involve further humanitarian aid, the re-establishment of the governance, basic services such as healthcare, electricity and education, but also guarantee for the safe return and reintegration of refugees and IDPs, the protection of vulnerable minorities, and the political participation of all religious minorities.

 
  
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  Charles Tannock, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Madam President, ten days ago the complex military operation finally began to liberate Mosul. Whilst we should welcome the ultimate removal of the evil scourge of ISIS from a city of 1 million people and the demise of its regime, we should not forget that there will be a heavy price to be paid in human terms.

The barbarity of ISIS’s war crimes is already clear, as reports emerge of civilians being used as human shields and brutal beheadings carried out, including of boys, to create a culture of fear and repression amongst the population. As well as many IDPs we must also be prepared for the movement of ISIS fighters. As Mosul falls there is a credible risk that as many as 5 000 jihadists will escape the city and make their way to other Islamist hotspots across the globe, notably Libya, Somalia and Yemen. We will also see some reach Europe, unfortunately. The battle for Mosul is seeing a powerful alliance come together, from the air support offered by the US and EU Member States to the Iraqi security forces and Shia militias on the ground.

As the European Parliament’s Chair of the Friends of Kurdistan, I wish today to salute the particularly brave courage of the Peshmerga forces of the KRG who have, and continue to play, a vital role in the fight against ISIS in the Middle East. They have proved to be one of the most effective forces on the ground and we should give them our thanks.

 
  
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  Javier Nart, en nombre del Grupo ALDE. – Señora Presidenta; hay una vieja frase de Napoleón que es verdad: «La guerra se hace con dinero, dinero y dinero». Pues bien, el Estado Islámico se ha estado financiando durante dos años, ante nuestra escandalosa pasividad, con el contrabando de petróleo que daba de unos 14 a 50 millones de dólares mensuales. En el mes de septiembre de 2014, el mismo mes en que yo tomé el acta de parlamentario, impulsé que en los apartados 5 y 6 de la Resolución de septiembre de 2014 se incluyera un párrafo o unas menciones o unos criterios de sanción a quienes negociaran, comerciaran o realizaran cualquier tráfico con el Estado islámico.

Desde 2014, desde el mismo mes de octubre siguiente, continuadamente me dirigí a la Comisión Europea y a la Alta Representante, requiriéndoles que me explicaran cuál era el balance de las investigaciones que habían hecho, cuáles eran los datos que se tenían respecto a las empresas que estaban realizando ese obsceno y criminal comercio, y qué sanciones concretas se habían realizado para que ese comercio parara, para que parara la guerra parando la sangre de la guerra, que es el comercio y el dinero.

Realicé preguntas a la Comisión y a la Alta Representante en octubre de 2014, enero de 2015, octubre de 2015, diciembre de 2015, enero de 2016 y marzo de 2016. Las contestaciones, que son un monumento a la hipocresía diplomática, consistieron en decirme cuáles eran las Resoluciones que significaban prohibición y sanción. No, yo no pedía que me explicaran cuál era el código, sino dónde estaban los delincuentes y qué sanciones se habían tomado. Ninguna.

Mire, en castellano, en español, hay una frase que dice: «Primero creamos la miseria y después llegamos con la caridad».

Yo, francamente, me siento feliz por lo que está pasando ahora y profundamente avergonzado por nuestra hipocresía durante dos años, que ha significado el sufrimiento para centenares de miles de personas en el norte de Irak.

 
  
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  Javier Couso Permuy, en nombre del Grupo GUE/NGL. – Señora Presidenta, todo el mundo tiene claro que hay que derrotar al Dáesh en Mosul, pero en una acción militar de esta envergadura debemos asegurar el estricto cumplimiento del Derecho internacional humanitario y del Derecho de la guerra. Lamentablemente, frente a un enemigo sin escrúpulos y con bombardeos aéreos o de la artillería, va a afectar negativamente a la población.

Sabemos poco realmente de lo que pasa en Mosul, frente a la propaganda asfixiante de lo que pasa en Alepo. Afortunadamente, en Mosul no llamamos rebeldes a los señores de Al Qaeda y sabemos que estos terroristas están utilizando a la población civil.

Nos preocupa, en este contexto, la invasión turca de territorio iraquí, hecha contra la voluntad del Gobierno legal iraquí. Nos preocupan las noticias de un corredor tolerado por Turquía, donde los terroristas se trasladan a Siria y atacan a las fuerzas kurdas y sirias. No, no se acaba así con el Dáesh, con esa tolerancia o comprando su petróleo.

Nos preocupan las propuestas de armar a milicias o a fuerzas locales, porque ello aviva el fuego; solo se debe apoyar al Gobierno federal. Nos preocupa la poca financiación de ACNUR: la Unión Europea debe implicarse a fondo y destinar más fondos.

Hay que preservar la integridad territorial y evitar el error de un Gobierno sectario. Esto lo empezamos en 2003, lo agravamos con otras invasiones y por apoyo al sectarismo por intereses. Ya basta.

 
  
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  Bodil Valero, för Verts/ALE-gruppen. – Fru talman! Det vi alla har väntat på väldigt länge, dvs. befrielsen av Mosul och alla civila som befinner sig där har ju nu börjat. Men det kommer inte att bli en dans på rosor där den irakiska regeringen går in den ena dagen och utropar seger den andra. Civilbefolkningen i Mosul står inför en humanitär katastrof och vi måste vara redo att hjälpa till.

Vissa från Mosul har lyckats fly till närområdet, men också till Rojava i Syrien. Från Mosul finns det inga säkra vägar ut och människor vågar inte ens gå ut på gatan, än mindre lämna staden. Den dag de kommer kan det röra sig om upp till 1 miljon människor. Hjälporganisationer på plats vittnar om att de idag har kapacitet att ta emot kanske 60 000 i läger och som alla mest 200 000. Det krävs därför ökade insatser från det internationella samfundet för humanitär hjälp och bistånd till området. Stödet måste nå även de som lyckas ta sig till Rojava, där man vittnar om att stödet inte når på grund av Turkiets ovilja att öppna gränsen för hjälpsändningar.

Att befria Mosul kommer inte att leda till långsiktig fred så länge det inte finns en strategi för hur man ska garantera alla folkgruppers fortsatta existens och rätt att återvända till sina hem. Området är hem för många minoriteter som kaldéer, syrianer, assyrier, yazidier, kurder, shabaker, turkmener, kakai och shia.

Om inte de irakiska makthavarna lyssnar på minoriteternas ställda krav på autonomi och ökat självbestämmande och inkluderar dem i förhandlingar om framtida styrelseformer efter befrielsen, så är risken mycket stor att nya interna konflikter uppstår, istället för den långsiktiga fred vi alla önskar oss i julklapp.

(Talaren samtyckte till att besvara en fråga (blått kort) i enlighet med artikel 162.8 i arbetsordningen).

 
  
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  James Carver (EFDD), blue-card question. – I share your concerns, colleague. Only last week someone involved in a major NGO in Iraq highlighted to me how, with winter approaching, there is a severe lack of supply of temporary shelters, and there is a huge humanitarian disaster heading this way. Obviously, as the situation in Mosul changes, more refugees will be fleeing.

Will you join me in calling for the international community to be looking again at this and really looking at the number of temporary shelters that are currently being made available?

 
  
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  Bodil Valero (Verts/ALE), svar (“blått kort”). – Självklart tycker jag att det är oerhört viktigt att vi alla, på olika sätt, ser till att det kommer mer resurser till de organisationer som nu arbetar i området.

Vi talade idag med The Norwegian refugee council, som besökte oss i gruppen och som berättade just om sina svårigheter att få till dessa många sängplatser som behövs. Det var de som berättade om de 60 000 idag, vad man har, och att det står eller att vi säger ”Vi kommer kunna ta emot 700 000”. De varnade också för att det kanske inte är mer än 200 000 som vi kommer kunna ha sängplatser till. Därför är det också så viktigt att vi stöttar upp. Inte bara i närområdet, utan också utanför.

 
  
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  Fabio Massimo Castaldo, a nome del gruppo EFDD. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, è cominciata l'operazione che condurrà alla liberazione di Mosul dai jihadisti del Califfato. Finalmente, vorremmo dire, se non fosse che il disaccordo che finora l'ha impedita permane a tutt'oggi e dipinge un quadro a tinte fosche sul futuro dell'intero Medio Oriente.

All'influenza politica e militare di Teheran sul governo iracheno e alle condivisibili aspirazioni dei valorosi curdi all'autodeterminazione si aggiunge l'inaccettabile posizione del governo turco che ha dispiegato truppe sul suolo iracheno senza l'accordo di Baghdad, violandone quindi la sovranità. Le sibilline dichiarazioni di Erdogan inerenti le frontiere della Turchia fissate a Sèvres da rivedere, unite alla volontà di non essere spettatore nella riconquista, lasciano intendere una pericolosa volontà espansionistica che non possiamo ignorare. Come invece stiamo facendo con questa risoluzione, che infatti non solo non condanna, ma neanche menziona tali gravissimi fatti.

Restando in tema di silenzio pesa molto quello americano in vista delle presidenziali. Una rapida conquista di Mosul rappresenta senz'altro una vittoria importante da poter sbandierare a chiusura di campagna, ma non può essere conseguita a qualunque costo e se il prezzo è creare un corridoio agevole verso la Siria per i jihadisti con lo scopo di destabilizzarla ulteriormente e aggravare la situazione dei civili, noi, quel prezzo, non possiamo accettarlo. Le scelte dei player politici non possono, come troppo spesso accade, dimenticare le sofferenze dei civili.

Il nostro ruolo, come europei campioni degli aiuti umanitari, non è sufficiente, se non è accompagnato da una chiara visione sui destini dei territori liberati. Noi sosteniamo la creazione con un processo inclusivo di nuove province autonome per la Piana di Ninive, a Tal Afar, nel Sinjar e ovunque sia necessario per garantire sicurezza e democrazia alle minoranze nei propri territori ancestrali. Non accetteremo però che le ceneri e il petrolio di Mosul divengano oggetto di un vergognoso mercanteggiamento a tavolino sulla pelle dei suoi cittadini, perché Mosul alla fine cadrà e credo anche presto, la sproporzione delle forze in campo troppo grande. Sarebbe già potuta cadere da tempo se la discordia e gli egoismi contrapposti non albergassero le menti delle potenze coinvolte. La storia recente ci insegna che in Iraq il difficile non è vincere la guerra, il difficile è senz'altro il non perdere la pace.

 
  
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  Mario Borghezio, a nome del gruppo ENF. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, le informazioni che sono state fornite dal Commissario sono scarne e anche un po' ireniche, come se fossimo di fronte a una situazione, tutto sommato, come dire controllabile. Invece siamo di fronte a una situazione che potrebbe trasformarsi in una specie di Stalingrado dell'Oriente. Dio non voglia! Ci saranno combattimenti casa per casa, chi conosce anche solo superficialmente il modus operandi dell'ISIS può facilmente immaginare quella che sarà la resistenza. Useranno le armi chimiche perché, nella disattenzione dell'Occidente, questi guerrieri di Allah si provvedono di armi al cloro e d'iprite. Dentro ci sono gli scudi umani, dentro ci sono moltissimi cristiani e tra l'altro c'è già un'attività di rapimento di intere popolazioni delle zone limitrofe a Mosul che vengono portate all'interno proprio per essere utilizzate. Di fronte a questo l'Europa cosa ci dice? cosa fa? Niente di più di un vago comportamento irenico di una ONG. Un'Europa assente, che non sa nemmeno dirci esattamente come stanno le cose, quanto durerà questo assedio, quali rischi ci sono di fuga dei foreign fighter, che misure si prendono a livello internazionale per evitare che ci sia un'invasione mondiale di guerrieri dell'ISIS pronti ad agire, magari anche qui in Europa, magari anche qui a Bruxelles. Non state facendo niente! Siete indifesi e ci lasciate indifesi di fronte a questi rischi!

 
  
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  Aymeric Chauprade (NI). – Madame la Présidente, l'offensive contre Mossoul est lancée. Elle est nécessaire. L'État islamique doit enfin être détruit.

Je veux saluer nos soldats français qui engagent leur vie dans ce combat contre le totalitarisme. Je pense aussi aux soldats d'autres pays européens, aux Américains, aux Russes qui, malgré les divisions, luttent tous contre un même objectif: l'élimination de cet État islamique.

Les cloches recommencent à sonner dans plusieurs villages près de Mossoul. Pour les chrétiens d'Orient, qui ont survécu à tant de tentatives génocidaires de la part de l'Islam conquérant, l'espoir du retour renaît, comme il renaît pour d'autres communautés. Je pense aux Yézidis, qui ont subi ces criminels déniant toute humanité aux femmes, aux enfants et à tous ceux qui s'opposent à leur charia.

L'État territorial islamique va disparaître, mais ce monstre va muter. D'autres problèmes graves pour l'Union européenne vont naître. En Syrie, les effectifs de l'armée syrienne libre croissent déjà étrangement à mesure qu'augmentent les défections au sein de l'État islamique. Nous devons donc cesser de distinguer l'État islamique des autres composantes islamiques. Elles forment, en effet, les diverses facettes d'un seul et même mal: le totalitarisme islamique. Quant aux partisans de l'État islamique ressortissants de l'Union européenne, ils vont revenir, hélas, pour semer la mort et la désolation chez nous.

Soyez-en sûrs, l'effondrement de l'État islamique n'est que le prélude à une guerre planétaire de grande intensité entre les djihadistes et toutes les autres civilisations.

Dans ces conditions, Madame la Présidente, chers collègues, la voix de la raison, c'est la coopération entre toutes les civilisations.

 
  
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  Cristian Dan Preda (PPE). – Madame la Présidente, le groupe PPE a tenu à inscrire à l'ordre du jour le débat sur la situation à Mossoul car, au-delà de l'enjeu primordial de la lutte contre Daech, il s'agit d'une situation humanitaire extrêmement délicate. En effet, plus de 200 000 personnes pourraient être déplacées dans les prochaines semaines.

Nous devons avoir pour priorité absolue de protéger ces populations lors de la bataille, en particulier les communautés vulnérables telles que les chrétiens qui, dans leur grande majorité, ont fui leur terre. On doit permettre aux chrétiens, ainsi qu'aux Yézidis et aux Turkmènes, non seulement de regagner leur foyer, mais également de participer à la vie politique et sociale de la ville.

Le sort des populations civiles est d'autant plus inquiétant que l'ONU a reçu des rapports sur les atrocités que les combattants de Daech sont en train de commettre. En fait, ils se servent des civils comme boucliers humains.

La bataille de Mossoul est décisive pour l'avenir de l'Iraq et la visite du ministre iraquien des affaires étrangères la semaine dernière à Bruxelles est un signal clair de l'importance de l'aide de l'Union pour préparer l'après-reconquête.

Même si elle n'apporte pas d'appui militaire, l'Union doit jouer un rôle clé au niveau humanitaire et pour la stabilisation du pays, en étroite collaboration avec nos partenaires, et notamment les États-Unis.

La stratégie de l'Union envers l'Iraq a défini les bonnes priorités: la destruction des engins explosifs ainsi que le soutien aux services de sécurité et à l'état de droit. Il s'agit désormais d'accélérer leur mise en œuvre.

(L'orateur accepte de répondre à une question "carton bleu" (article 162, paragraphe 8, du règlement))

 
  
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  Jean-Luc Schaffhauser (ENF), question "carton bleu". – Monsieur, je ne comprends pas pourquoi vous ne dénoncez pas au sujet d'Alep-Est ce que vous dénoncez à propos de Mossoul? C'est exactement la même situation.

Renseignez-vous auprès de l'évêque d'Alep ou de celui de Mossoul. Je connais les deux, ils vous décriront exactement la même situation. Pourquoi deux poids, deux mesures? Ce que vous avez dit est très bien. Pourquoi ne le dites-vous pas pour Alep?

 
  
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  Cristian Dan Preda (PPE), réponse "carton bleu". – Monsieur Schaffhauser, nous nous sommes renseignés. Nous avons aussi parlé avec des personnalités religieuses très importantes. Malheureusement, nous ne nous retrouvons pas dans leurs positions, qui sont délicates quand elles soutiennent des personnes comme Bachar Al-Assad en Syrie. La protection des communautés chrétiennes ne peut pas aller de pair avec le soutien de dictateurs ou d'amis de ces dictateurs, notamment de votre grand ami Vladimir Poutine.

 
  
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  Enrique Guerrero Salom (S&D). – Señora Presidenta, se estima que hay más de un millón de personas en la ciudad de Mosul y, desde que empezaron las acciones militares, apenas 10 000 han conseguido salir de la ciudad. Para quienes continúan atrapados dentro de ella, lo más importante en estos momentos son rutas seguras por donde salir y lugares confiables adonde llegar. Y, por tanto, el primer esfuerzo tiene que ser planificar esas rutas seguras, comunicarlas apropiadamente a la población, preservar a quienes salen de la ciudad y asegurarles protección a lo largo de esas rutas.

Después, tendremos que dar una respuesta humanitaria para evitar los errores de Alepo. Yo sé que la Unión Europea ha desplazado medios y está preparada para ello, pero será otra crisis humanitaria muy importante y tenemos que asegurarnos, en esa crisis humanitaria, de que hemos aprendido de los errores de Alepo y de otras partes de Siria y aplicamos la legislación humanitaria internacional y la protección de los más vulnerables.

 
  
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  Anna Elżbieta Fotyga (ECR). 17 października rozpoczęła się długo zapowiadana i oczekiwana ofensywa na Mosul – ostatni, wielki bastion dżihadystów w Iraku. Prowadzą to natarcie z kilku kierunków jednocześnie siły specjalne Iraku i peszmergowie kurdyjscy przy wsparciu przede wszystkim amerykańskim i brytyjskim. Premier al-Abadi wyraził już zadowolenie z tempa operacji, wszyscy jednak wiemy, że będzie ona przypuszczalnie długa i bardzo trudna, przede wszystkim dla ludności cywilnej. Miejmy nadzieję, że doprowadzi do ostatecznego wyzwolenia tej ludności.

Jestem zwolenniczką jak najdalej idącego zaangażowania Unii Europejskiej w pomoc humanitarną oraz współdziałanie w ramach struktur ONZ i innych organizacji. Sądzę również, że propozycje posła Adaktussona co do późniejszych rozwiązań dotyczących mniejszości, w tym chrześcijan, wymagają naszej uwagi, gdyż są bardzo ciekawe.

 
  
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  Pavel Telička (ALDE). – Madam President, of course the only way to defeat ISIS is to take back the territory. I think that victory hopefully not far from us in Mosul and later on in Iraq, are the best signs of the weakening of ISIS. But victory is not the end. Victory, as the Commissioner also hinted, is the start.

I think that we all know that the Sunni residents are not keen on the government in Baghdad or on the Shiites and we do have political, social and other dilemmas that have been in Iraq for years. We will need to find an answer. I think that is where, Commissioner, as you have also said, we will have to work with the Iraqi Government, with the regional governments, with the international community, to come up with a strategy, to have a long-lasting solution.

There is one other point that we have to be prepared for, of course. Defeating ISIS on the ground does not mean that the jihadists will not change and reinforce what they have been doing in the past and that is terrorist attacks in Europe. We need to be prepared for that as well and we should debate both issues in the future here in the plenary.

 
  
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  Barbara Lochbihler (Verts/ALE). – Frau Präsidentin! Wir alle kennen die Berichte über die Schreckensherrschaft des Islamischen Staats im Irak und in Syrien. Daher sind wir hoffnungsvoll, dass das Terrorregime des Islamischen Staats in Mossul bald beendet sein wird. Für die EU kommt es jetzt darauf an, die humanitäre Hilfe zu intensivieren und gut zu koordinieren, falls es in naher Zukunft vielleicht auch zu einer Massenflucht aus Mossul kommen sollte. Zudem müssen alle Parteien, die im Irak den IS bekämpfen, sicherstellen, dass sie das Völkerrecht respektieren und dass Verstöße geahndet werden.

Bei der Befreiung Falludschas im Mai 2016 wurden von irakischen Regierungstruppen und paramilitärischen Milizen Menschenrechtsverletzungen und Kriegsverbrechen begangen; es kam zu Entführungen, Folter und Exekutionen. Derartige Vorfälle dürfen sich nicht wiederholen. Auch muss die EU friedensbildende Maßnahmen für die Zeit nach dem Ende der IS-Herrschaft fordern.

 
  
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  James Carver (EFDD). – Madam President, if we are serious about peace in the Middle East we must control and limit Turkish actions in Iraq and also in Syria. Their presence complicates the situation in Mosul and raises serious questions about their possible aspirations in the Sinjar region. Yesterday the Turkish Foreign Minister stated that Turkey may attack Kurdish troops in Iraq if it felt it to be in the national interest, before accusing the Iraqi Government of tying itself to a terrorist organisation, ignoring, of course, how Kurdish forces are at the forefront of the fight against the Islamic State.

Madam President, whilst Turkey claims to be part of the international effort to liberate Mosul, they legitimise their military forward station at the Bashiqa military camp outside Mosul, at the very time that the Iraqi Government has stated how Turkey sends its troops into Iraq without permission, hence Baghdad’s repeated demands that Turkish groups withdraw.

We must all support a speedy end to the fighting in Mosul and continue to respect the brave sacrifices of Kurdish groups in the fight against Islamic State.

 
  
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  Marie-Christine Arnautu (ENF). – Madame la Présidente, je me réjouis également du recul de l'État islamique. La libération de Mossoul et de la plaine de Ninive redonne en effet de l'espoir aux populations civiles qui ont subi ou fui le joug atroce des islamistes.

Toutefois, certains ont quand même la mémoire courte. Les coalitions internationales atlantistes sont les premières responsables du chaos au Moyen-Orient, mais d'habiles communicants nous expliquent déjà, la main sur le cœur, que les puissances occidentales ont les meilleures intentions du monde et font usage de gentilles bombes démocratiques qui apportent des lendemains qui chantent, contrairement aux méchantes bombes russes.

Ceux qui vantent aujourd'hui les bombardements de la coalition ne sont-ils pas les mêmes qui, par leur politique, permettent aux islamistes de retenir en otages les habitants d'Alep-Est; les mêmes qui applaudissaient les néoconservateurs lorsqu'ils prêchaient la croisade contre Saddam Hussein, dont le renversement est finalement à l'origine de l'actuel désastre; les mêmes qui sympathisent avec le Qatar et l'Arabie saoudite; les mêmes, d'ailleurs, qui se pâment devant les bouffonneries du va-t-en-guerre Bernard-Henri Lévy?

Je crois qu'il faut que l'hypocrisie cesse enfin.

 
  
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  Tunne Kelam (PPE). – Madam President, Iraqi traditional minorities have suffered most as a result of regional conflict and ISIS terrorism. The European Parliament concluded in February that Daesh is committing genocide against Christians, Yazidis and other religious minorities. I think this message should be now taken with utmost seriosity because historic, religious and ethnic minorities face a challenge there: to be or not to be.

The European Parliament has already supported the need to create safe havens for Chaldeans, Syriacs, Assyrians and others in the Nineveh Plains, Tal Afar and Sinjar areas. This could take the practical form of a special province of Iraq, which would provide for all religious and ethnic groups used to settle the region’s safety and equal opportunities.

What we need is determined support by the international community and I think the EU assistance should not be substantially increased but also be allowed to be channelled directly to local churches, peace-based relief organisations and security forces who live among the people in need, and know best their problems. If rules make obstacles for that, the rules must be changed. There should not be an excuse, because it is about our common faith and future. Europe cannot continue to observe the destruction of the very roots of our civilisation, because this is about our common religious and cultural continuity.

 
  
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  Pier Antonio Panzeri (S&D). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, è stato detto che siamo giunti a una fase decisiva dell'avanzata verso Mosul, l'ultima roccaforte di Daesh. Bene, in questo quadro, cosa serve fare? Innanzitutto, io penso che l'offensiva su Mosul deve necessariamente essere accompagnata da un intervento umanitario che possa non solo mettere in salvo i civili, che rischiano di essere usati come scudi umani dai terroristi, ma soprattutto offrire corridoi sicuri e dar riparo agli sfollati costretti alla fuga dall'azione militare. In secondo luogo, è necessario sapere che, se vogliamo salvaguardare l'integrità territoriale dell'Iraq, dobbiamo mettere in sicurezza le aree che via via saranno liberate e sarebbe utile un controllo internazionale perché il rischio, se non si provvedesse a tenere sotto controllo la situazione, è il riproporsi di scontri e tensioni. Qui c'è uno spazio per il protagonismo europeo e penso che sia venuto il momento di esercitarlo per evitare di ripetere gli errori del passato.

 
  
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  Bas Belder (ECR). – Hoe kan de EU meehelpen aan de blijvende aanwezigheid van de christelijke en sjiitische minderheid in Noord-Irak na bevrijding van de IS-barbarij? Op deze cruciale vraag die door mijn hoofd ging, kreeg ik gisteravond telefonisch en per mail uit Erbil, uit de regio zelf, een kristalhelder antwoord, of beter gezegd: een indringende oproep om Europese hulp bij de wederopbouw van zwaargetroffen christelijke gebieden in de vlakte van Ninevé ter aanmoediging van de terugkeer van verdreven en vervolgde inheemse christenen.

De EU dient op nationaal en regionaal niveau in Irak aan te dringen op een faire politieke vertegenwoordiging van de christelijke sjiitische minderheid in Noord-Irak. Onafhankelijke lokale bestuursraden voor de onderscheiden minderheden zijn daartoe het voorgestelde – en mijns inziens ook het meest geschikte – instrument.

Urgent is verder dat de EU er bij de Iraakse overheid sterk op aandringt recente discriminerende wetgeving voor niet-islamitische minderheden te wijzigen. Waarom zou bijvoorbeeld alleen een niet-moslim van geloof mogen veranderen? Zie artikel 26 van de wet op de nationale identiteitskaart.

 
  
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  Franz Obermayr (ENF). – Frau Präsidentin! Auch nach der erhofften Rückeroberung von Mossul bleibt einiges an Fragen offen.

Der IS wird auch weiterhin als brandgefährliche islamistische Terrororganisation tätig bleiben. Die Türkei operiert gegenwärtig zwischen der irakischen Armee, zwischen den schiitischen Truppen und der kurdischen Peschmerga und verletzt wissentlich Völkerrecht, nur um einen zusammenhängenden kurdischen Staat, eine zusammenhängende kurdische Region zu verhindern.

Herr Kommissar, ich vermisse schon, dass Sie das auch erwähnen. Ich nehme an, Sie wissen es, nur Sie sagen es leider Gottes nicht. Dem türkischen Journalisten Can Dündar, ein Favorit für den Sacharow-Preis, ist es zu verdanken, dass diese ungeheuerlichen türkischen Waffenschiebereien mit dem IS aufgedeckt wurden. Wenn wir heute sagen: Wir wünschen uns wieder einen multiethnischen, einen multikonfessionellen, einen multikulturellen Irak – ja, das ist gut, recht und schön. Es wird auch einiges kosten.

Aber wir vermissen natürlich auch die Zuweisung, warum es so weit kam. Diese katastrophale Außenpolitik der Vereinigten Staaten – unterstützt von einigen europäischen Staaten – hat letztlich diesen armen Staat Irak in dieses Chaos geführt.

 
  
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  György Hölvényi (PPE). – Elnök Asszony! Lehet, hogy furcsán hangzik a Parlamentben, és nagyon furcsán hangzik, de helyzet van, helyzet van, és esély van, esélye van az irakiaknak és esélye van Európának is, hogy végre időben cselekedjünk. És ezért is volt fontos a mostani jelentés. Két konkrét dolgot szeretnék annak a jegyében, hogy hallgassuk meg a helyieket, nem kell nekünk mindent kitalálni. Pár teremmel arrébb ül Nevroz Mad Rudd Amin kurd önkormányzati miniszternő. Fél órával előbb hagytuk abba a beszélgetést, és a következőket mondta: személyazonosság és biztonság. Iszonyatos veszélye van annak, hogy ellenőrizetlenül százezrek hagyják el a térséget, és nem tudjuk, hogy hogyan alakul a helyzet. Egyelőre vízről van szó, egyelőre takarókról van szó, később oktatásról lesz szó, mondta alig húsz perce vagy félórája a miniszter.

Néhány órával ezelőtt beszéltem Irkiz káld érsekkel az iraki Kirkukból. A helyi egyházi háború következtében évek óta gondoskodik a hívek és a belső menekültek százezreiről. Mit mondott? Három dolgot: Először is, helyre kell állítani az egészségügyi ellátást, ami katasztrofális. Erre komoly pénzügyi, technikai kapacitásaink vannak. Másrészt sürgősen meg kell kezdeni az otthonok és az infrastruktúra újjáépítését. Harmadszor pedig meg kell szervezni az oktatást, hogy a fiatalok jövőképet lássanak maguk előtt. Pár órával ezelőtt mondta telefonon Kirkukból. Építsünk a helyiekre és végre semmit nélkülük, róluk.

 
  
  

VORSITZ: RAINER WIELAND
Vizepräsident

 
  
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  Afzal Khan (S&D). – Mr President, last week’s EU-Iraq Cooperation Council gives hope that the military fight against Daesh in Iraq, and primarily Mosul, will soon come to a successful end. The EU has established itself as a key player in Iraq, providing vital humanitarian and stabilisation assistance to millions of people affected by the crisis. The EU and UK have pledged to provide another EUR 95 million in humanitarian crisis aid.

This is good news, but I am worried about the political consequences of the Mosul operation. What is our next step in engaging with Iraq following the government’s declaration of victory over Daesh? In my view, we must use our leverage to pressure the Iraqi Government to end the marginalisation of Sunnis and other minorities. In the future this government must focus on good governance, power sharing, the reconciliation process and job creation. This is one of the main lessons of 2003 Iraq. If we do not ensure peace and justice in Iraq we are sowing the seeds for another post-Daesh extremist organisation.

 
  
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  David Campbell Bannerman (ECR). – Mr President, as Chair of the Iraq delegation, I made it clear our priority must be to help destroy ISIS in Iraq, Syria and wherever it resides. I salute the courage of the Iraqi armed forces, and the Kurdish Peshmerga in particular, in their gruelling efforts to retake Mosul from the murderous tyrants of ISIS. Insha’Allah they will defeat ISIS and drive them out of Iraq.

A year ago I flew over Mosul and visited the Peshmerga on the front line. The fruits of that military success are already being seen and, for the first time in two years, church bells are rung in Bartella, a predominantly Christian town on Mosul’s outskirts. They leave behind, however, a bloodbath of victims – Christians, Yazidis, Turkmen Shiites and other minorities – and only now will we see the true extent of the underlying damage. The humanitarian challenge of 700 000 people needing help will be immense and so will the political challenge of what happens next.

 
  
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  Esther de Lange (PPE). – Beste collega's, Falloedja, Ramadi, Mosul – het zijn de namen van steden die al veroverd zijn op IS of waar de strijd op het moment nog gaande is. Natuurlijk is dat een goede zaak, maar de ervaringen in Falloedja en Ramadi leren ons wel dat militair succes alleen niet voldoende is. Daarom ben ik ook blij met de woorden die in die lijn gesproken zijn door de commissaris.

De vraag is: wat is ons plan daarna? Dat plan ligt er onvoldoende of helemaal niet, niet in Irak en ook niet bij de internationale gemeenschap. De grote vraag is natuurlijk: als die gemeenschappelijke vijand, IS, is verdreven, komen dan de onderlinge rivaliteiten tussen allerlei groeperingen in Irak en de spanningen als gevolg van de buitenlandse bemoeienis weer naar de oppervlakte? Ik vrees van wel als ik kijk naar een recent verslag van Amnesty International, dat al wijst op ernstige mensenrechtenschendingen door het regeringsleger en door sjiitische milities.

Veel aandacht in onze debatten gaat vaak uit naar de spanning tussen soennieten en sjiieten, de grote groepen in het land. Maar de kleine minderheden dreigen in Irak totaal vermalen te worden. Van de 1,5 miljoen christelijke minderheden in 2003 zijn er nu nog 200 000 tot 300 000 mensen over.

In een resolutie van februari dit jaar heeft het Europees Parlement gesproken van genocide door IS op deze christelijke minderheden. Hoe gaan de Europese Commissie en de hoge vertegenwoordiger een vervolg geven aan die resolutie en zorgen met Irak voor dat politieke plan, met bijzondere aandacht voor die kleine minderheden.

 
  
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  Kati Piri (S&D). – De slag om Mosul gaat nu de tweede week in. Steeds meer dorpen in de buurt worden van IS bevrijd, maar de terreurgroep heeft de tweede stad van Irak nog in handen.

Tegelijkertijd wordt niet alleen IS omcirkeld, maar ook de één miljoen tellende burgerbevolking. Inmiddels zijn duizenden mensen gevlucht en de verwachting is dat de komende dagen een vluchtelingenstroom van ongekende omvang zal ontstaan. Een nieuwe humanitaire ramp als wij er niet op tijd bij zijn om te helpen. De 50 miljoen euro die de EU beschikbaar heeft gesteld voor humanitaire hulp in Mosul is een goed begin, maar het is ook van groot belang dat er een strategie wordt ontwikkeld om burgers een veilig onderkomen te bieden. En nu de situatie met de dag gevaarlijker wordt is daar haast bij.

 
  
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  Mirosław Piotrowski (ECR). – W obliczu ofensywy na Mosul do Parlamentu Europejskiego wraca temat sytuacji w Iraku. Cały czas giną tam ludzie, chrześcijanie. W lutym tego roku nasza Izba w specjalnej rezolucji podkreśliła, że tzw. Państwo Islamskie popełnia ludobójstwo wobec chrześcijan, jazydów i innych mniejszości. W przygotowywanej właśnie przez naszą grupę Europejskich Konserwatystów i Reformatorów rezolucji pokazujemy skalę tych zbrodni. Trzynaście lat temu w Iraku żyło półtora miliona chrześcijan. Obecnie ich liczbę szacuje się na 200 do 350 tysięcy. Na tym terenie działają chrześcijańskie siły samoobrony, które współpracują z armią iracką, ale potrzebują one niezbędnej pomocy. I o to także apelujemy w naszej rezolucji. Konieczne jest też, aby Unia Europejska mocniej zaangażowała się w pomoc humanitarną.

 
  
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  Francisco José Millán Mon (PPE). – Señor Presidente, yo celebro mucho los avances en la ofensiva contra el Dáesh conseguidos en los últimos meses por las fuerzas armadas iraquíes, los peshmerga kurdos y las demás fuerzas de la coalición internacional.

En esta campaña, Mosul es ahora un objetivo prioritario, como ya se ha dicho. Las noticias sobre el rápido avance son esperanzadoras, pero es preciso ser prudentes. En cualquier caso, confío en que esta compleja operación culmine con éxito cuanto antes con la menor pérdida posible de vidas humanas y con pleno respeto del Derecho internacional humanitario.

La entrada en Mosul deberá ser liderada por el ejército iraquí, asistido por las fuerzas de la coalición internacional, evitando interferencias por parte de terceros que puedan hacer peligrar el éxito de la misión y la etapa posterior.

Me parece particularmente importante evitar todo tipo de venganzas sectarias y posibles éxodos masivos. Además, la victoria militar planteará, a continuación, importantes retos humanitarios de seguridad, de acceso de la población a servicios básicos, así como de reconstrucción y reconciliación, que han de ser acometidos de manera urgente, como se señaló en la reunión de alto nivel de París de la semana pasada.

Es necesario, en suma, que la población iraquí pueda reanudar, por así decirlo, su vida normal.

Finalmente, señor Presidente, en Mosul, como en el resto de Irak y en la mayoría de Oriente Próximo, es preciso también superar los enfrentamientos sectarios de carácter religioso, étnico o territorial.

No habrá solución política viable ni paz ni estabilidad si no prevalecen la inclusión política y social, la integridad territorial y la reconciliación.

 
  
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  Francisco Assis (S&D). – Senhor Presidente, a batalha pela libertação de Mossul constitui, como sabemos, um enorme desafio militar, pela natureza do inimigo, e um enorme desafio humanitário, pelo número de civis afetados. Mas na batalha de Mossul está em causa muito mais do que a derrota do Daexe e a libertação da cidade e dos seus habitantes. Está em causa o futuro do Iraque.

Que o Daexe será derrotado, é uma certeza! Mas já não podemos ter a certeza de que a derrota do Daexe dará automaticamente início a uma época de paz neste país tão martirizado. Algumas das forças que hoje combatem os jiadistas combatiam entre si não há muito tempo. Há feridas e rivalidades apenas temporariamente suspensas.

O período pós-Daexe será, pois, um período crítico, cheio de perigos, mas constituirá também uma oportunidade histórica para a reconciliação e o desenvolvimento do Iraque. Como sabemos, o Iraque caracteriza-se por uma grande diversidade étnico-religiosa. O país só alcançará paz e prosperidade se respeitar e preservar essa diversidade, criando condições para a participação política das diversas minorias religiosas e correntes sociais.

O objetivo da estabilização e da prosperidade do Iraque dependerá de esforços externos e internos. Terá de passar, entre outros, por um diálogo entre xiitas e sunitas, bem como por um diálogo com os vários países da região e a União Europeia pode, e deve ter aí um papel muito ativo. Muito obrigado.

 
  
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  Andrzej Grzyb (PPE). – Najpierw chciałbym podziękować koledze Larsowi Adaktussonowi, który był inicjatorem tej debaty. To on zaproponował, abyśmy o tym rozmawiali, mając na względzie toczącą się ofensywę na przedmieściach Mosulu. Wszyscy jesteśmy zgodni, że pokonanie ISIS, zdobycie Mosulu to dopiero początek całego problemu, który będziemy musieli rozwiązać.

W pełni zgadzam się z tym, co powiedział pan komisarz, że musimy znaleźć rozwiązania humanitarne, ale też pomóc w pojednaniu, w zbudowaniu wieloetniczności i wieloreligijności na tym terenie. W wyniku działań wojennych pojawi się również kolejna fala migracji; nie wiemy jak wielka. To wszystko zależy od postępu sił wojskowych. Możemy jednak zarazem liczyć się z tym, że nastąpi tam katastrofa humanitarna.

W dniu 19 października media poinformowały, że miasto al Hamdanyia położone czterdzieści kilometrów na południowy wschód od Mosulu, dawny ośrodek chrześcijan, zostało odbite. Jakże dziwnie to brzmi: „dawny ośrodek chrześcijan”. Przecież mieszkało tam około stu czterdziestu tysięcy chrześcijan. Niewielu ich się ostało. Musimy zatem iść w ślad za apelem posła Larsa Adaktussona i pomóc chrześcijanom i wyznawcom innych religii w powrocie na tereny, które kiedyś etnicznie również do nich należały.

 
  
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  Ana Gomes (S&D). – Senhor Presidente, há uns anos visitei os valentes Peshmerga na linha da frente junto a Mossul e percebi como libertar esta cidade é decisivo para arrasar o Daexe globalmente. Mas é imperativo que as forças libertadoras respeitem o direito internacional, durante e após a operação militar e abram corredores humanitários sob monotorização internacional.

Os governos da União Europeia têm o dever de apoiar mais e mais eficazmente as autoridades do Iraque e do governo regional curdo, concertando-se entre si na ajuda humanitária e também na militar, incluindo no apoio à reconstrução e proteção de áreas libertadas e das minorias, na dissuasão das ambições territoriais da Turquia, no diálogo xiita-sunita essencial para a reconciliação e a governação democrática, além de tudo fazer para que os crimes de guerra e contra a humanidade cometidos pelo Daexe e outras forças sejam referidos ao Tribunal Penal Internacional, numa estratégia de combate global à violência extremista e terrorista e seus mandantes e financiadores.

 
  
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  Elmar Brok (PPE). – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar, Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Ich glaube, dass das Vorgehen gegen ISIS eine notwendige Angelegenheit ist, weil diese Terroristen mit niemandem verhandeln wollen und für niemanden eine vernünftige Regelung finden müssen. Deswegen ist es richtig, dass dies vorangeht, trotz all der Opfer, die dort geschehen.

Herr Kommissar, wir müssen auch darauf achten, dass die Konsequenz nicht mehr Terror in Europa ist. Deswegen gibt es hier eine Verbindung, dass sie da nicht Ausweichkampfstätten finden; auch dieses müssen wir einbeziehen. Ich glaube, dass es gelingen wird, wenn dies jetzt im Irak vernünftig geschieht, dass die Menschen in ihre Heimat zurückkehren und es deswegen keine Fluchtbewegung gibt, sondern dass es Hoffnung gibt, wofür wir auch Aufbauleistung machen müssen.

Aber dies wird nur eine Glaubwürdigkeit haben – angesichts der großen Leiden, die Jesiden, Christen und andere gehabt haben, wie sie von ihren Nachbarn zu Beginn des Vorgehens des ISIS bekämpft, gefoltert und getötet worden sind –, wenn der irakische Staat einen vernünftigen Staatsaufbau bekommt. Die schiitische Regierung in Bagdad muss wissen, dass dies eine Organisation sein muss, wo die Kurden in Ebril, auch die anderen Gemeinschaften wie die Christen und die Sunniten, eine Sicherheit finden durch die Organisation des Staates und nicht in die Gefahr hineinkommen, dass sie Angst haben müssen, wenn sie in ihre Häuser, ihre Dörfer zurückkehren, dass sie demnächst wieder Opfer einer Attacke werden.

Ich hoffe, dass wir alle unsere Unterstützung, die wir jetzt militärisch geben – etwa die Bundesrepublik Deutschland der Peschmerga, die eine große Rolle spielt, was auch wichtig ist für die innere Gestaltung des Landes –, im Zusammenhang sehen müssen.

 
  
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  László Tőkés (PPE). – Elismerésemet fejezem ki Lars Adaktusson képviselő úrnak az észak-iraki etnikai és vallási kisebbségek helyzetével és jövőjével kapcsolatos európai parlamenti állásfoglalás kezdeményezéséért. Hitből fakadó lelkiismereti, erkölcsi és politikai kötelességünk fellépni a puszta létükben fenyegetett Moszul környéki, a Ninivei-fennsíkon élő őshonos keresztények, jazidik, türkmének és más kisebbségek védelmében. A nemzetközi és az európai közösség csak együttes erővel vethet véget a térségben folyó tömeggyilkosságnak és népirtásnak, a háborús és emberiség ellen elkövetett bűnöknek.

A másfél millióról mintegy 300 ezerre apadt iraki kereszténység megmentése elsőrendű cél. A tovább eszkalálódó migrációval szemben a legfőbb prioritást az elűzött keresztények és más kisebbségek szülőföldjükre való visszatelepítése jelenti.

Üdvözlöm és példamutatónak tartom, hogy a magyar kormány önálló államtitkári hivatalt hozott létre az ...

(az Elnök megvonta a szót a képviselőtől).

 
  
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  Der Präsident. – Wir kommen nun zum Catch-the-eye-Verfahren. Ich habe wesentlich mehr Wortmeldungen, als für diese Zeiteinheit vorgesehen sind. Sie haben Verständnis dafür, dass ich bei fünf Minuten nicht jede Fraktion berücksichtigen kann. Ich werde auch diejenigen nicht berücksichtigen, die bereits einmal beim Catch-the-eye-Verfahren gesprochen haben.

Catch-the-eye-Verfahren

 
  
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  Marijana Petir (PPE). – Gospodine predsjedniče, izražavam zabrinutost zbog humanitarne situacije u Iraku te podržavam aktivnosti koje se provode kako bismo pomogli u spašavanju života i svima u potrebi pružili pomoć, kao i zaustavili daljnje raseljavanje. Sektaško nasilje ugrožava opstanak manjina, a prije 2003. godine Irak je bio dom više od 1 400 000 kršćana.

Kršćani su postali meta ekstremističkih grupa. Crkve su uništene, kršćani otimani i ubijani, a oni koji su preživjeli i ostali u Mosulu, završili su na cesti kao beskućnici. Po nalogu ISIS-a izdan je proglas 2014. godine prema kojemu su svi kršćani morali izabrati da ili plate porez i pređu na islam, napuste grad ili umru. Sa sobom su smjeli ponijeti samo odjeću koju su nosili na tijelu.

Svih preostalih 25 000 kršćana je napustilo grad i tada je prvi put u povijesti Mosul ostao bez kršćana. Vjerujem da će ISIS biti poražen, no potrebno je poraziti i njihovu ideologiju te omogućiti inkluzivno demokratsko društvo. Možda uspostava samouprave može biti rješenje za kršćane u Ninivi.

 
  
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  Nicola Caputo (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, l'offensiva contro gli jihadisti del Daesh a Mosul, nel nord dell'Iraq, sembra stia registrando progressi. Si tratta di liberare da un'occupazione spietata una città di oltre un milione di abitanti che vivono in condizioni drammatiche. I miliziani Daesh per resistere e garantirsi la vita da giorni costringono bambini e donne a restare sui tetti delle case trasformate in bunker per evitare i raid aerei. Si teme una vera e propria catastrofe umanitaria. Secondo il rappresentante dell'Onu in Iraq, Peter Hawkins, migliaia di persone stanno fuggendo dalla zona di Mosul, teatro dei combattimenti. Particolarmente precarie sono le condizioni dei bambini, stipati nei campi per i rifugiati. L'Europa e la comunità internazionale devono lavorare per la protezione dei civili oggi intrappolati a Mosul e nei villaggi vicini e fare in modo che arrivino prima possibile aiuti e assistenza umanitaria per gli abitanti della Piana di Ninive.

 
  
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  Ruža Tomašić (ECR). – Gospodine predsjedniče, vjeruje se da se u Mosulu još uvijek nalazi oko milijun i pol civila zajedno s oko 5000 militanata ISIL-a. U posljednjih 10 dana više 5000 ljudi pobjeglo je s teritorija konflikta u izbjeglički kamp preko granice u Siriju. Došli su u kamp al-Hol koji je već prepun i u kojemu su uvjeti iznimno loši. Trenutne informacije su da još 1000 izbjeglica čeka prelazak preko granice te postaje sve izvjesnije da će se svijet uskoro suočiti s jednom od najvećih humanitarnih kriza u novije doba.

Stoga, snažno podržavam ovu rezoluciju te smatram da treba nastojati iznaći način da se sve strane u sukobu prisili na poštivanje međunarodnog humanitarnog prava, omogući zaštita civila i pristup humanitarnoj i medicinskoj pomoći te omogući civilima da područja pogođena nasiljem napuste sigurno i dostojanstveno. Hitna i beskompromisna humanitarna podrška Europske unije te ostatka međunarodne zajednice stanovnicima Iraka sada je imperativ.

 
  
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  Илхан Кючюк (ALDE). – Г-н Председател, г-н Комисар, офанзивата към град Мосул е забележителна не само поради светкавичната си скорост, но и поради значението й в глобален мащаб. Свидетели сме на безпрецедентно обединение на различни религиозни и етнически групи в името на мира и териториалната цялост на Ирак. Сунити, шиити, кюрди и християни са заедно в борбата срещу последния голям бастион на Ислямска държава в Ирак.

За съжаление трябва да признаем, че военната интервенция срещу Мосул поставя пред сериозно хуманитарно изпитание многобройното цивилно население. Повече от 1 милион души са буквално заложници на терористите от Ислямска държава, като дори деца и жени биват използвани като живи щитове.

Тази ситуация в краткосрочен план може да отприщи нова бежанска вълна и смятам за изключително важно да се гарантира максималната защита на цивилното население по време на военните действия. Необходимо е също така да продължим да работим съвместно и международната общност да подкрепя иракското правителство с хуманитарна помощ по време на текущите операции.

Мирното население в региона се нуждае от нашата помощ и Европейският съюз трябва да бъде активен актьор в реализирането на мирния план в Ирак.

 
  
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  Csaba Sógor (PPE). – Mr President, the chances are very high that Mosul will be retaken from Islamic State. However, there is much uncertainty about the battles that will follow. The coalition should take extreme care that Mosul does not become another Aleppo, which is being bombed to the ground by Syrian and Russian forces. Once IS control of the city has weakened, there will also be an exodus of hundreds of thousands of civilians, and I fear that not enough has been done to prepare for this.

For the future, much will depend on avoiding an armed free-for-all by rival militias and preventing a Shia takeover of the Sunni population of the city. Every care should be taken, already at this stage, that the battle will lead a real advance in the fight against the nihilism of jihad.

 
  
 

(Ende des Catch-the-eye-Verfahrens)

 
  
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  Dimitris Avramopoulos, on behalf of the Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Mr President, this has been really a very useful exchange and I would like to express my thanks to the Members for their interventions.

From this debate I come to the conclusion that we all share a common interest in using EU diplomatic powers and EU instruments to their full potential in support of the Iraqi crisis. Some of you asked about the Turkish participation in the air strikes. I would like to remind you that Turkey is a member of the global coalition to counter ISIL/Daesh. However, the Turkish Government should consult with the Iraqi Government, and the global coalition, before taking any action on Iraqi soil.

On Christians in the Middle East – I think Mr Brok raised it. The EU is doing all it can. It is delivering urgent humanitarian aid to all Iraqis in need. This certainly includes Christians, and the European Union has had a regular dialogue with church representatives from the region since the beginning of the crisis. We also regularly call on the Iraqi Government, and the Kurdistan region of Iraq, to apply non-sectarian and non-discriminatory humanitarian assistance policies.

We will continue to look at how best to use all the instruments available to us in humanitarian relief, stabilisation, development assistance and political dialogue, and in specific support to human rights and democracy. May I close by signalling once again my appreciation of Parliament’s role in keeping this important issue at the top of your agenda.

 
  
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  Der Präsident. – Zum Abschluss der Aussprache wurden gemäß Artikel 128 Absatz 5 der Geschäftsordnung sieben Entschließungsanträge eingereicht.

Die Aussprache ist geschlossen.

Die Abstimmung findet morgen, Donnerstag, 27. Oktober, statt.

Schriftliche Erklärungen (Artikel 162 GO)

 
  
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  Mireille D'Ornano (ENF), par écrit. – L'offensive des forces iraquiennes, appuyée par les Kurdes, sur la ville iraquienne de Mossoul a commencé depuis lundi dernier. Cette offensive, si elle est victorieuse, sonnerait le glas de l’expansion de l’État islamique en Iraq, parachevée par la prise de cette ville de deux millions d’habitants le 10 juin 2014. Située dans la plaine de Ninive, Mossoul abrite de nombreuses minorités ethniques et religieuses, dont la minorité chrétienne. Ces dernières ont été en première ligne des persécutions de l’État islamique: de 1,5 million en 2003, le nombre de chrétiens est de 200 000 environ aujourd’hui. Cette hécatombe a été qualifiée de génocide par le Parlement européen le 4 février 2016. La bataille de Mossoul aboutira à une crise humanitaire majeure: 1,5 million de réfugiés s’ajouteraient aux 3,3 millions d’Iraquiens déplacés depuis 2014. Dans ce contexte d’urgence, je soutiens l’effort d’assistance déployé par l’Union européenne, dont la contribution s’élevait, jusqu’à présent, à 134 millions d’euros, dont 50 millions pour la ville de Mossoul. Nous ne saurions, en revanche, cautionner toute ingérence de l’Union européenne dans les affaires intérieures iraquiennes, puisque c’est l’interventionnisme occidental qui a conduit à la déliquescence de cet État à partir de l’opération militaire américaine de 2003.

 
  
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  Емил Радев (PPE), в писмена форма. – Скъпи колеги, когато през 2014 г. „Ислямска държава“ завладя Мосул, половината от населението му избяга от града, за да се спаси от сигурна смърт. Днес, две години по-късно, градът прилича на апокалиптична сцена от някой филм. Филм, чиито главни герои са предимно жени, деца, възрастни хора. И докато дилемата пред Ирак е как да се възстанови политически след спечелването на битката срещу „Ислямска държава“, дилемата пред международната общност е как да осигури безопасността на милионите цивилни граждани и как впоследствие да им помогне да се завърнат по своите домове. Цялостното спечелване на града ще отнеме седмици, дори месеци, през които бягащите от него цивилни граждани ще са милиони. Необходимо е в най-кратки срокове на тези хора да им бъде осигурен достъп до храна, вода, подслон, а също и сигурен път за излизане от града, особено за най-уязвимите групи лица, сред които са и християнските малцинства там. ЕС и международната общност трябва да работят, така че мирното население на тази държава да бъде защитено и да му се даде смисъл да остане в родната си страна. В противен случай, ако ние се провалим да направим това, то тогава Европа може да бъде изправена пред нова бежанска криза, не по-малко страшна от настоящата.

 
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