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Procedure : 2017/2646(RSP)
Document stages in plenary
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Texts tabled :

RC-B8-0245/2017

Debates :

PV 06/04/2017 - 4.1
CRE 06/04/2017 - 4.1

Votes :

PV 06/04/2017 - 7.1
CRE 06/04/2017 - 7.1

Texts adopted :

P8_TA(2017)0125

Debates
Thursday, 6 April 2017 - Strasbourg Revised edition

4.1. Russia, the arrest of Alexei Navalny and other protestors
Video of the speeches
PV
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  Die Präsidentin. – Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Aussprache über sechs Entschließungsanträge zu Russland, der Festnahme von Alexei Nawalny und anderen Demonstranten (2017/2646(RSP)).

 
  
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  Charles Tannock, author. – Madam President, our thoughts and condolences are with the victims and families of the atrocious terrorist attack in the St Petersburg metro this week. Nevertheless, we cannot allow this to silence our condemnation of President Putin, his leadership and foreign policy, particularly aggression regarding Ukraine and Syria. Following the revelations of corruption against Prime Minister Medvedev in a video published by Alexei Navalny last month, we saw a wave of protest against the government, largely from a new generation of Russians that wish for a better, and better governed, future for their country. The large number of arrests, including Navalny himself, reminds us all that presidential elections are looming next year.

I encourage the European Union to continue to press for the release of Navalny and to keep up the political pressure in the Council of Europe in response to the trumped-up convictions we have seen levelled against Navalny in Russia, largely aimed at preventing him from standing in the presidential elections next year. We are yet to see the exact response from the Kremlin following these protests and the attacks this week, but past experience suggests to me that political capital will be sought by President Putin from this.

 
  
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  Soraya Post, author. – Madam President, Putin influenced the American election. He crushed opposition at home, silenced dissent. Putin had conquered Crimea and parts of eastern Ukraine. His popularity sky-rocketed. Everyone thought he was untouchable. Then came March 2017, totally unexpected.

They used to call them the Putin Youth, young Russians who had grown up with him in power. They used to say that these youngsters only cared about their iPhones, then came March 2017. Beware, Mr Putin. You need to respect your Constitution. You need to release your political prisoners, or March 2017 will be another winter month which goes down in Russian history.

 
  
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  Helmut Scholz, Verfasser. – Frau Präsidentin, Herr Kommissar, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! In tiefer Anteilnahme verneigen wir uns vor den Opfern und Angehörigen des Terroranschlags von Sankt Petersburg. Es ist Grundkonsens im Europäischen Parlament, dass kein politisches Ziel und kein Recht die Tötung eines anderen Menschen legitimiert. Und in diesen schweren Stunden für das russische Volk schlage ich vor, die Abstimmung als Zeichen des Mitgefühls für heute auszusetzen.

Zwei Bemerkungen in der Sache: Erstens: Bei aller aus Sicht auch unserer Fraktion notwendigen Kritik an den gesellschaftlichen und Lebensverhältnissen in Russland, bei allen gegenwärtig laufenden Eskalationen – am Ende bleibt die Russische Föderation ein Nachbar, und nachhaltige Lösungen für internationale Probleme ohne und gegen Russland wird es nicht geben.

Das Parlament hat sich in Bezug auf Russland mit dem Rücken an die Wand gestellt, indem es unsere Kanäle der Kommunikation eingefroren hat. Der Entschließungsentwurf fordert in Artikel 13 vom Rat eine gemeinsame Stimme der EU gegenüber Russland. Ich schlage vor, bei uns damit anzufangen. Ohne Probleme kann die Konferenz der Präsidenten jetzt und heute die entsprechende Entscheidung wieder aufheben und die gegenwärtig eh stattfindenden zahlreichen „Privatreisen“ von Abgeordneten wieder zu einem parlamentarischen Dialog bündeln.

Zweitens: Menschenrechte sind überall unteilbar und gehören umgesetzt, gerade wenn man sich selbst dazu verpflichtet. Ich möchte aus keinem Land der Welt Bilder von Demonstrierenden sehen, die weggeschleppt werden, als bringe man Müll zum Recyclinghof. Auch diese Bilder aus Moskau erzählen uns etwas über die Achtung der Menschenwürde, über die Verhältnismäßigkeit des Einsatzes von Polizei und auch über die Länge noch bevorstehender Wege.

Ich meine: Jawohl, Korruption muss bekämpft werden, bei uns, in unserer Nachbarschaft und natürlich auch bei den Nachbarn unserer Nachbarn.

 
  
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  Indrek Tarand, author. – Madam President, it seems to be another day on which we compete in this plenary Chamber on who articulates better phrases on Russian human rights, and as we hear there will be others who try to convince the House that the urgency must be adjourned. For me it is an oxymoron, a contradiction in terms. If something is urgent we cannot adjourn it.

It is about time to stop believing in delusions such as that Russia is a democracy. It has never been one, with the exception of six months exactly 100 years ago, after the February Revolution. After that the Bolsheviks took over, and under their enlightened leadership 50 million people were killed. Mr Putin’s educational background is Bolshevist, even worse he was a KGB officer, and it is pointless to believe or hope that he has even the slightest desire to develop democracy in his country.

Let me cite you one example to show that the Bolshevist manners have survived in this country, unfortunately. When I was 16 there was an anti-Soviet demonstration in Tallinn which was obviously declared illegal by the Soviets, and their militia was commanded to attack us. We were beaten up quite severely, but we survived, thanks to help from Western countries, the European Union, the American Government, etc. And later they sent commissars to school to explain that the youth had protested because they were promised US dollars. Mr Peshkov explained it 40 years later in the same way. Shame!

 
  
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  Petras Auštrevičius, author. – Madam President, thousands of Russians joining the protest across the whole country in reaction to Alexei Navalny’s investigation of state corruption, and, sorry to say, typical behaviour from the EU – no action! A press release by the External Service and a resolution by this House – is that all we are up to? It is not enough!

A laundromat of Russian officials’ corrupt money: this is what Europe has become. A safe haven to turn dirty, stolen money into mansions, yachts and vineyards in London, Nice and Sardinia. Calling an investigation commission based on the Navalny report: this is what the EU action must be. This is what ordinary Russian people expect from the West, as it is the money illicitly taken from them. As long as we in the EU do not fight the Kremlin’s corruption, our policy vis-à-vis Russia is simply doomed. Silence and inaction will make us partners in crime, with no right to criticise.

 
  
  

PRZEWODNICTWO: RYSZARD CZARNECKI
Wiceprzewodniczący

 
  
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  Tunne Kelam, author. – Mr President, freedom of assembly is a right, not a privilege, and this must be our message to the Russian authorities who have recently arrested more than 2 000 anti-corruption demonstrators through massive police operations, among them presidential candidate Alexei Navalny. But these are not occasional cases of state violence and injustice. We must understand the deepness of desperation that brought these tens of thousands to challenge the brutal force of the state apparatus. Russia has the largest gap between the richest and the poorest: 110 individuals around Mr Putin control 35% of state riches. We demand the immediate release of Alexei Navalny and other demonstrators, and postponing today’s vote would be a betrayal of these courageous citizens.

Our call is to the Commission and Member States to take systematic concentrated action against Russian money laundering and illegal assets inside the EU. It is also high time for the Council to adopt the Magnitsky sanctions, following the European Parliament’s resolutions to establish a common EU list of Russian officials who are responsible for the deaths and attacks against Russian whistle-blowers, but also of those who have illegally detained and sentenced human rights activists like Mr Navalny.

 
  
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  Cristian Dan Preda, în numele grupului PPE. – Domnule președinte, după atentatul de la Sankt Petersburg suntem desigur solidari cu cetățenii ruși și mai ales cu familiile victimelor. Solidaritate resimțim și față de miile de oameni care au ieșit pe străzile mai multor orașe din Rusia la sfârșitul lui martie, la începutul lui aprilie, pentru a-și arăta dezacordul față de corupția care afectează mai mulți lideri de la Moscova, lideri care se bucură de o impunitate totală, asta pentru că justiția e sub controlul lui Putin. Cetățenii ruși nu sunt orbi, ei au decis să acționeze asumându-și toate riscurile, așa cum s-a spus, două mii de arestări.

Sigur că așa cum preciza Indrek Tarand mai devreme, ceea ce susține Putin, faptul că de pildă copiii sunt plătiți pentru a ieși la manifestație e ridicol. Din păcate, trebuie să vă spun că această retorică a fost folosită și de un guvern din Uniunea Europeană, de guvernul social-democrat din România, care a spus același lucru despre protestele recente din București și din alte orașe din țară. Iată ce înrudiri găsim între Rusia și una dintre țările membre ale Uniunii.

(Vorbitorul a acceptat să răspundă unei întrebări adresate în conformitate cu procedura „cartonașului albastru” (articolul 162 alineatul (8) din Regulamentul de procedură))

 
  
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  Doru-Claudian Frunzulică (S&D), Întrebare adresată în conformitate cu procedura „cartonașului albastru”. – Stimate coleg, vreau să vă întreb dacă nu credeți că Uniunea Europeană ar trebui să ia o poziție foarte puternică, întrebând Rusia dacă se mai consideră parte a comunității internaționale, deoarece Rusia nu respectă tratatele internaționale și acordurile internaționale la care este parte privind drepturile omului și drepturile cetățeanului, și în același timp nu credeți că Uniunea Europeană ar trebui să aibă o poziție puternică privind situația domnului Navalny, care sperăm că nu va avea aceeași soartă ca domnul Nemțov?

 
  
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  Cristian Dan Preda (PPE), Răspuns la o întrebare adresată în conformitate cu procedura „cartonașului albastru”. – Credeam că domnul Frunzulică mă întreabă ce putem face cu guvernul socialist de la București. Întrebările dumnealui sunt întrebări retorice aproape.

Chestiunea mai gravă este aceea că iată, în Consiliul de Securitate, Rusia a blocat ieri o rezoluție introdusă de un stat membru al Uniunii, Franța, și de administrația americană, pentru că după atacul chimic din Siria există nevoia de a acționa imediat. Ne amintim de altfel că în 2013 s-a pus pentru prima dată problema de a interveni dacă un atac chimic se produce.

 
  
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  Kati Piri, namens de S&D-Fractie. – In verschillende Russische steden gingen de afgelopen week tienduizenden mensen de straat op om zich aan te sluiten bij de zogeheten marsen tegen corruptie, de grootste anti-regeringsdemonstraties in jaren. De betogers eisten het ontslag van de Russische premier Medvedev, die in het nieuws kwam vanwege zijn exorbitante rijkdom als gevolg van grootschalige corruptie. In plaats van zijn ontslag had dit echter tot gevolg dat honderden onschuldige demonstranten werden opgepakt en vastgezet. Een van hen is Aleksej Navalny, de man die een van de bekendste oppositieleiders van Rusland is en door Wall Street Journal ooit werd omschreven als de persoon die door Vladimir Poetin het meest gevreesd wordt. Daarom moet hij kennelijk uit beeld.

De arrestaties vormen een schending van de vrijheid van meningsuiting, een van de grondrechten, die tevens is opgenomen in de Russische grondwet. Het is een kernwaarde in een open en vrije samenleving, net als de vrijheid van vergadering en vereniging, maar ook al staan deze rechten in de Russische grondwet, in de praktijk worden personen die in opstand komen tegen het huidige regime in Rusland monddood gemaakt, met inmiddels vele gevangenen en zelfs doden tot gevolg.

De EU riep er vorige week toe op om alle betogers van 26 maart en 2 april onmiddellijk vrij te laten, maar de Russische autoriteiten weigeren dit te doen. Rusland moet, net als ieder ander land, voldoen aan zijn internationale verplichtingen. Gebeurt dat niet, dan is het aan Federica Mogherini om de diplomatieke druk op te voeren, dit om te voorkomen dat Navalny het volgende slachtoffer onder de Kremlincritici wordt.

 
  
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  Anna Elżbieta Fotyga, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, I pay tribute to Sergei Magnitsky, a brave Russian lawyer who exposed the biggest tax fraud in Russian history. For touching untouchables he was held in pre-trial detention, tortured, and died there. The dark revengeful face of the Russian judiciary system was shown in his being convicted after death, posthumously. I kindly ask the Chamber to recall his name in the resolution by accepting my amendment.

 
  
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  Przewodniczący. – Niedawno w Parlamencie Europejskim była próba projekcji filmu, który atakował pana Magnickiego po śmierci. Na szczęście do tego nie doszło, ale warto o tym pamiętać.

 
  
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  Ivo Vajgl, v imenu skupine ALDE. – Ko sled avtoritarnih, nasilnih posegov v javno dogajanje, v demokratične standarde postane preveč očitna, tedaj moramo reagirati.

Neomejena moč enega človeka in njegovega ozkega kroga sodelavcev ali sokrivcev vodi v diktaturo in naša preteklost in sedanjost nas opozarjata, kam pelje pot takšne države.

Aleksej Navalni je eden izmed redkih politikov v Rusiji po padcu berlinskega zidu, ki se je izpostavil, in režim je udaril po njem in tistih hrabrih ljudeh, ki ga podpirajo.

Rusije, kot jo je videl Gorbačov in vanjo verjel Jelcin, ni več! Putinu in vsem, ki njegov model vladanja v državah post komunizma posnemajo, je treba reči: Dovolj! Vaša sodišča vam ne bodo sodila, zato ste poskrbeli, zgodovina pa vam bo sodila!

 
  
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  Jean-Luc Schaffhauser, au nom du groupe ENF. – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, chez moi, en France – et donc pas en Russie –, le 24 mars 2013, lors d’une manifestation légale – et donc pas illégale, comme en Russie – nous sommes gazés, réprimés, arrêtés, emprisonnés, comme ce fut le cas de Nicolas Bernard.

Ici, en France, sous l’accusation de détournement de fonds – nous ne sommes pas en Russie –, les principaux chefs de l’opposition au gouvernement socialiste, M. Fillon et Mme Marine Le Pen, sont accusés sans aucune forme de procès, et on se sert de systèmes médiatiques et juridiques pour détruire des candidats. Nous ne sommes pas en Russie et il ne s’agit pas d’opposants minoritaires.

Monsieur Preda, pardonnez-moi, mais vous devez me laisser parler.

D’autre part, Monsieur le Président, je tenais juste à dire pour finir…

(Le Président retire la parole à l’orateur)

 
  
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  Bruno Gollnisch (NI). – Monsieur le Président, je comprends très bien que vous coupiez la parole à un orateur qui a dépassé son temps de parole, sauf quand ce temps de parole est accaparé par un certain nombre d’intervenants vis-à-vis desquels vous avez le devoir d’imposer le silence.

À mon avis, les interruptions ne doivent pas compter dans le temps de parole d’un orateur. C’est tout à fait élémentaire.

 
  
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  Przewodniczący. – Ja znam swoje uprawnienia i obowiązki, Pan Poseł przekroczył swój czas, podobnie jak niektórzy inni posłowie wcześniej. Wszystkich muszę traktować równą miarą. Nie chodzi mi o kwestie merytoryczne wystąpienia Pana Posła.

 
  
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  Udo Voigt (NI). – Herr Präsident! Dieses Parlament wäre gut beraten, jegliche Einflussnahme auf innere Angelegenheiten Russlands zu unterlassen. Im Fall Alexei Nawalny sollten wir besser schweigen, denn hinsichtlich Gesinnungsjustiz und Verfolgung politisch Andersdenkender ist die EU selbst kein Unschuldslamm. So gibt es in meinem Land, der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, jährlich über 12 000 Ermittlungsverfahren wegen angeblicher Volksverhetzung oder Bildung einer kriminellen Vereinigung. Über 1 000 Patrioten werden jährlich ins Gefängnis gesteckt und verurteilt. Noch immer versucht der vermeintliche Westen, gemäß dem Muster der Farbrevolutionen in den Ländern des ehemaligen Ostblocks ihm genehme Systeme zu installieren. Wie wir übrigens bei der von außen gesteuerten Revolution auf dem Majdan sahen, tat dies der Korruption in der Ukraine keinerlei Abbruch. Dieses Parlament wäre gut beraten, jegliche Einflussnahme auf die inneren Angelegenheiten Russlands zu unterlassen.

 
  
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  Jaromír Štětina (PPE). – Dámy a pánové, nedávno jsme přijali rezoluci na podporu Ildara Dadina. Byl v roce 2015 odsouzen na tři roky vězení za veřejný pokojný protest proti válce.

Dadin je představitelem nové ruské protestní generace, jejíž zbraní jsou sociální sítě a internet. Před 20 lety používala v Rusku internet jen asi 2 % populace. Dnes už používá internet asi 70 % Rusů. S pomocí internetu se podařilo Ildara osvobodit. Jeho žena Anastasia rozpoutala na sociálních sítích takovou kampaň, že byl nakonec propuštěn.

Internet se stal alternativou k mainstreamovým TV mediím i při letošních březnových protestech. Sloužil ke svolávání demonstrací. Proto většina z tisíce zadržených byli mladí lidé, včetně čtrnáctiletých dětí. Ildara opět zadrželi. Tentokrát jen na několik hodin. Včera jsem mu telefonoval. „Dnes to vypadá spíš na pokutu než na vězení,“ řekl. Jakoby kremelský režim slábl pod náporem svobodného internetu. Jakoby mladé Rusy zbavoval strachu.

(Řečník souhlasil s tím, že odpoví na otázku položenou zvednutím modré karty (čl. 162 odst. 8 jednacího řádu).)

 
  
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  Janusz Korwin-Mikke (NI), blue-card question. – Only one short question: have you ever heard about the clan of Mr Igor Sechin, the President of Rosneft?

 
  
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  Jaromír Štětina (PPE), odpověď na otázku položenou zvednutím modré karty. – Neslyšel.

 
  
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  Monica Macovei (ECR). – Domnule președinte, regimul Putin spală bani dar spală și creiere printr-o propagandă kafkiană. Regimul Putin asasinează și închide oameni liberi și închide oponenții politici. „Laundromat-ul” rusesc a spălat 20 de miliarde de dolari numai în perioada 2010-2014, cu implicarea unui văr al lui Putin, cu implicarea unor companii și bani și persoane din Federația Rusă și de asemenea cu implicarea unor off-shore-uri și companii europene. Oamenii liberi care au manifestat împotriva corupției au fost reținuți, au fost supuși unor acte de violență. O universitate de top din Sankt Petersburg a rămas fără licență acum două săptămâni pentru că, nu-i așa?, educația creează oameni liberi și o dictatură nu se bazează pe oameni liberi.

De aceea mă întreb: atentatul de la Sankt Petersburg a fost real sau a fost regizat? Fiindcă moartea a paisprezece oameni pentru Putin nu înseamnă nimic ca să își mențină dictatura. Trebuie să fie foarte clar pentru noi toți, este o dictatură cu care nu avem cum vorbi altfel decât de la democrație la dictatură, nicio altfel de negociere nu va avea succes.

 
  
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  Bruno Gollnisch (NI). – Monsieur le Président, il est très possible que l’arrestation de M. Navalny et l’interdiction de la manifestation qu’il dirigeait soient regrettables; nous n’avons pas le point de vue du gouvernement russe. Mais ce que je puis dire, c’est que dans mon pays, la France, à Lyon par exemple, le préfet Carenco ne se gênait pas pour interdire les manifestations de jeunes nationaux, dont beaucoup ont été arrêtés et même condamnés sans que cela émeuve personne.

En Allemagne, dont le Président nous vantait hier le respect des droits de l’homme, il y a près de 1 054 détenus d’opinion et de 12 000 personnes qui sont actuellement poursuivies. Alors, en un mot comme en cent, je préférerais que nous balayions devant notre porte. Je citais hier les cas d’un universitaire de 88 ans, d’un père de famille nombreuse et d’un polémiste bien connu qui ont été condamnés à de la prison ferme dans des conditions procédurales qui ne respectent pas les droits de la défense, mais cela n’émeut pas la majorité de cette assemblée.

 
  
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  Jiří Pospíšil (PPE). – Pane předsedající, já chci podpořit návrh usnesení, který mně připadá jako velmi vyvážený a správný. Jasně odsuzujeme zásah Putinova režimu proti pokojným demonstrantům, kteří poukazovali na obrovskou korupci v ruské vládnoucí oligarchii.

Je zcela zjevné, že v tuto chvíli v Rusku neplatí základní ústavní lidské svobody – svoboda shromažďování, svoboda projevu – a je také zcela jasné, že tamní justice není nezávislá, ale jasně podléhá vlivu vládnoucího režimu a jasně slouží panu Putinovi. Co je ale důležité, co by zde nemělo zapadnout vedle odsouzení toho, jak se ruský režim chová, je to, že jde o praní špinavých peněz. Jde o obrovskou korupci ruských politiků.

Zde v usnesení je velmi důležitý bod, kdy vyzýváme Evropskou komisi a ostatní exekutivní orgány Evropské unie, aby udělaly vše pro to, aby ruští politici a úředníci nemohli prát špinavé peníze v rámci Evropské unie. To je velmi důležité, je třeba učinit vše pro to, aby evropské banky, evropské firmy nebyly využívány k legalizaci peněz lidí, kteří slouží Putinovu režimu.

(Řečník souhlasil s tím, že odpoví na otázku položenou zvednutím modré karty (čl. 162 odst. 8 jednacího řádu).)

 
  
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  Maria Grapini (S&D), Întrebare adresată în conformitate cu procedura „cartonașului albastru”. – De fapt, voiam colegului de dinainte să-i pun o întrebare, dar profit că ați vorbit și vă susțin în propunerea dvs., dar credeți că în actuala formă, în actualele reglementări ale Comisiei, chiar putem să punem capăt abuzurilor din Rusia? Nu credeți că ar trebui spălarea de bani să fie tratată în relația cu orice altă țară, dar acum vorbind de Rusia, mult mai riguros și cu efecte concrete?

 
  
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  Jiří Pospíšil (PPE), odpověď na otázku položenou zvednutím modré karty. – Samozřejmě veřejná moc nemůže úplně odstranit takovouto formu trestné činnosti, ale můžeme hodně tuto nezákonnou formu trestné činnosti omezit.

Bylo by skvělé, kdyby Komise přišla s konkrétními návrhy a kdybychom zde na plénu konkrétně projednali možnosti, jak může evropská administrativa bojovat proti praní špinavých peněz nejen, řekněme, subjekty Evropské unie, občany Evropské unie, ale hlavně od politiků a řekněme úředníků, kteří slouží externím režimům, jako je třeba režim v Rusku. Takže bylo by dobré, kdybychom toto projednali v rámci samostatného návrhu, aby to nezapadlo. Dnes hovoříme o odsouzení ruského režimu, ale bavme se o konkrétních krocích, které přijmeme proti praní špinavých peněz.

 
  
 

Zgłoszenia z sali

 
  
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  José Inácio Faria (PPE). – Senhor Presidente, Senhor Comissário, caros Colegas, no início de março, Alexei Navalny - que dirige a Fundação de luta contra a corrupção - teve a coragem de, através de um vídeo, denunciar, uma vez mais, a corrupção da elite russa e dos empresários próximos do Kremlin. O seu filme deu origem aos maiores protestos desde que Putin regressou à presidência em 2012 e levou milhares de pessoas para as ruas de Moscovo e de mais outras oitenta cidades do país. Na sequência destas manifestações foram detidas cerca de 800 pessoas, só na capital, entre as quais o próprio Alexei Navalny.

Como a própria Vice-Presidente Mogherini declarou, estas detenções violam claramente os direitos à liberdade de expressão, de associação e de reunião pacífica, garantidos pela Constituição russa e, por isso, estes manifestantes detidos devem ser libertados imediata e incondicionalmente.

Gostaria de terminar referindo que estes protestos mostraram ao mundo que, apesar de Vladimir Putin governar a Rússia desde há dezassete anos, sem dar espaço a qualquer oposição digna desse nome, existe agora na linha da frente da contestação uma geração mais jovem que, nunca tendo conhecido outro líder na sua vida, sai do estado de apatia e está disposta a lutar por uma Rússia mais transparente e mais democrática.

 
  
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  Pavel Telička (ALDE). – Mr President, the weaker the European Union is, the more silent it is, the more blind it is, the less responsive it is, the stronger the Kremlin will be, the more harassment we will see and witness, and I am afraid one day we might see again an opposition politician or maybe an anti-corruption activist shot somewhere by a bridge. That is a reality.

What was the reaction of the European Union to the recent harassment? What is the strategy of the European Union? I call upon us, after we pass this resolution, to have a serious debate here in the plenary in Parliament, to have a strategy vis-à-vis Russia. I am not targeting Russia, I am targeting the Kremlin, the practices, the abuse of human rights. At the same time, I can see opportunities vis-à-vis SMEs, civil society, and Russian citizens. There is something that we can do and also split the Kremlin from its citizens. That is the way to proceed.

 
  
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  Bronis Ropė (Verts/ALE). – Susidorojimas su taikiais protestuotojais negali būti pateisinamas XXI a. Istorija rodo, jog yra du civilizacijos raidos keliai. Vienas, pagrįstas demokratija, pagarba politinėms ir pilietinėms laisvėms, veda į ilgalaikį stabilumą ir gerovę. Kito kelio paieškos paprastai baigiasi ekonomikos suirute, represijomis, o neretai ir ginkluota agresija prieš kaimynus. Atsakymas į klausimą, kuriuo keliu eina Rusija, manau, yra aiškus.

Pastarieji protestai rodo, jog Rusijoje yra ir laisvę mylinčių, ir už ją aukotis pasirengusių žmonių. Mūsų, europiečių, užduotis – skatinti demokratines jėgas, kartu baudžiant agresyvius autoritarinius lyderius.

 
  
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  Michaela Šojdrová (PPE). – Pane předsedající, Evropský parlament opět zvedá hlas, abychom podpořili ty, kteří v Rusku riskují svůj život pro demokracii a svobodu.

Bohužel Putin vládne a využívá všech prostředků, aby potlačoval opozici. Ano, pane kolego Tarande, v Rusku není demokracie, ale sto let od bolševické revoluce už je načase, aby se Rusko probudilo a lidé si řekli o svobodu. V Rusku jsou lidé, kteří jsou ochotni riskovat a přinášet osobní oběti. Vážím si jich a jsem velmi ráda, že Evropský parlament se jich chce zastat.

Pan Navalný je skutečně opoziční politik, který evidentně ohrožuje Putina, a proto je pronásledován. Jaký kontrast s životem v Evropské unii, kde v našich členských státech žijí lidé svobodně a mohou vyjádřit svůj opoziční názor. To říkám tady kolegům z frakce Národní fronty. Mohou se svobodně vyjadřovat v tisku a v médiích, nejsou za to vězněni. Volat po propuštění pana Navalného je naší povinností.

 
  
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  Csaba Sógor (PPE). – Mr President, thousands of people took to the streets of Russia over the past days. Alarmed, the government detained an estimated 1 400 people across Russia. It is especially remarkable that more than one-in-six of these protestors were aged under 21. We are seeing a new generation of protestors unfolding under Vladimir Putin’s rule. In its attempt to repress and discredit any kind of opposition, in the past few years the Russian regime has employed various means, most prominently the control of traditional media. Alexei Navalny, leader of the Anti-Corruption Foundation, for example, was excluded from any kind of traditional media. Instead, Navalny found his audience on the internet, among those who have few memories of their country before Putin. This new culture of information consumption is now the main challenge to the regime, representing an alternative to the propaganda. We should embrace this movement, as accessibility of information is a staple of any democracy.

 
  
 

(Koniec zgłoszeń z sali)

 
  
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  Neven Mimica, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, on Sunday, 26 March 2017, over 60 000 Russians gathered in over 80 cities across Russia to protest against corruption. It was the largest anti-governmental demonstration in the last five years. Russian citizens took to the streets despite, in many cases, not having received the requested authorisation for demonstrations. Still, the protests remained peaceful and non-violent. For this reason we consider the measures taken by the Russian authorities to be a disproportionate reaction.

The freedoms of expression, association, and peaceful assembly are fundamental rights guaranteed to the Russian citizens by the Russian Constitution. Peaceful protesters were detained and sentenced on a large scale.

These events raise strong doubts about the state of these fundamental rights in the Russian Federation. The response by the authorities to peaceful demonstrations was disproportionate and punitive. We were particularly alarmed by the indiscriminate actions of the authorities against young students and school pupils.

State authorities have a particular responsibility when dealing with young people and minors, a responsibility to always protect them against any physical and mental trauma. Journalists too were arrested while covering the events and subsequently released. Any actions against reporters who are simply doing their job represent a violation of freedom of the media, an incursion into the public’s right to know, and a clear breach of Russia’s international commitments. Overall, evidence shows that these kind of measures against journalists have a negative effect on free speech in the country.

Opposition leader and founder of the Anticorruption Foundation, Alexei Navalny, was also detained and sentenced to prison, alongside many other peaceful demonstrators. We believe that the Russian authorities have a responsibility to safeguard the fundamental rights of all their citizens, particularly in view of the presidential elections next year.

All political actors in the country have the right to play by the same rules on a level playing field. The European Union has made its position very clear with regard to these developments. We issued a statement on the events the same evening. The statement called on the Russian Federation to abide fully by the international commitments it has undertaken, including in the Council of Europe and the OSCE, to uphold the fundamental rights and to release immediately the detained peaceful demonstrators. We also expressed the same concerns during the OSCE Permanent Council on 30 March.

The European Union will continue to raise them, as necessary, with the Russian authorities.

 
  
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  Przewodniczący. – Zamykam debatę.

Głosowanie odbędzie się po debacie.

Oświadczenia pisemne (art. 162)

 
  
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  Mark Demesmaeker (ECR), schriftelijk. – De vorige resolutie over de mensenrechtenschendingen in Rusland dateert van amper vier maanden geleden. Toen en ook nu heeft de N-VA-delegatie met overtuiging ‘voor’ gestemd. We steunen de politieke en gewetensgevangenen, vervolgde journalisten en mensenrechtenverdedigers in Rusland en de bezette gebieden zoals de Krim.

Officieel is vrije meningsuiting een grondwettelijk recht in Rusland. Van zodra je echter volgers krijgt en dus gevaarlijk wordt in de ogen van het regime, stopt het recht abrupt. Dan word je doelwit van intimidatie en vervolging. Aleksej Navalny, Boris Nemtsov, Denis Voronenkov, Nikolaj Gorochov, Vladimir Kara-Murza, Aleksandr Litvinenko... ze zijn de gekende slachtoffers van een regime dat hoe langer hoe minder vrije meningsuiting, persvrijheid of oppositie verdraagt. De massale arrestaties tijdens de manifestaties van 26 maart zijn verontrustend. De EU moet met één stem de boodschap naar het Kremlin blijven sturen dat respect voor mensenrechten en de internationale afspraken een voorwaarde is om opnieuw een betrouwbare partner te worden.

 
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