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Ponedeljek, 3. julij 2017 - Strasbourg Pregledana izdaja
1. Nadaljevanje zasedanja
 2. Počastitev spomina
 3. Sprejetje zapisnika predhodne seje: gl. zapisnik
 4. Sestava Parlamenta: gl. zapisnik
 5. Preverjanje veljavnosti mandatov poslancev: gl. zapisnik
 6. Zahteva za odvzem imunitete: gl. zapisnik
 7. Zahteva za zaščito imunitete: gl. zapisnik
 8. Sestava odborov in delegacij: gl. zapisnik
 9. Pogajanja pred prvo obravnavo v Parlamentu (člen 69(c) Poslovnika): gl. zapisnik
 10. Delegirani akti (člen 105(6) Poslovnika): gl. zapisnik
 11. Interprétation du règlement: gl. zapisnik
 12. Podpis aktov, sprejetih v skladu z rednim zakonodajnim postopkom (člen 78 Poslovnika): gl. zapisnik
 13. Nadaljnje obravnavanje stališč in resolucij Parlamenta: glej zapisnik
 14. Predložitev dokumentov: glej zapisnik
 15. Večje interpelacije (člen 130b Poslovnika) (vložitev): gl. zapisnik
 16. Vprašanja za ustni odgovor (predložitev): gl. zapisnik
 17. Razpored dela
 18. Makrofinančna pomoč Republiki Moldaviji (razprava)
 19. Evropski standardi za 21. stoletje (razprava)
 20. Širjenje epidemije HIV, tuberkuloze in hepatitisa C v Evropi (razprava)
 21. Daljša življenjska doba za izdelke: koristi za potrošnike in podjetja (kratka predstavitev)
 22. Obravnavanje kršitev človekovih pravic pri vojnih hudodelstvih in hudodelstvih zoper človečnost, tudi genocidu (kratka predstavitev)
 23. Sestava odborov in delegacij: gl. zapisnik
 24. Zasebna varnostna podjetja (kratka predstavitev)
 25. Delovni pogoji in prekarna zaposlitev (kratka predstavitev)
 26. Vzpostavitev vseevropskega okvira za krite obveznice (kratka predstavitev)
 27. Vloga ribiškega turizma v diverzifikaciji ribištva (kratka predstavitev)
 28. Enominutni govori o zadevah političnega pomena
 29. Dnevni red naslednje seje: glej zapisnik
 30. Zaključek seje


PRESIDENZA DELL'ON. ANTONIO TAJANI
Presidente

1. Nadaljevanje zasedanja
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  Presidente. – Dichiaro ripresa la sessione del Parlamento europeo interrotta giovedì 15 giugno 2017.

 

2. Počastitev spomina
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  Le Président. – Chers collègues, je voudrais commencer cette session des travaux parlementaires par une pensée pleine d’émotion et de reconnaissance pour Simone Veil, une grande figure de notre époque qui a marqué l’histoire de l’Europe et qui a apporté une contribution fondamentale au développement de notre Parlement.

Simone Veil appartient à cette génération des grands esprits, dont Helmut Kohl, qui nous a quittés il y a quelques jours, faisait également partie. Première Présidente de ce Parlement élu au suffrage universel direct, Simone Veil a accompagné le jeune Parlement dans ses premiers pas, l’a orienté dans la bonne direction et a jeté les bases de son évolution future. Elle a toujours voulu un Parlement politique. Voici ce qu’elle disait lors de son premier discours en tant que Présidente: «La voix de notre Assemblée, forte de sa légitimité, portera dans toutes les instances de la Communauté, et notamment au niveau le plus élevé de la décision politique.»

Grande est notre dette envers cette grande femme, dont la mémoire sera honorée demain dans ce même hémicycle. Je vous demande de vous joindre à moi pour une minute de silence en sa mémoire.

 
  
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   Vi informo altresì che domani, alle ore 12.00, avrà luogo in questo Emiciclo un omaggio a Simone Veil. I voti inizieranno quindi dopo la commemorazione.

Informo anche che i deputati che parteciperanno ai funerali, che avranno luogo mercoledì alle ore 10.30, a Parigi, saranno giustificati per la loro assenza in Aula.

 
  
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  Terry Reintke (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, I want to remind all my colleagues that the German Bundestag took an absolutely historic decision last Friday. Finally, Germany joined those EU Member States which have open marriage for same-sex couples.

This is a historic moment, and as a German citizen and a member of the LGBTI community, I want to thank every single Member of this Parliament who has fought in recent years to make this possible. Were it not a Member State of the European Union, Germany probably would not be at that this stage right now. So thank you very much – for equality and for diversity.

Love is unstoppable!

(Applause)

 
  
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  Franck Proust, au nom du groupe PPE. – Monsieur le Président, permettez-moi, à mon tour, et très brièvement, en cette ouverture de séance plénière, ici à Strasbourg, dans ce Parlement qui fait battre le cœur de la démocratie européenne, de rendre un hommage, comme vous l’avez fait, au nom de la délégation française du groupe PPE, que je préside, à Mme Simone Veil, femme d’État française, profondément européenne, qui nous a quittés la semaine dernière.

Son âme restera gravée à jamais dans nos cœurs et nos mémoires, et son œuvre devra guider nos actions.

Enfermée dans les camps de la mort à Auschwitz, en 1944, à l’âge de 16 ans, rescapée des atrocités de la Shoah, Simone Veil incarne le courage et symbolise l’espoir. Son destin l’a amenée au dépassement de l’idéologie et des clivages politiques, en défendant, sans relâche et contre les conservatismes, les droits des femmes.

Animée par la liberté, Simone Veil n’a jamais renoncé face aux obstacles parfois les plus cruels. Femme de paix, car victime du drame de la guerre, Mme Veil a œuvré avec une ténacité unique pour une Europe politique rassemblant les peuples dans leur diversité. Soyons fiers de passer chaque jour la porte de cette institution qu’elle a présidée entre 1979 et 1982. Soyons surtout à la hauteur de ce qu’a entrepris pendant une vie Mme Simone Veil.

Les terribles conflits qui persistent dans certaines régions du monde nous rappellent la valeur inestimable de la paix. Cette paix sur notre continent, nous la devons à de grandes femmes et de grands hommes. Simone Veil en fera partie, à jamais. Son talent et sa volonté politique pour construire l’Europe nous obligent.

Nos sociétés perdent des repères et des symboles devant l’immédiateté de l’information et du savoir. Mais, si les paroles passent, les actes restent. Mme Veil a su, tout au long d’une carrière au service des citoyens, allier la force du verbe à la concrétisation du changement.

Demain, vous l’avez dit, Monsieur le Président, un hommage officiel sera rendu par cette Assemblée à Mme Veil; mais j’ai souhaité, dès l’ouverture de nos travaux, saluer le parcours de cette grande dame: avec une émotion, je vous l’avoue, que je ne pensais pas pouvoir ressentir un jour sur les bancs de cet hémicycle.

 
  
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  Nathalie Griesbeck, au nom du groupe ALDE. – Monsieur le Président, au nom du groupe de l’Alliance des démocrates et des libéraux pour l’Europe, je voudrais m’associer à la fois à vos propos, à la cérémonie officielle qui sera rendue à la mémoire de cette grande et lumineuse femme que fut Simone Veil, aux propos de mes collègues français, mais aussi de tous les Européens qui, à travers sa disparition, saluent une femme symbolique du XXe siècle. Par-delà les tourments les plus épouvantables que ce siècle a pu faire naître avec la Shoah, à travers sa personnalité lumineuse ainsi que ce qu’elle représente pour le XXe siècle, Simone Veil a été à la fois une femme politique mais aussi une femme tout court, qui a su allier ses valeurs, son exigence, sa volonté, sa détermination avec un caractère marqué et fort, et qui a été la première femme Présidente de notre Parlement européen.

Elle a porté dans mon pays des valeurs qui ont été répercutées au-delà de la France, qui sont celles des droits de l’homme et des droits de la femme à travers les textes qu’elle a soutenus.

Je suis heureuse qu’au cœur du Parlement européen un hommage soit rendu à cette femme lumineuse, à la fois de la part de tous les citoyens européens, mais évidemment aussi des Français et des membres de mon groupe parlementaire, auquel elle appartenait.

 
  
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  Christine Revault D’Allonnes Bonnefoy, au nom du groupe S&D. – Monsieur le Président, je vous remercie pour cet hommage. Je rejoins ce qu’ont dit mes collègues, M. Proust et Mme Griesbeck. Je voudrais indiquer que Simone Veil, au-delà de son parcours politique, a su rassembler et a fait énormément pour l’Europe et pour la connaissance de l’Europe en France.

Elle a aussi fait énormément pour les droits des femmes. Je pense notamment à la question de l’avortement, qui est autorisé et légal. C’était un combat dans un moment extrêmement dur, un combat pour lequel nous, socialistes et démocrates, continuons à honorer sa mémoire en faisant en sorte que ce combat ne soit pas vain, ne soit pas terminé et puisse bénéficier à l’ensemble des Européennes.

Nous saluons donc sa mémoire.

 
  
 

Presidente – Evidentemente il segno lasciato da Simone Veil anche in questa Assemblea è talmente forte che molti deputati hanno voluto ricordarla.

 
  
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  Ulrike Lunacek, au nom du groupe Verts/ALE. – Monsieur le Président, je voudrais aussi, au nom du groupe Verts/ALE, vous remercier, ainsi que nos collègues, pour l’hommage que vous avez rendu à Mme Veil. Elle était une femme très importante pour les droits des femmes sur ce continent, en particulier en France, mais elle a aussi été un symbole pour les autres pays. Je tiens donc à lui rendre hommage pour ce qu’elle a fait pour les femmes et aussi pour l’Europe.

 
  
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  Presidente. – Vi ricordo che domani ci sarà una celebrazione ufficiale in quest'Aula.

 
  
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  Patrizia Toia (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, pochissimi minuti per dire a quest'Aula, che molte volte si è dimostrata solidale e attenta alle difficoltà che alcuni Stati membri stanno vivendo sul tema dell'immigrazione, qual è la situazione che noi stiamo vivendo. Nella scorsa settimana, in due giorni sono arrivate in Italia 12 000 persone. Nei giorni successivi, in un solo giorno, 5 000 persone ancora. È questo il ritmo d'arrivo.

Ora, noi abbiamo scelto la strada dell'accoglienza, ma siamo a un punto di grande difficoltà. Chiediamo perciò a tutti i colleghi, ai loro paesi e ai loro governi e al Consiglio che davvero si esprima la voce dell'Europa, in termini di solidarietà e di unità, per un paese come il mio che continua nella via della solidarietà, dell'accoglienza, della salvezza delle vite umane, ma si trova in una situazione di grande disagio e difficoltà.

Penso che questa sia una voce, come quella della Grecia, che non può rimanere inascoltata, in un Parlamento come questo che rappresenta davvero la volontà dei popoli in nome di quella solidarietà che ci fa essere europei. Abbiamo parlato di Simon Veil, di quei valori, di quel progetto. Questa è una delle situazioni in cui quel progetto è messo alla prova: resisterà o sarà invece schiacciato?

 
  
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  Presidente. – Quest'Aula avrà la possibilità di discuterne in occasione dell'intervento di presentazione del programma della Presidenza estone. Ho già parlato con il primo ministro Ratas, il quale mi ha assicurato che la questione immigrazione è una questione europea, così come sempre sottolineato da questo Parlamento.

 

3. Sprejetje zapisnika predhodne seje: gl. zapisnik
Video posnetki govorov

4. Sestava Parlamenta: gl. zapisnik
Video posnetki govorov

5. Preverjanje veljavnosti mandatov poslancev: gl. zapisnik
Video posnetki govorov

6. Zahteva za odvzem imunitete: gl. zapisnik
Video posnetki govorov

7. Zahteva za zaščito imunitete: gl. zapisnik
Video posnetki govorov

8. Sestava odborov in delegacij: gl. zapisnik
Video posnetki govorov

9. Pogajanja pred prvo obravnavo v Parlamentu (člen 69(c) Poslovnika): gl. zapisnik
Video posnetki govorov

10. Delegirani akti (člen 105(6) Poslovnika): gl. zapisnik
Video posnetki govorov

11. Interprétation du règlement: gl. zapisnik
Video posnetki govorov

12. Podpis aktov, sprejetih v skladu z rednim zakonodajnim postopkom (člen 78 Poslovnika): gl. zapisnik
Video posnetki govorov

13. Nadaljnje obravnavanje stališč in resolucij Parlamenta: glej zapisnik

14. Predložitev dokumentov: glej zapisnik

15. Večje interpelacije (člen 130b Poslovnika) (vložitev): gl. zapisnik

16. Vprašanja za ustni odgovor (predložitev): gl. zapisnik

17. Razpored dela
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  Presidente. – Il progetto definitivo di ordine del giorno, fissato dalla Conferenza dei presidenti, ai sensi dell'articolo 149 del regolamento, nella riunione di giovedì 29 giugno 2017 è stato distribuito.

A causa del fatto che mercoledì mattina il Presidente Juncker, il Presidente Tusk e io stesso parteciperemo ai funerali di Simone Veil a Parigi e quindi non potremo essere presenti in Aula per la discussione sulle conclusioni del Consiglio europeo, dopo consultazioni con i gruppi politici desidero sottoporre all'Aula le seguenti proposte di modifica del progetto definitivo di ordine del giorno.

Vi propongo martedì un punto "Omaggio a Simone Veil" prima delle votazioni.

Mercoledì il primo punto all'ordine del giorno dovrebbe essere modificato come segue: "Dichiarazioni del Consiglio e della Commissione sulla preparazione del vertice del G20" e le votazioni inizierebbero alle ore 12.00.

Vi sono obiezioni? L'ordine del giorno è così modificato.

Lunedì:

Inoltre ho ricevuto le seguenti richieste. Il gruppo Europa delle Nazioni e della Libertà ha chiesto che dichiarazioni del Consiglio e della Commissione su "Frontex: allarmante crisi migratoria al largo della costa mediterranea della Spagna" siano aggiunte come primo punto all'ordine del giorno.

 
  
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  Nicolas Bay, au nom du groupe ENF. – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, vendredi dernier, j’ai visité à Varsovie le siège flambant neuf de Frontex, la fameuse agence européenne de gardes-frontières et de garde-côtes, censée nous protéger de l’afflux massif et incontrôlé d’immigrés illégaux.

Après avoir reconnu que l’écrasante majorité de ces clandestins ne sauraient être considérés comme des réfugiés, les responsables de Frontex nous ont alertés sur la situation très inquiétante au large des côtes espagnoles. En effet, le passage de clandestins y est dramatiquement croissanta augmenté de manière considérable, avec plus de 1 000 individus interceptés par semaine. Du jamais vu dans cette zone!

Ces personnes viennent pour l’essentiel du Maroc, qui, d’une part, doit faire face à des émeutes dans le Rif et, d’autre part, se trouve depuis bientôt deux ans en plein conflit juridique avec l’Union européenne à cause d’un arrêt pour le moins surprenant rendu par la Cour de justice européenne.

Voilà pourquoi je crois qu’il est urgent que nous ayons un débat sur cette situation très préoccupante...

(Le Président interrompt l’orateur)

Voilà pourquoi je crois qu’il est urgent que nous ayons un débat sur cette situation très préoccupante au large de l’Espagne, sans oublier bien sûr les autres points d’entrée, en particulier depuis la Libye vers l’Italie, où la collusion entre les ONG et les mafias de passeurs est chaque jour plus évidente.

 
  
 

(Il Parlamento respinge la richiesta)

Giovedì:

Il gruppo della Sinistra unitaria europea/Sinistra verde nordica ha chiesto che una dichiarazione della Commissione sull'interrogazione orale "Caccia alla balena in Norvegia" sia aggiunta come secondo punto del mattino, dopo la discussione congiunta su "Trattato di Marrakech: accesso delle persone con disabilità visive alle opere e ad altro materiale protetto".

La discussione sarà conclusa da una risoluzione che sarà votata durante la tornata di settembre.

 
  
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  Anja Hazekamp, namens de GUE/NGL-Fractie. – Ik wil jullie verzoeken een debat over de Noorse walvisjacht aan de agenda toe te voegen, afsluitend met een resolutie in september. Walvissen behoren tot de meest imposante diersoorten, maar ook tot de meest bedreigde diersoorten. Daarom is de commerciële walvisjacht al sinds 1986 verboden.

Noorwegen is een van de weinige landen die dit verbod negeert en sinds 1993 heeft Noorwegen bijna 12 000 walvissen gedood. Dat zijn er meer dan Japan en IJsland bij elkaar! Dit jaar heeft Noorwegen het quotum verhoogd tot bijna 1000 walvissen.

Beste collega's, we mogen dit niet laten gebeuren. Er wordt op dit moment door Noorwegen op walvissen gejaagd en ik vraag jullie steun om deze dieren te beschermen. Want kijken we als Europees Parlement toe hoe de laatste walvissen worden opgejaagd en dreigen uit te sterven, of doen we het maximale wat in onze macht ligt om dit tegen te gaan? Ik kies voor het laatste en ik hoop u ook.

 
  
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  Paul Rübig (PPE). – Herr Präsident! Wir sind sehr für die Aussprache. Walfang ist ein kritisches Thema, und deshalb beantragt die EVP eine getrennte Abstimmung. Wir sind für die Debatte, aber wir sind nicht dafür, dass hier eine Entschließung verabschiedet wird.

 
  
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  Presidente. – On. Hazekamp, è favorevole a dividere la sua proposta, cioè avere prima una votazione sulla discussione e poi una votazione sulla risoluzione? Oppure vuole mantenere intatta la sua proposta respingendo la richiesta dell'on. Rübig?

 
  
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  Anja Hazekamp (GUE/NGL). – Dit is wel een dilemma. Een debat zonder resolutie, dat zegt in dit geval niet zoveel. Noorwegen weet dat er een internationaal verbod ligt en het wordt tijd dat dit Parlement zich duidelijk uitspreekt tegen de internationale commerciële walvisvangst, ook door Noorwegen. Daarom is een debat alléén wel een goed signaal, maar niet voldoende, absoluut niet!

 
  
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  Presidente. – Quindi lei è contraria alla proposta dell'on. Rübig.

 
  
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  Anja Hazekamp (GUE/NGL). – No, we prefer to keep it as it is.

 
  
 

(Il Parlamento accoglie la richiesta del gruppo GUE/NGL)

(L'ordine dei lavori è così fissato)

 
  
  

Președinte: IOAN MIRCEA PAŞCU
Vicepreședinte

 

18. Makrofinančna pomoč Republiki Moldaviji (razprava)
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  Președintele. – Primul punct de pe ordinea de zi este dezbaterea privind raportul lui Sorin Moisă, în numele Comisiei pentru comerț internațional, referitor la propunerea de decizie a Parlamentului European și a Consiliului privind acordarea unei asistențe macrofinanciare Republicii Moldova (COM(2017)0014 – C8-0016/2017 – 2017/0007(COD)) (A8-0185/2017).

 
  
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  Sorin Moisă, rapporteur. – Mr President, the Republic of Moldova is in the process of recovering its economic stability after several very harsh years. Due to various circumstances – some domestic and self—inflicted, such as the well-known bank fraud, which has also led to an interruption of external support, and some external, such as a sharp decrease in exports to Russia and Ukraine – Moldova faces an external balance of payments crisis and has asked for assistance from international donors, notably the IMF and the EU.

In November last year, the IMF approved the three—year programme in the amount of almost USD 180 million and this programme is now well on track. The IMF has also calculated the country’s residual external financial needs for 2016—2018 at approximately EUR 400 million. The EU has also resumed its budgetary support operations, following the interruption in the context of the bank fraud, through the European Neighbourhood Instrument.

In January 2017, the Commission proposed the instrument that we are discussing today, a macro—financial assistance package covering approximately 25% – so only a quarter – of the country’s financial needs as identified by the IMF. This is in order to address the short-term balance of payments and fiscal vulnerabilities of the Moldovan economy. The proposed assistance therefore amounts to EUR 100 million; EUR 60 million would be a loan and EUR 40 million would be a grant to be disbursed in three instalments in 2017 – ideally – and in 2018.

The Commission had proposed in its original draft text that strong conditionalities be attached to the assistance. These conditionalities have been thoroughly discussed in the two committees giving opinions in this House, the Committee on Foreign Affairs and the Committee on Budgets, and of course in the Committee on International Trade. The result has been even stronger conditionalities attached to the disbursement of each of the three instalments. The principle is: no reforms, no money. It is the first time that the EU has taken such a tough stance, as the practice of the EU until now has been to grant the first instalment immediately and only attach some conditions to the subsequent ones.

The ambitious programme of reforms will cover financial sector governance, public sector governance, the fight against corruption, the fight against money laundering, energy sector reforms, and improvement of the business and investment climate. Parliament’s amendments have put strong emphasis on the independence of the judiciary, freedom and pluralism of the media, the depoliticisation of public administration, and the need to fight corruption and money laundering and to support the implementation of the DCFTA. We have clarified that conditions are to be attached to the disbursement of each and every one of the three instalments, that benchmarks should be clear as required by the European Court of Auditors, and that the assistance shall be immediately suspended or terminated if the conditions are not met.

If done properly, it is my strong belief that these reforms have a high potential systemic impact. These are reforms that will discipline and constrain the exercise of power by the government and any other economic or political actor for generations to come. The other two institutions have accepted one hundred percent of our requests. The agreement reached during the trilogue also includes a joint statement by Parliament, the Council and the Commission recalling that the necessary precondition for the disbursement of the assistance is respect for effective democratic institutions.

I have come up with this proposal to adopt this joint statement in order to address the concerns of colleagues in this House regarding the recent initiative by the authorities to change the electoral system in the Republic of Moldova. The process is still ongoing and the Venice Commission has recently made public its opinion on this process.

It is key that the Moldovan authorities duly take into account this recommendation. The joint statement puts a strong emphasis on the fact that the consideration by the Moldovan authorities of the recommendations of the Venice Commission will be part of the regular monitoring of the respect for the aforementioned precondition. The regular monitoring of this precondition is in fact a mandate that we have created and are giving to the Commission. I would encourage the Commission today to reconfirm the strength of its commitment in the context of this instrument that we have created together. This is important and is the underpinning factor for the consensus we have achieved in the House.

To conclude, in its current form, the decision gives us the green light – if we vote positively tomorrow – for the aid to Moldova. However, it does not mean immediate disbursement. If the decision is positive, the first instalment of the disbursement will reach Moldova in December. The European Union is therefore equipped with the right set of instruments to react to any potential developments in the Republic of Moldova.

I will conclude by thanking the shadows Mr Winkler from the PPE, Mr Takkula from ALDE, Mr Zahradil from the ECR, Mr Scholz from GUE and Ms Hautala from the Greens, as well as Mr Auštrevičius and Mr Mureşan, the rapporteurs for the opinion from the two opinion committees, and also Mr Preda from the PPE Group, who has played a key role in building a consensus in this House.

 
  
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  Valdis Dombrovskis, Vice-President of the Commission. – Mr President, let me first thank the rapporteur, Mr Sorin Moisă and the Committee on International Trade for their valuable work, and also the Committee on Foreign Affairs and Committee on Budgets for their support.

As you know, the European Commission submitted its proposal for a macro-financial assistance operation to Moldova in the context of difficult political and economic transition. Following the banking fraud scandal of 2014 the new Moldovan Government was appointed in February 2016, adopting a package of key reforms in areas like public governance and anti-corruption. In support of this new reformed path, the EU and Moldova agreed on the roadmap for priority reforms at the beginning of 2016 and with the Foreign Affairs Council conclusions of 16 February 2016.

Moldova, which is one of the poorest countries in the European neighbourhood needs macro-financial assistance to cover its external financing needs and underpin its slow recovery from the recession in 2015.

This macro-financial assistance complements the assistance of the International Monetary Fund, which resumed its assistance and approved a new, extended fund facility agreement on 7 November last year.

Therefore, it is crucial that the EU, together with other international donors, uses this window of opportunity for reforms in Moldova and supports the new Moldovan Government in its efforts to implement key reforms and bring back economic recovery.

However, the Commission shares the concerns of Parliament with regard to important areas like corruption, money laundering, independent judiciary, independent media, and the implementation of the EU-Moldova Association Agreement. Therefore, the Commission supports the five amendments to the recitals of its proposals to address these concerns.

Let me also reassure you that the Commission will entirely be guided by these new recitals when implementing this assistance and, in particular, when designing the conditionality of this operation of the memorandum of understanding between the EU and Moldova.

The Commission also shares the concerns of Parliament regarding the recent initiatives in Moldova to introduce a new electoral system. Therefore we support the joint statement of the three institutions, recalling that the precondition for granting macro-financial assistance is that the beneficiary country respects effective democratic mechanisms, including a multi-party parliamentary system and the rule of law, and guarantees respect for human rights.

The Commission and the European External Action Service will closely monitor the fulfilment of this pre-condition throughout the lifecycle of this operation and will pay utmost attention to how Moldova follows up on the recommendations of international partners, in particular the recommendations of the Venice Commission and of the Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights of the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe related to the proposed changes in the electoral system.

Before closing my remarks I would like to underline again that no disbursement of macro-financial assistance for Moldova will take place if the political preconditions as well as specific economic and financial conditions are not fulfilled.

I hope we can count on Parliament’s support for Moldova on its path to reform and I would like to underline that the Council, in a letter of 15 June this year, from COREPER, confirmed the approval of the Commission’s proposal as agreed in the trilogue, subject the approval of the European Parliament.

 
  
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  Petras Auštrevičius, rapporteur for the opinion of the Committee on Foreign Affairs. –Mr President, Moldova’s future depends on much more than yet another financial tranche. Plans to change the election system are received with such great caution in both Brussels and Strasbourg, and rightly so. Even more importantly, in Moldova the opposition parties and civil society at large are alarmed and protesting. Everyone is asking for a fair European debate and a consensus—based decision and we do not see this happening. Instead we read today about yet another political party leaving the consultations on election law.

I wish to draw the attention of this House to the joint statement of all EU institutions that the Commissioner has just mentioned, which is an integral part of the decision and which makes very clear reference to the Venice Commission recommendations. It is crucial to ensure that these recommendations are fully respected. We must also make sure that we are sending the right message to the Moldovan people, as there is a high risk of manipulation and political misinterpretation. Moldova does indeed have certain privileges, but it has very serious duties. I do hope that everyone in Moldova understands this and I wish for great cooperation with Moldova when it comes to all the issues in front of us.

 
  
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  Siegfried Mureşan, raportor pentru aviz Comisia pentru bugete. – Domnule președinte, domnule vicepreședinte Dombrovskis, stimați colegi, obiectivul meu în calitate de raportor al Comisiei pentru bugete a fost să mă asigur că Republica Moldova îndeplinește condițiile necesare pentru a primi aceste fonduri europene și că noi creăm condițiile, premisele ca banii să ajungă acolo unde este cea mai mare nevoie de ei, și anume, la oameni.

La ce criterii mă refer?

În primul rând, la precondițiile legate de existența statului de drept și a unui sistem multipartinic, iar, în acest domeniu, domnule vicepreședinte Dombrovskis, vă solicit ca Comisia Europeană să întreprindă tot ce este necesar pe lângă autoritățile de la Chișinău, pentru a ne asigura că sistemul electoral respectă pe deplin recomandările Comisiei de la Veneția pentru ca acești bani să poată ajunge la cetățeni doar în aceste condiții și, doar dacă recomandările Comisiei de la Veneția sunt pe deplin implementate, banii pot ajunge la oameni.

În al doilea rând, mă refer la condițiile legate de combaterea corupției, combaterea spălării banilor, pe care le-a menționat raportorul și pe care le-am introdus în avizul Comisiei pentru bugete. Aici, domnule vicepreședinte, rolul Comisiei Europene este foarte clar: să monitorizați atent situația și fiecare tranșă să fie plătită doar dacă aceste condiționalități concrete sunt îndeplinite.

(Vorbitorul a acceptat să răspundă unei întrebări adresate în conformitate cu procedura „cartonașului albastru” (articolul 149 alineatul (8) din Regulamentul de procedură))

 
  
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  Președintele. – Domnul Lucke a ridicat un cartonaș albastru – prea târziu pentru primul vorbitor, domnul Auštrevičius, și prea devreme pentru următorul vorbitor, domnul Mureșan. Deci, ca atare, nu puteți, pentru că trebuia să faceți acest lucru în timp ce vorbea domnul Auštrevičius.

 
  
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   You did not do that while Mr Auštrevičius was delivering his speech. No, everybody saw that. And then you asked for a blue card to Mr Mureşan who had not started to speak, so is it to me? Okay, you have the floor.

 
  
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  Bernd Lucke (ECR). – Herr Präsident! Ich habe mich mit der blauen Karte zu Herrn Mureşan gemeldet, als Herr Mureşan zu sprechen begann, genauso, wie es üblich ist. Ich habe nicht Herrn Auštrevičius eine Frage stellen wollen, sondern ich möchte Herrn Mureşan eine Frage stellen. Ich habe mich während seines Wortbeitrags – nämlich ganz am Anfang seines Wortbeitrags – gemeldet. Ich bitte das so zu berücksichtigen, wie das immer der Fall ist.

 
  
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  President. – It means that you knew in advance what Mr Mureşan would say, and therefore that would provoke your blue card. Is this the understanding? Let me tell you that you have a very good sense of premonition.

 
  
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  Bernd Lucke (ECR). – Mr President, it is not your obligation to judge what I knew or did not know. I want to pose a question please.

 
  
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  President. – That is all right. You may ask your question.

 
  
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  Bernd Lucke (ECR), Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. – Herr Mureşan, Sie haben sehr politisch gesprochen. Ich möchte Ihnen eine Frage stellen bezüglich der Fähigkeit Moldaus, die Schulden zurückzuzahlen. Gibt es eine Schuldentragfähigkeitsanalyse für Moldau? Wer hat diese Schuldentragfähigkeitsanalyse durchgeführt? Zu welchem Ergebnis ist diese Schuldentragfähigkeitsanalyse gekommen?

 
  
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  Siegfried Mureşan (PPE), blue-card answer. – The position of the European Union has been constant throughout recent years and we have always said that if the International Monetary Fund comes to the conclusion that the Republic of Moldova’s debt is sustainable, the economy is strong enough and the conditions of an agreement with the IMF are met, then the European Union stands ready also to help the Republic of Moldova.

In November last year, the IMF came to a positive conclusion and decided to proceed to give credit to the Republic of Moldova. Given these circumstances, I am of the opinion that, economically, the Republic of Moldova is in a condition to receive this financing and to return it. However, all of the other political conditionalities mentioned by Commissioner Dombrovskis and I remain important to make sure that the money reaches its objective.

 
  
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  Daniel Caspary, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Für uns in der Fraktion der Europäischen Volkspartei stehen die Menschen in Moldau im Zentrum. Wir alle wissen, dass die Situation in Moldau für viele, viele Menschen sehr grenzwertig ist und Moldau zu den ärmsten Ländern bei uns in Europa gehört. Nichtsdestotrotz ist es uns aber wichtig, dass bestimmte Bedingungen eingehalten werden. Deswegen bin ich der Kommission sehr, sehr dankbar, dass sie noch mal auf viele Bedingungen hingewiesen hat, die uns sehr am Herzen liegen, nämlich auf die Frage von Rechtsstaatlichkeit und Demokratie in Moldau, die Frage der Korruptionsbekämpfung, die Frage eines verantwortlichen Umgangs mit den Geldern, die wir hoffentlich morgen als Parlament zur Verfügung stellen können.

Aber es ist untragbar, was die Regierung im Moment bei der Frage des Wahlrechts zu beabsichtigen scheint. Deswegen ist es sehr gut, dass sich die Institutionen auf die Gemeinsame Erklärung geeinigt haben, in der wir ja alle noch mal explizit auf die Bedingungen der Venedig-Kommission hinweisen.

Aber ich wünsche mir ganz eindeutig, sehr geehrter Herr Kommissar, dass die Kommission wirklich noch mal deutlich macht, dass dieses Wahlrecht nicht so geändert werden kann, wie sich das die Regierung in Moldau vorzustellen scheint, sondern wir dürfen das Geld nur dann freigeben, wenn die Bedingungen der Venedig-Kommission wirklich eins zu eins umgesetzt werden. Und ich wäre sehr, sehr dankbar, wenn die Kommission das entweder gleich in Ihrem Schlussstatement, sehr geehrter Herr Kommissar, oder morgen vor der Abstimmung nochmal ganz klar macht. Sie werden das sehen: In bisher jedem Redebeitrag wurde dieses Thema angesprochen. Wir dürfen nicht zulassen, dass sich die demokratische Situation in Moldau verschlechtert und wir dann aber noch Gelder zahlen, um das zu belohnen.

In dem Sinne möchte ich auch ganz herzlich unserem Kollegen Iuliu Winkler danken, der dieses Dossier federführend für unsere Fraktion betreut hat. Wir würden uns freuen, wenn wir uns morgen, wenn wir das Geld zur Verfügung stellen, wirklich einig darüber wären, was unsere Bedingungen sind, und wenn die Kommission dann auch wirklich ohne Hintertür sicherstellt, dass diese Bedingungen erfüllt werden.

(Der Redner ist damit einverstanden, eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“ gemäß Artikel 162 Absatz 8 der Geschäftsordnung zu beantworten.)

 
  
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  Doru-Claudian Frunzulică (S&D), blue-card question. – As you know, the basic issue here is whether to let the Republic of Moldova go into the Eurasian Economic Union, cooperating with Russia, or to bring it closer to the European Union. This is ultimately what it is about. Do you not think that, if we don’t grant this macro-financial assistance, the people of the Republic of Moldova are going to be very disappointed vis-à-vis the position of the European Union, and that we have to do whatever we can in order to bring them to the West not to the East?

 
  
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  Daniel Caspary (PPE), Antwort auf eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. – Sehr geehrter Kollege! Wenn ich mich da vielleicht unklar ausgedrückt habe oder die Übersetzung nicht ganz eindeutig war, dann danke ich ganz herzlich für die Frage. Wir sind uns doch alle einig, dass wir uns wünschen, dass sich Moldau in Richtung der Europäischen Union und in Richtung von Freiheit, Demokratie und Rechtsstaatlichkeit entwickelt. Genau deshalb ist es uns ein Anliegen, weil wir uns eben ein rechtsstaatliches demokratisches Moldau in unserer Nähe wünschen, und deswegen legen wir sehr großen Wert darauf, dass wir die Hilfe leisten – das steht für uns in der Fraktion überhaupt nicht in Frage.

Aber wir wollen eben sichergestellt haben, dass sich die demokratische Situation in Moldau in den nächsten Monaten und Jahren weiter verbessert und nicht verschlechtert und genau da haben viele – wie z.B. die Venedig-Kommission oder viele politisch Tätige in Moldau – leider im Moment Sorgen.

 
  
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  Knut Fleckenstein, im Namen der S&D-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Wir haben schon seit vielen Jahren immer wieder Gelder – auch nach Moldau – überwiesen in der Hoffnung, dass es zu Reformen kommt, dass sich die Bedingungen für die Menschen dort verbessern. Das hat sich in der Vergangenheit oft nicht bewahrheitet. Es ist eine Katastrophe, was dort zum Teil stattgefunden hat, an der alle möglichen sogenannten demokratischen Parteien beteiligt waren – einer der Premierminister ist deshalb im Gefängnis, andere sind unter Anklage. Deshalb ist es völlig richtig, dass wir sagen: Diesen Weg wollen wir nicht weiter mitgehen.

Das Ergebnis ist nicht nur gewesen, dass wir uns immer kritischer gefühlt haben, das Ergebnis ist auch gewesen, dass die Menschen in Moldau sich mehr und mehr abgewendet haben, nicht nur von ihrer jeweiligen Regierung, sondern auch von denen, die sie unterstützen – nämlich uns. Deshalb ist es richtig: Das kann man nicht fortsetzen. Nun haben wir eine neue Regierung, die das eine oder andere wirklich nicht nur geredet, sondern auch abgeliefert hat. Der Internationale Währungsfonds hat das ja auch bestätigt und dementsprechend positiv gehandelt.

Wir erwarten, dass das auch weiter so geht, dass nicht nur geredet wird, sondern dass geliefert wird. Deshalb sage ich auch ganz deutlich – um keine Missverständnisse aufkommen zu lassen: Welches Wahlrecht sich Moldau gibt, ist nicht unsere Sache. Das kommt überhaupt nicht in Frage! Denn die stehen ja nicht unter unserer Patronage. Ob sie das englische oder das deutsche oder ein anderes Wahlrecht übernehmen, ist ihre Sache. Aber wie sie es einführen, mit wem sie diskutieren, ob sie Konsens suchen, ob sie die NGOs einbeziehen – das interessiert uns, um dann am Ende zu einem Ergebnis zu kommen.

Ich bin auf jeden Fall dafür, dass wir morgen unter den Bedingungen, die hier mehrfach genannt worden sind, ein klares Ja zu der Makrofinanzierung sagen.

 
  
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  Hannu Takkula, ALDE-ryhmän puolesta. – Arvoisa puhemies, ensinnäkin haluan kiittää mietinnön esittelijää Sorin Moisăa hyvästä mietinnöstä. Kuten hän ja monet muut ovat tässä keskustelussa jo esille nostaneet, Moldova on tällä hetkellä monien sekä taloudellisten että poliittisten haasteiden edessä. On tärkeä muistaa, että makrotaloudellisen avustuksen tarkoituksena ei ole missään vaiheessa ollut puuttua avustuksen saajamaan poliittisiin päätöksiin vaan puhtaasti luoda taloudellista vakautta EU:n ympärille Moldovan kaltaisiin maihin.

Moldova on noussut hiljalleen vuoden 2014 pankkikriisistä, mutta on edelleen Euroopan köyhin maa. Taloudellisesti kestävän pohjan luominen edellyttää makrotaloudellista apua. Mitä tulee paljon keskustelua herättäneeseen vaalilain uudistamiseen, se on – kuten myös Venetsian komissio lausui – suvereenin valtion oma asia, eikä EU:lla ole valtaa puuttua sitä koskeviin päätöksiin.

Kuitenkin EU:n kaikkein taloudellisen ja poliittisen työn tulee perustua EU:n omille arvoille, joita ovat demokratia, ihmisoikeudet ja oikeusvaltioperiaate. Siksi minusta on kohtuullista asettaa nämä myös taloudellisen avun edellytyksiksi. Moldovalla on itsenäisenä valtiona oikeus tehdä omat poliittiset ratkaisunsa, mutta Euroopan unionin tulee pitää kiinni omista arvoistaan. Tästä syystä olen erittäin tyytyväinen sopimukseen, joka syntyi neuvotteluissa komission ja neuvoston kanssa, ja rahoitukselle asetettuihin ehtoihin.

 
  
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  Helmut Scholz, im Namen der GUE/NGL-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar! Mit 100 Millionen Euro soll es der Regierung Moldaus ermöglicht werden, im Herbst noch Lehrer bezahlen zu können und die Schuldenraten beim IWF zu bedienen. Wir haben als Fraktion stets bekräftigt: Mit der Makrofinanzhilfe sind nicht neue Verschuldungsperspektiven vorzuzeichnen, sondern statt Krediten sollten auch weitgehend Zuschüsse gewährt werden.

Die EU-Kommission beurteilt in ihrem gerade vorgelegten Bericht zur Durchführung von Finanzhilfen die wirtschaftliche und politische Lage im Land im Jahr 2016 jedoch als zunehmend schwierig. Ich frage Sie deshalb, Herr Kommissar: Erfüllen die jüngsten Entwicklungen in Moldau in Ihrer Bewertung die Charakterzüge eines verlässlichen und rechtsstaatlich handelnden Partners? Die Bevölkerung des Landes leidet nach wie vor unter der Einflussnahme des Oligarchen Vlad Plahotniuc auf Regierung und Wirtschaft. Das ist Ihnen und uns bekannt.

Vor diesem Hintergrund habe ich mich für strikte Vorbedingungen an die Auszahlung jeder Tranche eingesetzt. Dazu gehören ausdrücklich die Achtung der Menschenrechte und der demokratischen Grundrechte und eine unabhängige, der Rechtsstaatlichkeit verpflichtete Justiz.

In der vergangenen Woche haben wir das Gegenteil erlebt – ganz konkret und präzise: Grigore Petrenco und sieben weitere junge Leute wurden am 28. Juni für die Organisation und Teilnahme an einer Demonstration zur sozialen Gerechtigkeit nach einem – von allen internationalen Beobachtern einhellig so eingestuften – dubiosen Gerichtsverfahren zu drei bis viereinhalb Jahren Gefängnis verurteilt. Die Parlamentarische Versammlung des Europarats, die deutsche und die US-Regierung bezeichnen die Männer als politische Gefangene. Sollen damit politische Weichenstellungen vor den nächsten Wahlen erfolgen? Wir haben gerade über das Wahlrecht gesprochen.

Herr Kommissar, ich erwarte auch von Ihnen ganz konkret eine Bewertung dieser Situation, bevor an die Regierung Geld überwiesen wird. Denn, ich zitiere: „Makrofinanzhilfen setzen die Achtung der Menschenrechte und effektiver demokratischer Mechanismen im Empfängerland voraus“ – so die Kommission.

 
  
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  Heidi Hautala, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Mr President, there has been an agreement between the Council, the Commission and Parliament since 2013 on a certain model macrofinancial assistance and now, with the case of Moldova, I think that more and more we start to see that this instrument has to be more linked with the conditionalities on reforms of the judiciary and other aspects of rule of law, of democracy, respect for human rights and, as has been said by many speakers already, the situation in Moldova has not improved as we would expect from an associated partner country of the European Union.

Therefore I believe that this macrofinancial assistance is different from the other agreements that have been struck between the institution since 2013. We start to see that an instrument that takes the form of budget support needs to be based on trust that the money is going to where it is needed and, as the previous speaker, Mr Scholz, said, that we are not generating debts for the future. We are indeed generating debts for the future if the Commission and the External Action Service are not very consistent with the conditioning of this macrofinancial assistance with, for instance, a very strong fight against corruption, and against money laundering.

I must remind the House about the rather recent understanding of the role of Moldovan banks, and even of Moldovan judges, in some of the biggest money-laundering scandals in our environment. The so-called Russian Laundromat revealed a lot of the reality of the banking system and the judiciary in Moldova and we cannot let that go easily. Also we still remember the embezzlement by which one billion euro was transferred from three Moldovan banks to shell companies in Hong Kong and other offshore havens.

At the same time as we are fighting against money laundering, against tax evasion, we should also expect that our associated partner countries do their utmost to eradicate these kind of things from their system.

So I also, on behalf of the Green/European Free Alliance Group, expect the Commission to implement and take seriously the joint declaration that the three institutions agreed when we concluded the negotiations, and I also want to hear how the Commission is going to follow the situation and implement this.

 
  
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  Jonathan Arnott, on behalf of the EFDD Group. – Mr President, we are here discussing the spending of EU funds, and money which rightfully belongs to the taxpayer, to be given to Moldova in what is known as macro-financial assistance. I see plenty of politics here, and plenty of expectations being placed on Moldova in return for the cash, but let us be honest here: Moldova ranks at a miserable 127th place in Transparency International’s measure of corruption, lower down than Pakistan and Communist Cuba.

The explanatory statement that comes with this report says that the free trade agreement between the European Union and Moldova has contributed to the process of economic recovery. Well, that is what free trade does! If only the European Union actually focused on breaking down barriers to trade rather than creating them, perhaps it would be less of a negative force throughout the world.

The Economic Freedom Index places Moldova worse than countries like Rwanda and Swaziland when it comes to being attractive to trade and investment. The solution, here again, is not to give Moldova more money: the solution is for Moldova to become more competitive. Is giving so much money to a country so notorious for official corruption and economic poor performance really a good use of taxpayers’ money? For all our fine words, this is in essence foreign aid being given by taxpayers, so, surely to goodness, it should meet a common-sense definition of what foreign aid is for.

 
  
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  Edouard Ferrand, au nom du groupe ENF. – Monsieur le Président, mes chers collègues, l’Union européenne est devenue la prison des peuples. Il semble que la Commission européenne veuille faire son business sur le dos des nations. C’est très dommageable, parce que l’Union européenne, finalement, n’est plus cette instance qui garantit la paix en Europe, mais devient au contraire un acteur conflictuel.

Aujourd’hui, nous voyons que l’Union européenne veut soumettre les nations, et cet accord macrofinancier va malheureusement dans la mauvaise direction. En octobre 2017, la Moldavie a obtenu le statut d’observateur auprès de l’Union économique eurasiatique. Cela a déclenché l’ire de l’Union européenne, qui considère qu’il s’agit d’une déclaration de guerre. Or, les nations ont le droit de décider avec qui elles veulent coopérer.

La nation moldave, malheureusement, a été très affaiblie culturellement, parce qu’elle est partagée entre l’Est et l’Ouest, mais surtout parce que cette nation de 3 millions et demi d’habitants – que j’ai eu l’occasion de visiter récemment – est une nation laissée pour compte.

Aujourd’hui, vous voulez jouer sur la sensibilité de cette nation pour l’attirer et faire la gloire de l’Union européenne mais, en fait, vous n’allez que provoquer une fois de plus des problèmes avec la Russie. La neutralité est à mon avis le meilleur statut qui soit pour la Moldavie. Elle ne doit prendre parti ni pour l’Union européenne ni pour la Russie. Je crois que la Russie a montré qu’elle était capable de tempérance par rapport à la volonté de l’Union européenne.

C’est pour cela qu’aujourd’hui, je vous exhorte à respecter les peuples, à respecter les nations. Ne déclenchez pas une nouvelle guerre!

 
  
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  Ελευθέριος Συναδινός (NI). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η μακροοικονομική χρηματοδοτική συνδρομή στη Μολδαβία, αν δεν συνδεθεί με την εφαρμογή ενός φιλόδοξου προγράμματος οικονομικών και διαρθρωτικών μεταρρυθμίσεων, είναι καταδικασμένη σε αποτυχία και, ως εκ τούτου, δεν μπορώ να συναινέσω με την παροχή οικονομικής υποστήριξης. Η Μολδαβία απέχει παρασάγγας από το μέσο ευρωπαϊκό επίπεδο των χωρών που πληρούν κατ’ ελάχιστον τα κριτήρια της Κοπεγχάγης.

Χρειάζονται θαρραλέα βήματα και ρήξη με το κακό κομμουνιστικό παρελθόν, ώστε να βελτιωθούν τομείς όπως η διακυβέρνηση του οικονομικού και του δημόσιου τομέα, η καταπολέμηση της διαφθοράς και της νομιμοποίησης προσόδων από παράνομες δραστηριότητες, η αποτελεσματικότητα και η ανεξαρτησία της δικαιοσύνης και η διακυβέρνηση του ενεργειακού τομέα. Διατηρώ επίσης πολλές επιφυλάξεις ως προς την ωφελιμότητα και αποδοτικότητα της υποστήριξης της ταχείας υλοποίησης της σφαιρικής και σε βάθος ζώνης ελεύθερων συναλλαγών.

 
  
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  Cristian Dan Preda (PPE). – Domnule președinte, Republica Moldova are nevoie de asistența macrofinanciară, iar când spun Republica Moldova, mă gândesc la cetățenii ei, și nu la politicieni. Din păcate, domnii Dodon, președinte, și Plahotniuc, coordonator, nu au înțeles acest lucru. În loc să susțină reformele de care cetățenii au nevoie, cei doi au decis că prioritatea absolută este azi o nouă lege electorală, una care să le asigure realegerea eternă în funcție. De altfel, deputatul Sârbu, raportor al Parlamentului pentru această lege, o combinație între un proiect al lui Dodon și un proiect ale Plahotniuc, a spus foarte clar: ne propunem să avem doar două partide. Comisia de la Veneția a explicat lipsa de oportunitate a acestei legi electorale și mă bucur să văd declarația Comisiei Europene, făcută de domnul comisar Dombrovskis, care a explicat condițiile sub care banii acestei asistențe macrofinanciare vor fi trimiși în Moldova.

Eu voi spune mai clar ceea ce le-am spus domnilor din Partidul Democrat care au fost invitați de colegii lor din grupul socialist din Parlamentul European la Bruxelles: retrageți acest proiect de lege electorală. El nu are nimic de a face cu urgențele societății moldovenești. Niciun cetățean european nu e dispus să plătească bani pentru experimente electorale sau pentru ambițiile de putere ale prietenului lui Putin, Dodon, și ale prietenului socialiștilor europeni, Plahotniuc. Retrageți acest proiect. Gândiți-vă la interesele cetățenilor, și nu la eternizarea voastră la putere.

Aceasta este, cred, condiția sub care trebuie să trimitem banii la Chișinău.

 
  
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  Andi Cristea (S&D). – Mr President, if the Republic of Moldova is on the agenda of our plenary session today it is because that country is, and remains, at the top of the Union’s agenda. And, let me be absolutely clear on this, Moldova on its European path has the full support and commitment of four political Groups across this Parliament.

Macro-financial assistance is one of many tools at our disposal for accompanying and supporting the Republic of Moldova on its process of political association and economic integration with the European Union and, although some areas require additional efforts, overall there has been substantial progress since the start of the current Executive’s term of office.

This week, after very thorough, comprehensive and attentive negotiations with the Council and the Commission based on a clear mandate, the House will vote on this macro-financial assistance. This support will not only be a sign of recognition of the renewed commitment by the Executive, it will also constitute an additional lever of motivation and pressure for the implementation of the much-needed reform agenda, in line with the Association Agreement, the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement and all the views colleagues in the House have expressed today. But first and foremost, EU macro-financial assistance will acknowledge the European aspirations and ambitions of the Moldovan people, and will also convey a strong signal of support and encouragement at this important and difficult time.

I would like to underline the fact that the EU will be applying rigorous, clear and strict conditionality criteria, in line with Parliament’s position, and that this conditionality will be attached to the disbursement of each tranche, including the first one.

As I have emphasised before, this Parliament has been most effective and successful when it has acted with full consensus in its approach vis-à-vis the Republic of Moldova.

I would like to conclude by thanking the rapporteur, as well as and especially Mr Auštrevičius, Ms Harms and Ms Fotyga, for supporting Moldova at this crucial time.

 
  
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  Νότης Μαριάς ( ECR). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, έχουμε ενώπιόν μας τη συζήτηση για ένα σκληρό μνημόνιο που επιβάλλεται στη Μολδαβία. Είναι γνωστοί οι όροι που επιβάλλουν η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση και το Διεθνές Νομισματικό Ταμείο, όταν παρεμβαίνουν. Αυτά τα περί αιρεσιμότητας στην πράξη σημαίνουν πολιτικές παρεμβάσεις στη λειτουργία ενός κράτους. Πρακτικά, έχουμε δει στην Ελλάδα τι εστί μνημόνιο. Εδώ, για τη Μολδαβία, υποτίθεται ότι θα δοθούν 100 εκατομμύρια ευρώ· 60 ως δάνειο και 40 ως επιχορήγηση. Πόσα από τα χρήματα αυτά θα πάνε στην οικονομία του κράτους και πόσα θα πάνε υπέρ των ίδιων των πολιτών; Ή μήπως τελικά θα πληρωθούν ξανά οι δανειστές;

Υπάρχει τεράστια διγλωσσία. Ζητά το ψήφισμα -σωστά- ανεξάρτητο δικαστικό σώμα. Όμως κύριε Dombrovskis, στην Ελλάδα η τρόικα και το Εurogroup παρεμβαίνουν για την αθώωση τριών τεχνικών εμπειρογνωμόνων της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης που εμπλέκονται σε δίκη για το σκάνδαλο πώλησης και επανεκμίσθωσης 28 ακινήτων του Δημοσίου. Κύριε Dombrovskis, με ποιο δικαίωμα εσείς παρεμβαίνετε στην ελληνική Δικαιοσύνη; Υπάρχουν δικές σας δηλώσεις της 29ης Ιουνίου 2017 στις οποίες συνδέετε τη χορήγηση της τελευταίας δόσης του δανείου με την απαλλαγή των συγκεκριμένων εμπειρογνωμόνων. Είναι αυτό ανεξάρτητη Δικαιοσύνη;

Περιμένουμε μια απάντηση, κύριε Dombrovskis, για το θέμα αυτό. Με ποιο δικαίωμα παρεμβαίνετε στην ελληνική Δικαιοσύνη;

(Ο Πρόεδρος διακόπτει τον ομιλητή)

 
  
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  Norica Nicolai (ALDE). – Domnule președinte, domnule comisar, fără îndoială, Instrumentul european de vecinătate, care susține această asistență macrofinanciară pentru Republica Moldova, este pe deplin justificat, așa cum a declarat Comisia și, din această înțelegere, nu este vorba, practic, de un gest de extremă bunăvoință față de Moldova, ci este vorba, în mare parte, de un împrumut care este condiționat de îndeplinirea anumitor criterii. Criteriile pe care Comisia și Consiliul le-au propus sunt cele corecte, sunt în acord cu valorile europene pe care toți trebuie să le protejăm. Ceea ce, din punctul meu de vedere, nu este corect, este să introducem un nou criteriu, o nouă condiționalitate, care ține de legea electorală.

Stimați colegi, Uniunea Europeană trebuie să își respecte propriile valori și din aceste valori face parte faptul că niciodată nu își poate permite să intervină în elemente de suveranitate ale unui stat. Uniunea Europeană nu poate cere unui stat membru un anumit tip de lege electorală. Aceasta reprezintă voința suverană a statului respectiv și cred că a introduce un criteriu în plus din acest punct de vedere ar însemna să cădem într-un populism și politicianism ieftin, care nu fac în niciun fel onoare acestui Parlament.

 
  
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  Igor Šoltes (Verts/ALE). – Ne zgodi se pogosto, da bi Evropska komisija pri finančni pomoči, ki je deloma seveda vezana tudi na posojilo, pogojevala to pomoč s predhodnim izpolnjevanjem določenih pogojev. Mislim, da je v primeru Moldavije to prav. Zlasti zato, ker situacija v Moldaviji že nekaj let ni rožnata, je zelo dinamična, in tudi demonstracije, nemiri pred dvemi, tremi leti, so pokazali, da mora Moldavija stopiti na novo tako imenovano demokratično pot in se torej odločiti, kam želi usmeriti svojo prihodnost, prihodnost generacij, ki prihajajo.

Nekateri seveda postavljajo tukaj dilemo, ali naj se obrne in gre proti vzhodu ali zahodu in Evropski uniji, in s tem se je poskušalo v preteklosti tudi, če rečem v narekovajih, s finančnimi pomočmi prispevati k odločitvi, da se Moldavija bolj odpre k Evropski uniji, tudi s pridružitvenimi oziroma trgovinskimi sporazumi.

Vendar se je zgodilo nekaj, kar ni bilo dobro. Da so mnoga sredstva na nek način poniknila in torej niso dosegla svojega cilja, zaradi katerega so bila dana. In tudi zato mislim, da je res potrebno v tem delu, v tem paketu, budno spremljati, da torej je ta del boja proti korupciji, svobode govora, na nek način tudi podpore demokraciji, tisti, ki seveda bo s temi sredstvi tudi dosežen.

Zato sem prepričan, da bo Komisija tudi s svojimi instrumenti znala in nas obveščala o tem, kako napredujejo te najbolj kritične točke, zato da lahko rečemo o Moldaviji, da je na pravi poti tudi v smislu sprejemanja finančne pomoči.

 
  
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  Barbara Kappel (ENF). – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar Dombrovskis! Es wurde von einigen Vorrednern schon gesagt, dass die Auszahlung der Makrofinanzhilfe an bestimmte Bedingungen zu knüpfen ist, und es sind dies die Prinzipien der Rechtsstaatlichkeit und Demokratie –, an die Bekämpfung von Korruption und Geldwäsche und natürlich auch an die Umsetzung der Vorgaben der Venedig-Kommission in Bezug auf das Wahlrecht.

Ich würde aber gerne einen vierten Punkt dazu anführen: Die Auszahlung der Makrofinanzhilfe sowie auch die Wiederaufnahme der Auszahlung aus dem Europäischen Nachbarschaftsinstrument sind daran zu knüpfen, dass dieser Bankenbetrugsskandal, der heute schon mehrfach erwähnt wurde, auch gänzlich aufgeklärt ist. Es handelt sich hier nämlich nicht um irgendein Verbrechen, sondern es handelt sich um ein Verbrechen des Jahrhunderts – wie internationale Medien es bezeichnen. Es ist nämlich drei Banken gelungen, eine Milliarde Euro zu stehlen – das ist die Hälfte der Nationalbankreserven, und das sind 17 Prozent des Bruttoinlandsprodukts Rumäniens. Der Mehrheitsgesellschafter dieser drei Banken ist der Vorsitzende der Demokratischen Partei, der Partei, die jetzt den Ministerpräsidenten stellt.

Das macht keine gute Optik, und da wissen die rumänischen Kollegen mehr als alle anderen. Deshalb ist hier besondere Vorsicht zu wahren, und es sind besondere Maßnahmen bei der Auszahlung der Mittel zu setzen, dass hier alles mit rechten Dingen zugeht.

 
  
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  Nicola Caputo (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la Moldova, dopo due anni difficili, è in fase di ripresa della sua stabilità politica ed economica. A partire dal 2014, un grave scandalo bancario e una sostanziale contrazione della produzione agricola hanno portato il paese alla recessione economica. Nel novembre scorso il Fondo monetario internazionale ha approvato un accordo triennale di servizio di credito ampliato per un importo di 179 milioni di dollari a favore della Moldova, con un bilancio di attuazione considerato soddisfacente.

L'Unione europea deve riprendere il suo programma di assistenza macrofinanziaria verso la Moldova, ma vanno anche ben verificate le condizioni di affidabilità del paese. L'assistenza va condizionata all'attuazione di un ambizioso programma di riforme economiche e strutturali: penso in particolare al rafforzamento della governance nel settore finanziario, alla lotta contro la corruzione e il riciclaggio di denaro e agli sforzi per aumentare l'indipendenza del sistema giudiziario, senza dimenticare l'importanza strategica di un miglioramento del settore energetico, in particolare garantendo l'indipendenza dell'autorità nazionale di regolamentazione.

 
  
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  Jean-Luc Schaffhauser (ENF). – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, depuis les émeutes de 2009, la Moldavie a vu se succéder des majorités pro-européennes. Les meneurs de cette politique – Vlad Filat, en prison pour corruption, Vlad Plahotniuc, principal oligarque et principal corrupteur du pays, dirigeant du parti au pouvoir – ont ensemble, avec leurs obligés, volé un milliard de dollars dans le système bancaire moldave. On a donné, pour ainsi dire, un permis de voler à cette mafia qui se proclame pour l’Union européenne. Et vous voulez encore ajouter 100 millions d’euros? C’en est un peu trop. Ne le pensez-vous pas?

Arrêtez aussi le jeu en Transnistrie, où on remet une frontière entre l’Ukraine et la Transnistrie. Pourquoi cherche-t-on à faire monter les tensions? Voulons-nous à nouveau la guerre?

Mes chers confrères, aimer la démocratie, aimer le choix, c’est permettre à la Moldavie d’être toujours en équilibre entre l’Est et l’Ouest et de rester elle-même.

 
  
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  President. – I can only see that there are good oligarchs and bad oligarchs.

 
  
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  Kazimierz Michał Ujazdowski (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Chcę się zdecydowanie opowiedzieć za wsparciem dla Mołdawii. Oczywiście nie możemy ukrywać prawdy – są przypadki korupcji, są rzeczy, które w Mołdawii powinny się zasadniczo zmienić – ale to nie powinno przemawiać (jak argumentuje poseł Schaffhauser) za wycofaniem się z polityki wschodniego sąsiedztwa, za wycofaniem się z polityki wsparcia dla europejskich i wolnościowych aspiracji społeczeństwa mołdawskiego, które chce dzielić wspólnie los wolnych narodów europejskich. Wycofanie się z tej gry oznacza zgodę na dominację Putina w tamtej części Europy. Zatem pilnujmy zasad, nie pozwalajmy na powtórkę z korupcji, lecz cierpliwie i systematycznie okazujmy wsparcie społeczeństwu mołdawskiemu, które chce razem z nami dzielić los wolnych narodów.

 
  
 

Procedura „catch the eye”

 
  
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  Theodor Dumitru Stolojan (PPE). – Domnule președinte, voi vota pentru această asistență acordată Republicii Moldova. Doresc să subliniez că oamenii din Republica Moldova au suferit poate mai mult decât oamenii din orice altă țară în tranziție - începând cu deportările în Siberia și terminând cu această tranziție, care parcă nu se mai încheie în Moldova. Vreau să susțin întru totul poziția Comisiei Europene prezentată de către prim-vicepreședintele Dombrovskis: este corectă și dreaptă. Vom aproba acest acord de asistență, iar eliberarea banilor către Moldova se va face exact cum a precizat foarte clar prim-vicepreședintele, în măsura în care se îndeplinesc condiționalitățile stabilite.

 
  
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  Maria Grapini (S&D). – Domnule președinte, domnule comisar, stimați colegi, de la bun început spun că voi vota acest raport și am să și argumentez. Nu știu câți dintre dumneavoastră ați vizitat, și de câte ori, Republica Moldova. Din 1990 până acum, merg de trei-patru ori pe an. Sunt lucruri care au fost în progres, sunt lucruri foarte multe care trebuie schimbate, dar, pentru trei care au furat de la bancă, nu o să pedepsim cetățenii din Republica Moldova.

Republica Moldova are nevoie de acordarea asistenței macrofinanciare și Comisia a prezentat foarte bine condiționalitățile economice și politice. Raportorul, de asemenea, împreună cu raportorii din umbră au pregătit un raport votabil și care va aduce acest sprijin extraordinar de important pentru Republica Moldova. Nu putem să respingem acordarea sprijinului macrofinanciar, pentru că ar lipsi Uniunea Europeană de un instrument util pentru promovarea reformelor în Republica Moldova și ar descuraja cetățenii acestui stat. În contextul global, cred că este nevoie să crească încrederea cetățenilor în Uniunea Europeană; și a cetățenilor din Republica Moldova. Așadar, voi vota acest raport și îi felicit pe raportori.

 
  
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  Krisztina Morvai (NI). – Elnök Úr! Ismerős a recept, amit ezúttal Moldova esetében látunk. Volt kommunista, illetve szocialista országokkal szemben rendszeresen csinálják. Az Európai Unió, illetőleg a Nemzetközi Valutaalap, az IMF, úgymond „quid pro quoja”. Ti adjatok, csináljatok demokráciát, csináljatok gazdasági reformokat, és mi adunk nektek pénzt. Mit kell ez alatt érteni? A gazdasági reform az ő nyelvükön azt jelenti, hogy mindent privatizálni kell, ami nemzeti vagyon. A földjeinket oda kell nekik bocsátani, a mezőgazdaságunkat hagyni kell mesterségesen tönkretenni, a piacainkat a gyakran rossz minőségű termékek előtt megnyitni. Ismerjük ezt a receptet! Magyarként nagyon büszke vagyok arra, hogy az IMF igáját sikerült a nyakunkból lerázni.

Az Európai Unió most hogy tanít minket demokráciára? Úgy, hogy azt mondják, hogy akaratunk ellenére fogadjunk be tömeges migrációt a hazánkba. Köszönjük szépen, ebből a demokráciából nem kérünk. Az Európai Unió egyenlő jogú tagjai vagyunk, tehát nem könyöradományt adnak nekünk. Isten óvja a moldovai embereket attól, amit Önök és az IMF rájuk akarnak kényszeríteni.

 
  
 

(Încheierea procedurii „catch the eye”)

 
  
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  Valdis Dombrovskis, Vice-President of the Commission. – Mr President, let me conclude by underlining the importance of this decision with a view to supporting key reforms in Moldova. As you know, any amendment beyond the five amendments to the report of the Committee on International Trade (INTA) would trigger a second reading and significantly delay the adoption process, as well as the disbursement of macro-financial assistance which is still foreseen this year, provided that conditions are met.

Therefore, we count on your political support for Moldova and hope that you will follow the INTA report and approve the Commission proposal as agreed in a trilogue of 6 of June of this year.

 
  
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  Sorin Moisă, rapporteur. – Mr President, I would like first of all to thank the Commission for the very clear stance on the joint statement adopted by the three institutions and the intention stated here publicly, beyond doubt, to properly enforce it. I hope that is to the satisfaction of most colleagues, and I was happy to see that both Mr Preda and Mr Stolojan seemed to be satisfied with the Commission’s very clear position.

I shall tackle very briefly some of the issues that were raised on this. The common thread of the discussion has been the alleged – probably real – excessive power of some business people or oligarchs in Moldova. I truly believe in the following reality: the package of conditionalities attached to this MFA has true transformative potential to limit any type of arbitrary exercise of power in the Republic of Moldova. We have focused so much on the electoral issue – which is important, that is why we have addressed it through the joint declaration – but I truly believe that the reforms will be there for a generation, maybe those attached to the package itself, and this is far more important than simply a discussion on electoral reform nowadays.

I also believe that there is a false dichotomy between corruption and competitiveness. In order for a country to be competitive, it cannot be corrupt. It does need to address corruption, so I believe we are doing the right thing with the DCFT, on the one hand, and with properly addressing and incentivising the fight against corruption Moldova, that is indeed the right thing to do.

I would also encourage the Moldovan authorities to truly reach out to the opposition and to civil society, and engage in this discussion if the discussion continues on the transformation of the electoral system, but I also encourage the other parties to accept the invitation for dialogue. A proper democracy requires loyal democrats on all sides. And there is a bit of a paradox here: if you try to impose consensus from the outside, then a party walking out of that consensus could have a sort of veto power which may be seen as unfair. All of that said, I believe we have, if not a consensus, then we are close to a significant majority here ourselves and I hope that this will be confirmed by a positive vote tomorrow. Thank you again to all of you who have contributed to building this consensus in the House.

 
  
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  Președinte. – Dezbaterea a fost închisă.

Votul va avea loc marți, 4 iulie 2017.

Declarații scrise (articolul 162)

 
  
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  Sandra Kalniete (PPE), in writing. – The Commission has proposed providing macro-financial assistant (MFA) to Moldova of up to EUR 100 million. The implementation of the MFA would go hand-in hand with the budgetary support operations financed by the European Neighbourhood Instrument that have been frozen since early 2015.

Moldova has faced a difficult period over the last two years both economically and politically. While the PPE supported the Commission proposal to a large extent, it introduced a stronger conditionality for granting macro-financial assistance to contribute to a greater political and macroeconomic stability of the country. These conditions include the strengthening of economic and financial governance, including a thorough, result-oriented investigation into bank fraud, good energy governance, an accountable, transparent and merit-based civil service, the freedom, independence and pluralism of the media, sustainable development and poverty reduction and the political independence of the judiciary.

A pre-condition for granting the MFA and for the disbursement of each of the three instalments should be that Moldova respects effective democratic mechanisms – including a multi-party parliamentary system – and the rule of law, and guarantees respect for human rights.

 
  
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  Claudia Țapardel (S&D), în scris. – Republica Moldova are nevoie urgentă de sprijin financiar, iar decizia Uniunii Europene de a oferi un ajutor de 100 de milioane de euro reprezintă un semnal puternic de solidaritate cu această țară și cu cetățenii ei. Între România și Moldova există o relație strânsă, unindu-ne limba și un trecut comun, iar țara noastră își dorește ca Moldova să facă parte din familia europeană. De aceea, România susține decizia privind acordarea asistenței macrofinanciare pentru Republica Moldova, considerând că evoluția pro-europeană a vecinilor de peste Prut poate fi îndeplinită doar prin măsuri concrete.

Dincolo de aspectele economice, această decizie trebuie înțeleasă ca o dovadă a angajamentului UE de a susține Republica Moldova în implementarea reformelor structurale. Totodată, în contextul obiectivelor geostrategice pe termen lung ale Uniunii, sprijinul pentru Moldova devine esențial pentru asigurarea unui climat politic stabil la granițele sale. Asistența macro-financiară nu este însă un cadou, aceasta fiind însoțită de condiții foarte stricte. Condiționalitățile de natură politică și economică prevăzute în decizie și în memorandumul de înțelegere oferă Uniunii un instrument solid de monitorizare a procesului de reformă în acest stat, iar Moldova va trebui să ducă la îndeplinire aceste condiționalități înainte de eliberarea fiecărei tranșe a asistenței.

 

19. Evropski standardi za 21. stoletje (razprava)
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  Președintele. – Următorul punct de pe ordinea de zi este dezbaterea privind raportul lui Marlene Mizzi, în numele Comisiei pentru piața internă și protecția consumatorilor, referitor la standardele europene – punerea în aplicare a Regulamentului (UE) nr. 1025/2012 (2016/2274(INI)) (A8-0213/2017).

 
  
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  Marlene Mizzi, rapporteur. – Mr President, although we may not realise it, standards are everywhere around us – in healthcare, food, transportation, construction, cosmetics, energy and so many other things.

In each sector, standards are a necessary component and a mechanism that can improve health and safety for our citizens, can protect consumers and raise their confidence, guarantee safe products and services, reduce costs and enhance performance for businesses, increase sales and the take-up of new technologies, boost competitiveness and innovation in Europe.

However, it is important that standards are developed in an open, inclusive and transparent system, based on close partnership, cooperation and broad support of industry, public authorities, consumers, workers and citizens, i.e. all the stakeholders.

This is of paramount importance when standards are developed for products and services that can affect the health and safety and the wellbeing of people.

And this is the main thrust of my report, Standards for the 21st Century. The objective of this report is to contribute to the ongoing debate and to set the European Parliament’s priorities in response to the Commission standardisation package, including the joint initiative on standardisation and development of ICT standards.

The report will also contribute to the first interinstitutional dialogue and to the Commission’s Annual Work Programme 2018, which will be adopted in July.

I would like to express my gratitude to the shadows and to the Commission for their open and collaborative work on this report. In fact, the Commission has decided to postpone their Annual Work Programme by one month, so that they can take on board our recommendations, which will be voted upon tomorrow.

The standardisation environment is changing and is challenging. To respond to these challenges, I based the report on a number of salient points that are essential for the future of the European standardisation system. First, the report acknowledges that there is more to the standardisation process than an economic aspect. The European standardisation system must be based on an inclusive, holistic and common approach whereby SMEs, consumer and citizen goals – particularly those related to economic, social and health issues and the environment – are fully integrated into the standardisation process.

Second, the report stresses the importance and success of the Standardisation Regulation 1025. The European system is unique, but we should always strive to improve it, without undermining all the positive work which has been done. There are two different ecosystems at European level for the development of EU standards, and that is CEN/CENELEC and ETSI. Both systems have their existing good practices but they need to be explored further. That is why the report makes some valuable suggestions on how to further improve, support and strengthen the work of the European standardisation organisations, by safeguarding that the development of standards remains open, transparent and guided by European interests.

Third, it is important to stress that standards are not a legislative tool, and they should not be used as such. They are a voluntary, market-driven tool, providing technical requirements and guidance for the implementation of EU legislation.

Fourth, standards is an extremely competitive area at international level and in order to maintain Europe’s leadership position in technical development and global trade, we need to pay more attention to the global role and relevance of standards.

Fifth, developing standards is a long-term investment and not everyone can afford the time, expertise and investment in this complex process. Therefore, a key point in the report is supporting SMEs’ participation in the process of developing standards.

The report also recognises the key role of ICT standards for the future development of the digital single market, FRAND – fair, reasonable and non-discriminatory – royalty-free licensing and open-source software implementation.

Having open standardisation processes based on FRAND licensing terms, which address the legitimate interests of both the holders of rights and potential licensees, is now more important than ever.

Finally, we need to increase the awareness and knowledge about standards and to explain how standardisation works and when it can be used. We are therefore proposing an Annual Standardisation Forum where once a year stakeholders can meet to discuss European standards.

So I hope that you can support this report at tomorrow’s vote so that this institution can send a strong message about the importance of the European standardisation system.

 
  
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  Hans-Olaf Henkel, Verfasser der Stellungnahme des mitberatenden Ausschusses für Industrie, Forschung und Energie. – Herr Präsident! Erstmal herzlichen Dank, Frau Mizzi, für Ihre ausgezeichnete Arbeit und dafür, dass Sie die Anregungen des ITRE-Ausschusses alle mit aufgenommen haben. Als jemand, der sein ganzes berufliches Leben in dieser Branche verbracht hat, weiß ich, dass es wichtig ist, dass wir Standards in der Informations- und Kommunikationstechnologie brauchen, um den digitalen Binnenmarkt wirklich zu erreichen. Aber in dieser Diskussion – nicht mit Ihnen, aber mit einigen anderen Kollegen und Kolleginnen – habe ich immer wieder festgestellt, dass wir hier noch Nachholbedarf haben, und zwar auch beim Thema Vorurteile. Mir ist aufgefallen, dass immer wieder auch bei diesem Thema amerikanische Firmen gerne verteufelt werden. Wir sollten damit aufhören, denn wir brauchen die Kooperation auch mit den Amerikanern, gerade wenn es um dieses Thema Informations- und Kommunikationstechnologie geht.

Zweitens sollten wir aufhören, große Firmen zu verteufeln. Klar, es ist wichtig, dass wir die kleinen und mittleren Firmen unterstützen. Aber wieso sind eigentlich Konzerne etwas Schlechtes? Denn wir wissen doch alle, dass Konzerne – auch die großen – viele Tausende kleinerer und mittlerer Unternehmen brauchen und umgekehrt.

Und drittens möchte ich darauf hinweisen, dass Standards nicht zu verwechseln sind mit Harmonisierung. Wir brauchen die Standards, um Wettbewerb zu schaffen, denn der Wettbewerb zwischen kleinen Einheiten führt immer zu einem stärkeren Ganzen. Aber wenn wir jetzt auch gleichzeitig harmonisieren in Europa – und das tun wir bei jeder Gelegenheit –, dann stören und zerstören wir den Wettbewerb. Das ist wie bei einem Marathonlauf: Natürlich muss man wissen, dass man 42 Kilometer und 195 Meter laufen darf, und das gilt für alle. Aber stellen Sie sich vor, die Läufer würden sich am Anfang des Laufs jetzt in die Hand versprechen, sie würden alle zur gleichen Zeit im Ziel ankommen. Dann wäre der Wettbewerb und damit auch der europäische Binnenmarkt zerstört.

 
  
  

PRESIDENZA DELL'ON. DAVID-MARIA SASSOLI
Vicepresidente

 
  
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  Elżbieta Bieńkowska, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, first I want to thank Ms Mizzi for her report on European standardisation. This is an important document; important for us, important for the European standardisation community. It sets out a balanced view on several questions on the European standardisation system and as I can see from it, we agree on the fundamental principles in the area.

Just one sentence: over the past 30 years European standards have delivered great benefits for companies, for consumers. They have been based on a unique partnership between European legislators, standard—setting bodies, industry workers and of course civil society groups.

At the heart of the partnership has been a voluntary, demand-led and consensus-driven approach but the standardisation system now, of course, faces a number of challenges: the increasing speed of change in the global economy, the growing role of ICT and the increasing importance of services, to name just a few of them.

So last year we set out a new direction in this area, calling for a system that is agile and that is timely. At its heart we launched a joint initiative on standardisation. We want a system that is both inclusive and collaborative, a system that taps the potential of ICT and services and, above all, a system that can set priorities and deliver results.

I am pleased to see that the report recognises the importance of standardisation and welcomes at the same time the joint initiative. The report will fit into our annual Union work programme on European standardisation for next year, which is currently under discussion. The upcoming interinstitutional dialogue early next year will also be an opportunity to further discuss the topics of mutual interest.

As I cannot, as you understand, now comment on the whole report, I will focus on four key aspects that the rapporteur also mentioned, the importance of inclusiveness, transparency, ICT standardisation and standard essential practices.

Let me start with inclusiveness. Standards, as was said, affect everybody so everybody should have the possibility to have their opinion heard and taken into account when standards are prepared. The report acknowledges that the 2012 Regulation on standardisation has made improvements here so we will continue in this direction.

We have asked the European standardisation organisations – the European Committee for Standardization (CEN), the European Committee for Electrotechnical Standardization (CENELEC), and the European Telecommunications Standards Institute (ETSI) – as well as all national standardisation bodies to intensify their cooperation with stakeholders. We are asking them to adapt their internal rules and their internal procedures to help the work of stakeholders’ organisations.

In the joint initiative there are three actions focused on inclusiveness. They target inclusiveness at national, European and international level. Work on this has started and is progressing smoothly so far.

Second, on transparency, I agree with the report that we need to increase the transparency, accountability and timelines of the standardisation system. I know the report called us to address the reasons behind the decreasing citation of references of harmonised standards in the Official Journal. We are working closely with the standardisation organisations to find practical and durable solutions.

Third, on ICT standardisation. Most people know how frustrating it is and can be to buy digital technology only to find that it cannot connect to other devices. ICT standards ensure that these devices work together seamlessly. Last year we adopted a strategic and political plan on ICT standardisation priorities. It is focused on five key areas: 5G, the internet of things, cloud computing, cyber security and data technologies.

We are working closely together with the standardisation community to implement the actions in the time frame indicated. Success depends on high level commitment from a broad stakeholder base. This includes Member States, industry of course, standard—setting organisations and the research community.

Finally, my last point, I agree that we need to ensure that industry can rely on an effective licencing system. We need a balanced licencing system for technologies endorsed in standards, in other words, standard essential patents. This system should provide for growth and efficient access to these technologies while at the same time ensuring that there are adequate incentives for research, development and innovation.

We are currently working on how to improve the licencing environment and provide clarity on an SEP licencing environment and fair, reasonable and non-discriminatory practices.

Once again let me thank the honourable Member for such an excellent report. I hope I can count on your continued support and engagement in the coming years on this very important issue.

 
  
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  Pavel Telička, rapporteur for the opinion of the Committee on Transport and Tourism. – Mr President, first of all I would like to say that I appreciate the work of the rapporteur, especially her sound focus on the transport sector. The question of standardisation is, in fact, absolutely key if we want to achieve a modern, interoperable, single European transport area.

The problem is that one of the failures of the internal market is that we have not managed to confront the fragmentation of that market, with different national standards, so our companies, whether in the logistics or freight sectors, often have to cope with different national documents each time they cross a border.

At a time when the transport sector is cutting down emissions and becoming much more digitalised and intermodal, at a time when the Commission has put forward the mobility package, we definitely need an interoperable, free-flow-of-data sector which will provide for the uptake of new technologies, like, for example, electric vehicles.

We see too that standards now encompass the ICT standards, and this is an absolutely key area, and one in which we would like to encourage our citizens, too, to go intermodal – to use something that is called integrated ticketing.

One final remark: I would expect the Commission to see this as an external plea to provide, in its proposals, for intermodal interaction based on free flow of data and everything that comes with it.

 
  
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  Ildikó Gáll-Pelcz, a PPE képviselőcsoport nevében. – Elnök Úr! Madame la rapporteure, szeretném megköszönni az ön kiváló munkáját és azt az együttműködést, amit tanúsított a munka során. Tényleg egy olyan jelentés születhetett meg, ami valóban hozzáadott értékkel bír, és azt is mondhatom, hogy stratégiai jelentőségű lesz a jövőre nézve. Ez a jelentés kifejezetten rámutat arra, hogy a szabványosítási rendszerek mennyire kulcsfontosságúak a belső piac potenciáljának a kihasználása szempontjából, és mennyire fontosak lehetnek a versenyképesség szempontjából. Anélkül, hogy teljesen részletekbe mennék vagy ismételném az előttem szólókat, néhány szempontra szeretném csak a figyelmet felhívni. Elsőként is az európai szabványosítás jövőjét illetően.

Amikor erről a kérdésről beszélünk, akkor felmerül, hogy milyen módon kell hozzányúlni, milyen legyen a felülvizsgálata ennek a rendszernek. Nos, azt mondhatjuk, hogy a jelenlegi rendszer viszonylag jól szabályozott. Tehát anélkül kell hozzányúlnunk, hogy a jelenlegi eredményeket kidobnánk. Tehát nem hajthatunk végre radikális változást, amely gyengítené a jelenlegi rendszernek a fő elemét. Ugyanakkor szempontként szeretném megemlíteni azt is, hogy mennyire fontos, hogy mindenkit bevonjunk a szabványosítási folyamatba. Legyen ez nemzeti szervezet, szabványügyi testületek és ezeknek az együttműködése. Következő szempont az, hogy mennyire fontos, hogy mindenki, aki részt vesz, hozzá is tudjon férni. Vagyis, hogy a szabványokat értsék azok, akiknek alkalmazni kell. Ne felejtsük el azt sem, hogy nem lehet mindent szabványosítani.

Ezek a szabványok nem lehetnek versenytorzítóak, pontosan a verseny növelése mellett kell az akadályokat eltörölni. Fontos szempont, hogy minden érintettet, kutatás-fejlesztéssel, innovációval foglalkozót, mindenkit be kell hívnunk ebbe a folyamatba. És egy utolsó szempont: a FRAND-elv érvényesítése a teljes folyamatban.

Ez egy jó jelentés, egyensúlyi pontokkal, amit támogatok.

 
  
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  Presidente. – Per accogliere le domande "cartellino blu" aspettiamo che si concluda il giro di interventi dei gruppi politici, poi naturalmente potremo accoglierle.

 
  
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  Christel Schaldemose, for S&D-Gruppen. – Hr. formand! I hverdagen tænker vi sjældent over, at der er standarder overalt, selvom mange af dem har rigtig stor betydning for os. Tænk bare, hvis elpæren ikke passede til lampen, hvis skruen ikke passede til møtrikken og hvis USB-stikket kun passede til nogle få PC’er. Kommissionen præsenterede sidste år en standardiseringspakke med en række initiativer. Alt sammen noget, som skal få det europæiske standardiseringssystem til at virke godt og effektivt, hvilket er helt nødvendigt for at have et velfungerende indre marked.

For os socialdemokrater er standardiseringsarbejdet vigtigt, og vi bakker derfor fuldt op om hele det europæiske standardiseringsarbejde. Jeg var socialdemokraternes ordfører på den standardiseringslovgivning, vi lavede tilbage i 2012. Men vi har også et par vigtige budskaber til indsatsen. Vi socialdemokrater mener, at standardiseringen hverken kan eller må erstatte lovgivningen. Der er stadigvæk brug for lovgivning til at sætte rammerne for f.eks. sikre produkter, for privatlivsbeskyttelse og for inddragelse af ikke-kommercielle interesser. Vi ser også, at der er en særlig udfordring for standarder i den digitale tidsalder. Vi har brug for at have et smidigt og et bæredygtigt og et inkluderende standardiseringssystem, men det er også vigtigt, at vi får f.eks. borgere og forbrugere med, når det handler om at rulle standarder for det digitale indre marked ud. Det er derfor vigtigt, der er en strategisk tilgang til hele standardiseringsarbejdet.

Vi mener f.eks. også, når det drejer sig om privatlivsbeskyttelse, at det er vigtigt, at vi har standarder til hele designfasen, sådan at vi får lagt et højt og vigtigt beskyttelsesniveau ind for forbrugerne allerede i designfasen, og i denne henseende er standarder helt afgørende. Så det bakker vi op om. Endelig vil jeg gerne takke Marlene Mizzi for en god betænkning og tilføje, at standardiseringsarbejde er noget, vi skal sørge for fungerer effektivt af hensyn til det indre marked.

 
  
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  Ruža Tomašić, u ime kluba ECR. – Gospodine predsjedniče, donošenje usklađenih i jednostavnih europskih politika normizacije s ciljem postizanja prave ravnoteže između nacionalnih, europskih i globalnih dimenzija važno je, prije svega, u kontekstu konačne uspostave jedinstvenog digitalnog tržišta.

Europski konzervativci i reformisti smatraju da ovakva standardizacija mora biti proces koji će teći od dolje prema gore, vođen posebno identificiranim potrebama koje pred zakonodavca stavljaju predstavnici industrije, a ne pretjerano ambiciozni političari koji s proizvodnjom nemaju previše veze.

Naša se grupa protivi rastućoj politizaciji procesa standardizacije i želi da industrija bude ta koja predvodi procese koji se na nju samu primarno odnose. No, moram istaknuti kako je u ovom izvješću ravnoteža ipak postignuta i to je pristup kakav pozdravljamo.

 
  
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  Kaja Kallas, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Mr President, standardisation remains quite a technical topic. However, if you talk to people then you hear that people are quite annoyed at having different plugs and different cables for each device that they have, and this is all due to a lack of standards.

The EU needs to have an effective and proactive market-driven standardisation policy if we want to be leaders in innovation, the leaders of the race for 5G and for the Internet of Things. This sector is very fragmented, with many proprietary and semi-closed solutions and a multitude of standards. However, if we think about what the Internet of Things is all about – devices communicating with other devices – it is difficult to see how we can do this without standards.

I believe that the more open standards we have, the more innovation we have. However, the discussion on this report has shown that we all talk about open standards but we all have different views about what ‘open’ really means. Can we truly call a standard open just because the standardisation process was inclusive enough? Or what about the outcome of the standard? The point of setting standards is that other companies will be able to build their innovations upon them.

At least this report acknowledges that there are different business models out there, but I do think the Commission should promote solutions that ensure that different business models can co-exist. If all standardisation initiatives are based on royalties, for instance, where does it leave open-source licensing? As open source can be shared in an unlimited manner, it is not really compatible with royalty-based models.

This report is therefore a good start for discussion, but I hope that it is not the end of it.

 
  
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  Margot Parker, on behalf of the EFDD Group. – Mr President, this report calls for the harmonisation of European standards, an unnecessary proposal which I cannot support.

The UK already has a high standard of products which are recognised across the world as being trustworthy and high quality. This is a tradition that existed long before we joined the European Union or it was created. Creating a European standard puts this reputation at risk, as not all Member States are yet able to produce products and services at the same high standard. Indeed, even testing centres for EU standards cannot yet guarantee that products produced under this proposal are all of the same quality. This is dangerous and it could serve to drive down standards and create an atmosphere of mistrust. It is a good job that we in the United Kingdom voted to leave the European Union before irresponsible European law can have a detrimental effect on our economy.

 
  
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  Mylène Troszczynski, au nom du groupe ENF. – Monsieur le Président, les entreprises et les acteurs sociaux ont besoin de normes. Ces normes constituent des instruments déterminants pour tous les acteurs économiques et sociaux. Elles doivent être efficaces et ajustées au marché, afin de favoriser la croissance et l’innovation. Elles améliorent aussi, si elles sont établies dans l’intérêt commun, la compétitivité, la qualité et la performance, et favorisent la protection des consommateurs, le développement des entreprises, les conditions des travailleurs et le souci de l’environnement. Elles sont aussi – et c’est primordial de le rappeler – une démarche volontaire des États, qui est une démarche positive. Cette démarche est finalement assez contradictoire avec l’aspect très centralisateur du projet de marché unique, malheureusement défendu avec beaucoup trop d’ardeur dans ce texte.

C’est surtout la coopération entre les nations, que j’appelle de mes vœux, qui peut favoriser ce type de démarche volontaire. En cela, je pourrais soutenir certaines orientations de ce rapport, mais les entreprises et les acteurs sociaux ont également besoin de stabilité, et ces normes, aussi utiles soient-elles, ne doivent pas devenir des obstacles au développement, soit par une instabilité chronique, soit en devenant un véritable parcours du combattant ou un frein économique pour des entreprises déjà exsangues à cause d’une forte dérégulation économique organisée, enfin, soit en devenant le résultat de fortes pressions de la part de groupes d’intérêts particuliers.

Nous touchons là le nœud du problème: confier à la Commission, à des organismes, à des agences ou même à des pôles de normalisation unique l’établissement de ces normes est une erreur stratégique. Cette centralisation à outrance est contraire à l’intérêt commun. Elle ne devient alors une solution bénéfique pour personne ou, alors, pour beaucoup trop peu de monde.

 
  
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  Andreas Schwab (PPE). – Herr Präsident, Frau Kommissarin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Ich finde, der Bericht, den Frau Kollegin Mizzi vorgelegt hat und der mit unseren Schattenberichterstattern erstellt wurde, ist gut. Er ist vielleicht besser als die Debatte heute. Deswegen möchte ich nur drei Punkte hinzufügen. Erstens: Ich glaube, Normen entstehen aufgrund privatrechtlicher Zusammenarbeit der in den Normungsorganisationen zusammengeschlossenen Einrichtungen. Deswegen gibt es keinen Zusammenhang mit öffentlicher Gesetzgebung, und das muss man dem Europäischen Gerichtshof an der einen oder anderen Stelle vielleicht immer auch mal wieder sagen. Privatrechtlich entstandene Standards haben nichts mit Gesetzgebung zu tun – Kolleginnen und Kollegen haben hier im Hause auch darauf hingewiesen.

Zweitens: …. Frau Parker geht jetzt – es wäre schade, denn ich hätte ihr erklären können, wie große ...

companies from the UK like Vodafone came to the European continent by taking over some parts of the market because European standards allowed them to participate. I think it is outrageous that this economic coincidence is neglected here, and I think they will pay a high price for this, because without these common standards for the whole internal market, companies that operate in a smaller marketplace will be cut off.

These standards allow big companies and small companies, all over Europe, to take the part of the market they want to have, and therefore I think they are also in the interest of companies from the country which Ms Parker comes from and which is leaving the European Union.

Dann möchte ich noch einen weiteren Punkt hinzufügen. Ich glaube, Frau Kollegin Gáll-Pelcz hat es angesprochen: Ein Thema im Bereich der Standardisierung ist momentan ja der sogenannte FRAND-Standard, der erlaubt, das bei standardessenziellen Patenten alle Beteiligten über faire Bedingungen Zugang bekommen. Dieser Prozess sollte auch aus meiner Sicht gestärkt werden, damit wir hier auch in Zukunft gleiche Bedingungen für alle Marktteilnehmer erhalten. Insgesamt aber nochmals herzlichen Dank für die kompetente Bearbeitung des Berichts.

(Der Redner ist damit einverstanden, eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“ gemäß Artikel 162 Absatz 8 der Geschäftsordnung zu beantworten.)

 
  
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  Tibor Szanyi (S&D), Kékkártyás kérdés. – Elnök Úr, kérem, értse meg, hogy időnként azért is szoktam kékkártyát használni a vezérszónokok esetében, mert a képviselőcsoportok nézeteit szeretném megtudni. Bár ez esetben szerencsém van, mert Schwab kolléga igencsak jó képviselője a Néppártnak. Úgyhogy hozzá tenném föl most a kérdésemet, nagyon röviden. Gállné Pelcz képviselő asszony említette a hozzáférhetőség kérdését. Minekutána az Európai Uniónak egyik legizgalmasabb kezdeményezése az „okos falvak” kezdeményezés, kérdezem, hogy ezt a mostani jelentést mennyire tudjuk kiterjeszteni a vidéki térségek, a falvak speciális igényeire?

 
  
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  Andreas Schwab (PPE), Antwort auf eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. – Herr Kollege Szanyi, vielen Dank für die Frage. In der Tat haben wir ein großes Interesse daran, überall in der Europäischen Union auch die ländlichen Gebiete digital zu erschließen – egal, ob das für Ihr Land gilt oder für mein Land. Und ich glaube, dass wir dafür nicht nur über die notwendige Infrastruktur verfügen müssen, sondern auch Standards zur Verfügung stellen müssen, die eben von Unternehmen – egal welcher Größe – genutzt werden können. Deswegen ist es gut, dass wir hier in diesem Bericht keine Definition von sogenannten open standards festgeschrieben haben, die über die in der Verordnung 1025/2012 getroffene Festlegung hinausgeht. Ich glaube, das ist ein guter Weg, um auch ländlichen Regionen den Anschluss an die digitale Infrastruktur zu ermöglichen.

Ich hoffe, dass ich damit Ihre Frage beantwortet habe.

 
  
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  Maria Grapini (S&D). – Domnule președinte, doamnă comisar, stimați colegi, vreau să salut propunerea de raport privind standardizarea, având în vedere că standardele sunt instrumente care contribuie la un echilibru just între dimensiunea națională europeană și internațională. Vreau să o felicit pe raportoare, pe colega noastră, Mizzi, și pe ceilalți raportori pentru raportul echilibrat pe care ni l-a prezentat.

Personal, am făcut mai multe amendamente, prin care am încercat să subliniez importanța standardelor pentru funcționarea pieței interne, pentru consolidarea competiției echitabile; evident, și pentru protecția consumatorului. Am propus, de asemenea, ca sistemul european de standardizare să fie coerent și simplu de aplicat, mai ales pentru IMM-uri. IMM-urile trebuie să aibă acces, trebuie să fie parte în negocierea standardelor și, dacă nu au informația, vor fi speriate și vor avea birocrație și costuri suplimentare. Cred, de asemenea, că armonizarea standardelor are o importanță deosebită, chiar dacă unul dintre colegii noștri spunea că nu trebuie să vorbim de armonizare. Ba da. Și eu insist, doamnă comisar, ca despre aceste standarde să vorbim și în negocierile acordurilor comerciale cu țări terțe, dacă dorim ca piața internă să nu fie într-o poziție dezavantajoasă. Este important ca toate instituțiile europene, statele membre, părțile interesate să comunice stadiul în care ne aflăm cu standardizarea și, evident, și viitoarele propuneri referitoare la standardizare.

Susțin raportul și susțin și propunerea privind forumul internațional propus de raportoarea noastră, pentru că este foarte important pentru viitorul Uniunii Europene și sper ca, la punerea în practică, să nu se creeze obstacole și costuri, în special pentru IMM-uri.

 
  
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  Antonio López-Istúriz White (PPE). – Señor presidente, queridos compañeros... y sobre todo, a mi compañera Mizzi, que ha hecho y está haciendo un excelente trabajo con este informe, hay que darle las gracias.

El 1 de junio de 2016 la Comisión Europea presentó este paquete de comunicaciones en las que expone su visión de cómo debería evolucionar en los próximos años la creación de las normas europeas. Dentro de este, se encuentran algunas cuestiones prioritarias en nuestra Comisión de Mercado Interior —que sigue trabajando en ellas— como son, por ejemplo, el 5G, el trabajo informático en la nube, el internet de las cosas, las tecnologías de macrodatos y la ciberseguridad.

Tanto el paquete general de la Comisión sobre normalización europea como la Comunicación, adoptada en abril de 2016, sobre las normas en materia de tecnologías de la información y la comunicación van a aportar la armonización que tanto tiempo llevamos demandando en este sector. Con ello, estamos dando otro paso hacia la obtención de un marco normativo común, que sea capaz de adaptarse uniformemente a la evolución de los avances tecnológicos y logísticos que se está desarrollando a su alrededor.

Es imprescindible que se ampare esta iniciativa, pues es necesario tener una cohesión en estas políticas, que no solo beneficiarán a los Estados miembros otorgando un marco normativo a nivel europeo, sino que —lo que es más importante y más interesa en este momento— aportarán grandes beneficios tanto a los consumidores como a las empresas.

Como defendí en anteriores intervenciones en este Pleno —y así vengo defendiendo en el trabajo de la Comisión de Mercado Interior—, la unificación de estándares a nivel europeo es una condición indispensable para superar la fragmentación del mercado y protegernos de las amenazas externas que nos acechan en este ámbito.

A mi compañero Andreas Schwab le diría que no hay que perder el tiempo, como ha hecho, con la diputada Parker: son de un antieuropeísmo tan feroz. Hay que hacerlo con los británicos, mi querido Andreas: los británicos que sí realmente quieren seguir manteniendo una relación privilegiada con nosotros, con la Unión Europea. A ello nos tenemos que dedicar.

 
  
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  Nicola Danti (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signor commissario, permettetemi in apertura di ringraziare la collega Mizzi, che ha prodotto e che ci mette oggi all'attenzione una relazione che mette bene in evidenza l'importanza della normazione per il corretto funzionamento del mercato unico, a tutela sia dei consumatori che delle imprese.

Le tante differenze tra i sistemi di norme nazionali rappresentano oggi un ostacolo alla libera circolazione delle merci e ad una sana concorrenza, creando significativi oneri amministrativi e limitando la libertà di scelta da parte dei consumatori. Io credo che l'Unione europea debba dunque investire maggiormente nei processi di armonizzazione normativa, da sviluppare anche con il sostegno di tutte le parti interessate. E, prima di tutto, credo in primo luogo che una strategia comune europea debba dimostrarsi a prova di piccole e medie imprese, che saranno le principali beneficiarie di nuove norme europee.

Una delle principali sfide da vincere è quella legata alla digitalizzazione della nostra società. Lo sviluppo di norme comuni nel settore delle nuove tecnologie dell'informazione potrà senza dubbio rafforzare la competitività, l'interoperabilità, la sicurezza, la sostenibilità delle nostre infrastrutture digitali: condizioni essenziali per lo sviluppo di uno spazio unico di opportunità per i cittadini europei.

Sono convinto, infine, che una maggiore coerenza rafforzerà anche la posizione negoziale dell'Unione europea negli accordi commerciali internazionali e consentirà all'Europa di giocare un ruolo da protagonista nel promuovere i propri standard nel mondo.

 
  
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  Μαρία Σπυράκη ( PPE). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, κυρίες και κύριοι συνάδελφοι, Επίτροπε Bieńkowska, οφείλουμε να δώσουμε νέα δυναμική στη θέσπιση προτύπων, διότι μια τέτοια εξέλιξη θα ωφελήσει τους καταναλωτές, τις επιχειρήσεις και την ευρωπαϊκή οικονομία. Η προώθηση του ευρωπαϊκού κόμβου τυποποίησης με παγκόσμιο αντίκτυπο είναι πράγματι ένας φιλόδοξος στόχος και θα δώσει προβάδισμα στην ευρωπαϊκή οικονομία. Μπορεί να γίνει όμως με σταθερά βήματα και σχέδιο για τη στήριξη τομέων προτεραιότητας, όπως ο κατασκευαστικός τομέας. Εφόσον τα πρότυπα τελικά οδηγήσουν σε υψηλότερη ποιότητα, είναι πιθανό στο μέλλον να αποφύγουμε τραγωδίες, όπως αυτή στον Πύργο του Λονδίνου.

Τα πρότυπα αποτελούν κυρίως ένα εξόχως σημαντικό εργαλείο για τη λειτουργία της ενιαίας αγοράς και -φυσικά- της ενιαίας ψηφιακής αγοράς. Προάγουν την καινοτομία, αυξάνουν την ποιότητα των υπηρεσιών και των προϊόντων, διασφαλίζουν την ασφάλεια των καταναλωτών και ενισχύουν την ανταγωνιστικότητα. Στην Επιτροπή Βιομηχανίας εγκρίναμε παμψηφεί την έκθεση στην οποία εκπροσωπούσα το Ευρωπαϊκό Λαϊκό Κόμμα. Στην πραγματικότητα, περιμένουμε το διαδίκτυο των πραγμάτων, η προστασία των δεδομένων και η ασφάλεια στον κυβερνοχώρο να δημιουργήσουν μια τεχνολογική ραχοκοκαλιά, ώστε να μπορέσουμε να αναπτύξουμε σημαντικούς τομείς.

Είναι λοιπόν βασική προϋπόθεση να διασφαλίσουμε ότι εταιρείες κάθε μεγέθους, μεγάλες και μικρές, θα μπορούν να συνεργάζονται με αμοιβαία επωφελή τρόπο. Είναι σημαντικό να προστατεύσουμε ειδικά τις μικρές επιχειρήσεις, διασφαλίζοντας ισότιμη πρόσβαση και να δημιουργήσουμε τις συνθήκες που θα προάγουν την καινοτομία.

 
  
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  Olga Sehnalová (S&D). – Pane předsedající, společné normy jsou důležitým nástrojem pro fungování jednotného trhu. Zachování a další rozvoj evropského standardizačního systému získává na významu se vzrůstajícím vlivem informačních a komunikačních technologií, kdy bude potřeba klást stále větší důraz na zajištění jejich interoperability.

Evropské standardy musí být vyvíjeny v transparentním prostředí a inkluzivním způsobem. Vítám, že paní zpravodajka při zdůraznění řádného zapojení různých zájmových skupin v procesu standardizace pamatovala také na spotřebitelské organizace i na organizace, které zastupují osoby s postižením.

Souhlasím se zpravodajkou také v tom, že normy jako dobrovolný trhem vedený nástroj, který stanoví technické požadavky a pokyny, nemohou nahrazovat politická rozhodnutí. Politická rozhodnutí, která se týkají například úrovně ochrany zdraví, bezpečnosti či životního prostředí, by měla být i nadále ponechána na zákonodárci. Zprávu kolegyně Marlene Mizzi proto podpořím a chci jí také poděkovat za práci, kterou na ní odvedla.

 
  
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  Theodor Dumitru Stolojan (PPE). – Domnule președinte, voi vota pentru acest raport, deoarece, în Parlamentul European, conduc un grup de lucru care este concentrat pe Standardele internaționale de raportare financiară și am o imagine destul de clară asupra importanței standardelor atât pentru protecția consumatorilor, a investitorilor, cât și pentru facilitarea comerțului și investițiilor în cadrul pieței interne și pe plan internațional.

Doresc să subliniez în mod deosebit atenția acordată calității standardelor, bazată pe transparență și pe dialog, și insist foarte mult pe introducerea practicii studiilor de impact pentru orice fel de standarde care se elaborează care să țină seama efectiv de consecințele asupra diferiților participanți la viața economică și socială. De asemenea, este importantă respectarea standardelor. Cei care nu respectă standardele, de fapt, aplică propriile standarde.

Îi mulțumesc raportorului și mulțumesc Comisiei Europene pentru activitatea în acest domeniu.

 
  
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  Jiří Pospíšil (PPE). – Pane předsedající, já chci pochválit tuto zprávu a pogratulovat paní Mizzi za předloženou zprávu. Jsem připraven ji podpořit. Považuji stejně jako většina mých předřečníků otázku normalizace v Evropě za velmi důležitou. Z mého pohledu to není žádná další zbytečná administrativa, protože tyto normy, jak jeden z kolegů zde připomněl, mají dobrovolný soukromoprávní charakter a jsou nezbytné při vytváření jednotného trhu.

Chtěl bych tady vyzvat paní komisařku, aby opravdu Komise v této věci byla co nejvíce ambiciózní, aby se nám opravdu podařilo posilovat přijímání technických norem pro jednotlivé výrobky a tak jsme vytvářeli jednotný trh. Tedy tyto normy nejsou pro mě zbytečnou administrativou, ale naopak jsou něčím, čím postupně dotváříme jednotný trh a umožňujeme volný pohyb zboží a jeho faktické možnosti prodeje v kterékoliv části Evropské unie.

Velmi vnímám také, že tato zpráva hovoří o digitálním trhu. Považuji za mimořádně důležité v době digitalizace posilovat interoperabilitu jednotlivých digitálních prostředků. Co je věc, která nebyla úplně vyřešena ve zprávě, je otázka subjektu, který má přijímat tyto normy, jestli zachovat současnou strukturu subjektů, které přijímají tyto normy, anebo zda uvažovat o novém evropském centru pro normalizaci tak, jak o něm uvažuje Evropská komise.

 
  
 

Procedura catch-the-eye

 
  
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  Nicola Caputo (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, per effetto delle nuove tecnologie e della progressiva integrazione delle soluzioni digitali nella produzione industriale a livello globale, nonché del contesto internazionale in rapida evoluzione, gli strumenti normativi stanno cambiando rapidamente, ed è necessario dare un nuovo impulso per dare risposta alle esigenze dell'industria, dei consumatori, dei lavoratori, delle organizzazioni ambientali e degli altri soggetti interessati.

Nel piano presentato dalla Commissione, l'iniziativa congiunta sulla normazione deve essere affiancata da studi di impatto economico e sociale. Credo infatti che il processo di normazione debba andare oltre i singoli aspetti economici. È necessario un approccio olistico, nel quale gli obiettivi delle PMI, dei consumatori e dei cittadini – soprattutto quelli inerenti a questioni economiche, sociali, sanitarie e ambientali – siano totalmente integrati. Ed è fondamentale, quindi, che l'intero pacchetto della Commissione miri alla creazione di un unico e coerente sistema europeo di normazione, che si adatti ad un contesto in continua evoluzione e offra benefici innanzitutto per i consumatori e per le imprese.

 
  
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  Νότης Μαριάς ( ECR). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η ενιαία ψηφιακή αγορά επιβάλλει βεβαίως την τυποποίηση και τη διαμόρφωση προτύπων, διότι μόνον έτσι μπορούμε να έχουμε ανάπτυξη των τεχνολογιών, ιδίως στον τομέα της επικοινωνίας και της πληροφορίας. Ορθώς λοιπόν, δίδεται έμφαση σε πέντε προτεραιότητες: στο 5G, στο υπολογιστικό νέφος, στο διαδίκτυο των πραγμάτων, στις τεχνολογίες δεδομένων και στην κυβερνοασφάλεια. Ταυτόχρονα, οφείλει η Επιτροπή να λάβει σοβαρά υπόψη τις αποφάσεις και τις προτάσεις του Ευρωπαϊκού Κοινοβουλίου.

Επιπλέον, πρέπει να υπάρξει διαβούλευση, να συμμετάσχουν οι μικρομεσαίες επιχειρήσεις, οι τοπικές αρχές, η κοινωνία των πολιτών και φυσικά οι ίδιοι οι καταναλωτές, διότι μόνον έτσι μπορούμε να προχωρήσουμε σε μία διαδικασία όπου η τυποποίηση και τα πρότυπα θα στηρίξουν πραγματικά την ίδια την οικονομία. Πρόκειται για μία προαιρετική διαδικασία, αλλά ταυτόχρονα αναγκαία, και γι’ αυτό δεν πρέπει να έχουμε επιβολή προτύπων και κυρίως τυποποίησης και εναρμόνισης στα μέτρα των μεγάλων ευρωπαϊκών ή αμερικανικών πολυεθνικών επιχειρήσεων.

 
  
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  Davor Škrlec (Verts/ALE). – Gospodine predsjedniče, osobno podržavam ovo izvješće zbog toga što smatram da je vrlo važno imati kvalitetne norme i standarde prvenstveno radi toga što će naše gospodarstvo time biti konkurentnije i globalno. Naši potrošači bit će bolje zaštićeni radi toga što će biti sigurni da kupuju proizvode jednake kvalitete. I također ono što bih htio istaknuti da nekoliko važnih projekata koje Europska unija danas zacrtava za budućnost poslije 2020. godine, a radi se o energetskoj uniji, traži kvalitetne norme i standarde, jer komunikacija između tržišnih sudionika na tržištu električne energije, komunikacija građana prema distribucijskoj mreži, komunikacija operatora sustava međusobno neće biti zadovoljavajuća ako ti standardi neće biti interoperabilni i neće biti otvoreni upravo kao što je kolegica Mizzi naglasila u svojem izvješću.

I htio bih se osvrnuti na izvješće kolegice Parker koja je nažalost otišla. Velika Britanija, za koju je ona rekla da vodi u standardima, još uvijek ima napone drugačije od ostatka Europske unije, koristi imperijalne jedinice, a ne međunarodni sustav. Dakle, mi moramo milje preračunavati u metre i također moramo nositi adaptere ako želimo svoje računalo priključiti na mrežu.

 
  
 

(Fine della procedura catch-the-eye)

 
  
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  Elżbieta Bieńkowska, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, I would like to thank the Honourable Members for this very interesting discussion. For years Europe has been in the lead when it comes to creating standards and it must stay like this. If we do not create our own standards in Europe, others will do it globally. It is key here that our standards should become a global standard.

I very much agreed with Mr Schwab when he said that those outside the system who will not participate in creating European standards will pay the price sooner rather than later. I also agree that standards are crucial for the integrity of the internal market. We are doing our best under our joint initiative launched last year to avoid the fragmentation of the single market. The joint initiative, that was broadly welcomed by all of the partners and all of the stakeholders of the Standardisation System – if I may just repeat this – is there to create a system that is inclusive, collaborative and a symbol for the companies, a system that taps the potential of IT and services, but above all a system that can set priorities in areas such as e-health, smart energy and intelligent transport systems. For example, connected automated vehicles will significantly benefit from our proposed prioritisation.

Thank you very much again for this discussion. I will keep you updated and look forward to our interinstitutional dialogue later this year. Let us work together on the future of the European Standardisation System because this is crucial for our citizens and for our industry.

 
  
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  Marlene Mizzi, rapporteur. – Mr President, I would like to thank everyone for their contributions to this debate and in particular to the shadows and to the European Commission. Standards are there to guarantee that products are fit for purpose, work smoothly and reliably together, providing high quality and safety safeguards for our citizens. They are important for consumers and companies, for the interoperability of products and for providing economies of scale by keeping markets open and avoiding lock-in with given providers or products. Therefore, I hope that this report will not be condemned to paper and never see the light of day.

I also hope that the Commission, the European standardisation organisations and Member States will implement and enforce its recommendations. So, in particular, I would like to reiterate: it is important to enhance the synergies and coordination between all stakeholders; develop inclusive, sustainable, safe and high-quality standards with fair access and treatment of all stakeholders; improve the accessibility and transparency of the standardisation process; remove the de facto obstacles to an effective involvement of Annex III organisations; create an easy-to-use single point of access to standards; monitor international ICT standardisations and promote the European regulatory model and interests at international level; clarify the core elements of an equitable, effective and enforceable licensing methodology based on FRAND; and prepare a European register listing existing European standards and ongoing standardisation work to avoid duplication of work. And finally, to raise awareness and knowledge about standards, introduce professional standardisation courses, and develop standardisation guidelines for policymakers.

Last, but not least, I welcome the Commission’s decision to involve the European Parliament as a signatory to the joint initiative for standardisation.

 
  
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  Presidente. – La discussione è chiusa.

La votazione si svolgerà domani alle 12.00.

Dichiarazioni scritte (articolo 162)

 
  
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  Marian-Jean Marinescu (PPE), în scris. – Sistemul european de standardizare reprezintă unul dintre elementele esențiale pentru realizarea pieței unice. UE are nevoie de urgență de un sistem unic de standardizare, modern și flexibil, pentru a consolida concurența echitabilă și inovarea la nivel global. Punerea în aplicare a acestui sistem unic va genera avantaje și previzibilitate pentru consumatori și întreprinderi.

Cer Comisiei să alinieze toate inițiativele propuse în ultimii ani, astfel încât să poată fi elaborată în cel mai scurt timp o platformă europeană de standardizare, în cadrul căreia standardele să fie elaborate în timp util și în mod deschis. De asemenea, Comisia trebuie să propună măsuri concrete pentru accelerarea procesului de stabilire a mai multor standarde privind tehnologia informației și comunicării (TIC) pentru politici multiple, așa cum a făcut-o deja pentru cinci domenii: tehnologiile 5G, tehnologiile de tip cloud computing, internetul obiectelor, tehnologiile de date și securitatea cibernetică.

Consider că standardele trebuie elaborate cu sprijinul sectorului industrial și al autorităților publice, dar și al consumatorilor, al lucrătorilor și al cetățenilor. IMM-urile, consumatorii și cetățenii trebuie implicați în acest proces. Nu în ultimul rând, consider că standardele trebuie să impună orientări și cerințe tehnice care pot contribui la punerea în aplicare a legislației și a politicilor europene.

 

20. Širjenje epidemije HIV, tuberkuloze in hepatitisa C v Evropi (razprava)
Video posnetki govorov
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  Presidente. – L'ordine del giorno reca la discussione sull'interrogazione con richiesta di risposta orale alla Commissione sull'aumento delle epidemie di HIV, tubercolosi e HCV in Europa, di Françoise Grossetête, Claudiu Ciprian Tănăsescu, Urszula Krupa, Frédérique Ries, Kateřina Konečná, Martin Häusling, Piernicola Pedicini e Mireille D'Ornano, a nome della commissione per l'ambiente, la sanità pubblica e la sicurezza alimentare (O-000045/2017 - B8-0321/2017).

 
  
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  Kateřina Konečná, Autorka. – Pane předsedající, v roce 2015 bylo v 31 zemích Evropské unie a Evropského hospodářského prostoru nahlášeno téměř 30 000 nově diagnostikovaných nákaz virem HIV. Současně se odhaduje, že v evropském regionu se u 120 000 osob rozvinula multirezistentní tuberkulóza, a všeobecně platí, že jednou z nejzávažnějších hrozeb pro veřejné zdraví je virová hepatitida.

Tyto tři nákazy si vyžadují dlouhodobé a trvalé programy často zaměřené na více skupin obyvatelstva současně. Pokud by byly služby v oblasti prevence integrovány, bylo by možné dosahovat synergických účinků a úspor. Platnost současného akčního plánu EU v oblasti HIV/AIDS skončila na konci roku 2016. Rámcový akční plán ECDC pro boj s tuberkulózou v Evropské unii pochází z roku 2008 a je nutné jej aktualizovat. Na úrovni Evropské unie dodnes neexistuje žádný komplexní plán pro boj s hepatitidou typu C. Na neformální schůzce ministrů zdravotnictví Evropské unie v Bratislavě dne 4. října 2016 se členské státy dohodly, že podpoří vypracování rámce pro integrovanou politiku Evropské unie v oblasti HIV/AIDS, tuberkulózy a hepatitidy typu C. Tato politika by měla odpovídat zvláštní povaze epidemií v Evropské unii a sousedních zemích, aby došlo k posílení politické reakce na tyto nákazy. Komise ve svém sdělení nazvaném „Další kroky k udržitelné evropské budoucnosti” zdůraznila, že bude nadále usilovat o vymýcení HIV/AIDS a tuberkulózy a omezení výskytu hepatitidy do roku 2030.

Ptali jsme se a ptáme se tedy nadále:

Jaké konkrétní kroky plánuje Komise, aby splnila, co si předsevzala ve výše uvedeném sdělení, pokud jde o cíl udržitelného rozvoje 3 – „zajištění zdravého života a podporování dobrých životních podmínek pro všechny osoby každého věku“?

Za druhé: jakým způsobem reaguje plán Komise na bratislavskou dohodu mezi ministry zdravotnictví EU ze 4. října ohledně vypracování rámce pro politiku v oblasti HIV/AIDS a hepatitidy typu C?

A za třetí: jak hodlá Komise navýšit finanční prostředky na boj s tuberkulózou v rozvojových zemích EU formou poskytování finanční pomoci členským státům, které by měly částečně pokrýt vysoké náklady na léčbu tuberkulózy?

Vážení zástupci Komise, po kolikáté zde už tuto věc řešíme? Upřímně, Vaše nečinnost v této věci začíná být neakceptovatelná. Již v roce 2015 jsem Vás vyzývala k vytvoření nové koncepce boje s těmito nemocemi pro léta 2014– 2020. Já sama jsem napsala několik písemných otázek na Komisi k tomuto tématu. A čeho jsme se dosud dočkali? Vůbec ničeho. Vždy jen vyhýbavých slov a slibů, které nebyly naplněny. A o až směšných odpovědích na mé písemné dotazy ani nemluvě. O řešení situace jsme žádali již trojici holandského, slovenského a maltského předsednictví. Teď nám již začíná předsednictví čtvrté a řešení nikde. Mezitím se situace ještě mnohem zhoršila a prošly nám i strategie, které před dvěma lety ještě běžely. Nejenom, že se nám zhoršuje situace vně Evropské unie, ale katastrofální situace začíná být např., co se týče HIV, i v její bezprostřední blízkosti. Výroční epidemiologické zprávy naší agentury ECDC o přeshraničních hrozbách nemocí jsou toho výmluvným důkazem. Už i členské státy pochopily, že nutně potřebujeme aktualizovanou rámcovou politiku boje EU s HIV, tuberkulózou a žloutenkou typu C na období 2016–2020, která by řešila specifický charakter epidemie nejenom v Evropské unii, ale především také v zemích Východního partnerství. Jenomže od neformální schůzky v Bratislavě z října 2016 uplynulo 8 měsíců! Kdy už konečně Komise pochopí, že boj s těmito třemi chorobami vyžaduje komplexní strategii, která se zaměří na různě se vzájemně překrývající skupiny obyvatelstva, i ty nejchudší?

Navíc v první globální zdravotní strategii WHO proti virové hepatitidě (2016–2021), kterou přijalo Světové zdravotnické shromáždění v květnu 2016, se zdůrazňuje klíčová úloha všeobecné zdravotní péče a jejím cílem, který odpovídá cílům udržitelného rozvoje, je snížit do roku 2030 počet nových případů virové hepatitidy o 90 % a nakonec vymýtit virovou hepatitidu jako problém z hlediska veřejného zdraví. Pro Komisi bude vůbec velmi obtížné sledovat pokrok při dosahování cílů udržitelného rozvoje v případě virové hepatitidy, protože údaje o sledování této choroby v členských státech často chybí, nebo jsou nedostatečné. Přístup k boji s virovou hepatitidou na úrovni EU je stále nedůsledný a řeší se stát od státu. Reakce Komise bohužel žádná. My neplníme mezinárodní závazky, ptám se Vás, pane komisaři? Těmto nemocem se dá poměrně jednoduše předcházet, ovšem dojde-li k nim, řeší se již velmi složitě. Tím, že to neděláme, ztrácíme v následné léčbě jejich chronické fáze miliardy eur ze zdravotního a sociálního systému. A při řešení těchto epidemií je bezpodmínečně nutné spolupracovat na nadnárodní a interdisciplinární úrovni. A k tomu Vás chceme vyzvat.

 
  
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  Vytenis Povilas Andriukaitis, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, frankly I disagree with Ms Konečná who said that the Commission is not doing anything now. It is unfair.

I am pleased to attend this plenary session and to talk about HIV, hepatitis and tuberculosis. Let me stress that I fully share your concerns about the need for concrete action to address these three diseases. It was our proposal, from the Commission side, to link HIV, tuberculosis and hepatitis C. Why? Because the same vulnerable groups, the same people, are affected by those diseases: the poorest people, homeless people, people in prison and so on, people with a stigma – and we have joined forces in saying yes, it is time to show synergy.

These diseases continue to cause suffering to millions of citizens across the European Union. More than five million people in the EU suffer from hepatitis C. This is very serious. More than 100 000 people need lifelong treatment for HIV/AIDS, and 30 000 people become infected every year. The latest figures show an increase in HIV across the whole of Europe, from Cyprus and Malta to Germany, Ireland and Lithuania. The economic crisis since 2008 has worsened the situation: in parallel with a deterioration in social and economic determinants, inequalities are on the rise. Tuberculosis is a social illness in this respect, and all these aspects show the seriousness of the situation.

In recent years we have seen a 40% increase in new core infections of tuberculosis and HIV, and the rate of drug resistance to tuberculosis remains high. In addition to human suffering, these diseases pose serious challenges to our health systems and to our economy and our society across Europe, yet much of this suffering is preventable. The message is clear: greater efforts are needed to reduce both the suffering and the costs that these diseases inflict.

As you know, health ministers exchanged views on these issues last October and they recognised the challenges, in particular with regard to tuberculosis and HIV/AIDS. It was our common job, together with the Council, to discuss these issues. Just a couple of weeks ago at the Health Council, I also spoke to ministers about the need to intensify concrete action and strengthen implementation efforts to prevent the spread of these diseases. I had very comprehensive debates with the new director of the European Centre for Disease Prevention and Control (ECDC), speaking about possibilities to renew our activities and once again to strengthen collaboration between Members States.

In answer to your first question: what concrete action is the Commission planning to take to give effect to the commitments made in the abovementioned communication pertaining to Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 3, ‘Ensure healthy lives and promote well-being for all at all ages’? Let me assure you that the Commission remains fully committed to helping Member States achieve the goal of ending HIV/AIDS and tuberculosis and reducing viral hepatitis by 2030. The Commission reaffirmed this commitment last November in its communication entitled ‘Next steps for a sustainable European future’. In this communication you can see our positions and our activities.

Next year the Commission will present further measures to address HIV/AIDS, hepatitis and tuberculosis as a follow-up to this communication, and in the course of the next year we will put forward action plans to that end. In the meantime, the Commission is already fostering cooperation at EU level with Member States and stakeholders and is supporting projects and research in this area.

The Commission has re-launched the HIV/AIDS, hepatitis C and tuberculosis think-tank. It has also enlarged the scope of the former HIV Civil Society Forum, which now encompasses all HIV, tuberculosis and hepatitis C organisations. We have started to discuss very concrete measures, and how to move in the right directions. Together we will seek to identify concrete steps to scale up our prevention and testing programmes, to reach out to the most vulnerable and to address social inequalities and determinants. To succeed, I believe we need to combine health instruments with social instruments and work together across health, social and education policies. I will be more than happy to see a very comprehensive approach, together with the European Parliament and Member States, in this direction.

Integration of prevention, treatment and care for HIV/AIDS plus tuberculosis and hepatitis should become standard practice across Europe, and we will look at how to do more and to encourage Member States to move in such a direction.

As for your second question, which I need not repeat: firstly, the Commission’s EU health programme is supporting action, in particular, to target the most vulnerable. The Commission is currently shaping a new joint action called ‘Integrate’ with Member States in improving the quality of prevention and care for HIV/AIDS, viral hepatitis, tuberculosis and sexually transmitted infections. Starting in September, for three years, this joint action will help Member States develop policies to integrate early diagnosis and care for HIV, viral hepatitis, tuberculosis and other infections.

With a co-funding of EUR 2.5 million, this joint action will promote capacity-building, training, exchange of good practices and the practical piloting of tools for diagnosis and linkage to care – encouraging Member States to use such opportunities and, of course, to do their best at national level.

The joint action will notably expand the use of tools to increase testing and linkage to care in healthcare facilities and to facilitate the expansion of HIV home self-testing and home sampling programmes.

Secondly, the Commission is also strongly committed to continuing to support research for HIV, tuberculosis and viral hepatitis. Under the Horizon 2020 Programme, we support development of novel preventative and therapeutic tools to fight this infection. Research into the development of prophylactic vaccines accounts for over half of our investment in these diseases: EUR 60 million for research on HIV vaccination and EUR 26 million for tuberculosis vaccines.

Thirdly, on the subject of vaccines, to ensure that citizens fully benefit from existing vaccines and other medicines, it is important to make them more accessible and affordable to all, and therefore to encourage Member States to engage in swifter cooperation, exchanging practices and experiences, and to increase transparency in the pricing of medicines, for example by using the European Integrated Price Information Database (EURIPID) supported by the Member States.

I also encourage Member States to use joint procurement agreements as a potential means of reducing shortages of vaccines.

Fourthly, we also need to optimise the use of the existing regulation to allow innovative medicines that bring therapeutic added value to reach patients faster, and to explore fully the opportunities that joint procurement offers. I have also asked the Expert Group on Safe and Timely Access to Medicines for Patients (STAMP) to move in that direction.

Fifthly and lastly, the need to support measures to address multidrug resistance to tuberculosis as well as HIV and hepatitis is enshrined in the new Commission Action Plan to reduce anti-microbial resistance, which the Commission adopted last Thursday. The Commission is engaged in establishing an integrated and systematic monitoring system for the 2030 Agenda to keep track of progress and to respond to the United Nations reporting requirement. It is also necessary to agree on common indicators.

On your third question, our action does not stop at the borders of the European Union. The Commission is also fully engaged in international cooperation to address HIV, tuberculosis and hepatitis. I attend a lot of international meetings at which we discuss together common steps. The Commission supports global health initiatives such as the global fund to fight tuberculosis and malaria. The EU has actually recently increased its financial support to this fund and to the global alliance for vaccines and immunisation, the co-called GAVI Alliance. I have high expectations for the first global ministerial conference on ending tuberculosis next November in Moscow, which I will attend.

In addition, all three EU institutions have recently signed the European Consensus on Development. This consensus commits us to invest in preventing and combatting communicable diseases and securing affordable medicines and vaccines for all. The Consensus is our key external tool for implementing the 2030 Agenda in our development cooperation. I thank the European Parliament for being one of the co-founders of such a consensus and such a document in which we enshrined a lot of initiatives and set out our goals.

Mr President, honourable Members, I hope and trust you share my enthusiasm to drive matters forward. Let us work more closely together to eliminate the suffering that HIV, tuberculosis and hepatitis cause. It is hard to contemplate the picture we see today. Every day that I am in Strasbourg I see people sleeping on the streets – homeless people, who are in a difficult situation. It is our obligation to change the situation and to ensure that such a picture will disappear in the future.

 
  
  

Elnökváltás: GÁLL-PELCZ ILDIKÓ
alelnök

 
  
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  Françoise Grossetête, au nom du groupe PPE. – Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Commissaire, chers collègues, trois tueurs de masse, voilà ce que sont le VIH, la tuberculose et l’hépatite C, aujourd’hui reconnus comme étant, sur le continent européen, les trois principales menaces transfrontalières en matière de santé publique.

Si l’espoir renaît avec la dernière vague d’innovations thérapeutiques, telles que le traitement permettant de guérir l’hépatite C ou encore un vaccin possible contre le sida, en phase d’essai, la situation demeure alarmante: 2 millions et demi de personnes en Europe sont contaminées par le virus du sida, 14 millions sont infectées par l’hépatite C et une épidémie particulièrement inquiétante de tuberculose multirésistante touche actuellement l’est de l’Europe.

Face à ces menaces, il revient clairement à l’Europe d’agir. Seule une coordination efficace au niveau européen permettra de venir à bout de ces épidémies. Le «chacun pour soi» n’est plus une option. Une réponse coordonnée est d’autant plus nécessaire que ces trois pathologies présentent une importante comorbidité. Leur traitement s’associe, par ailleurs, à une forte stigmatisation sociale qui tend à isoler et à rendre encore plus vulnérables les patients contaminés.

Or, malgré la situation, ces maladies avaient disparu des priorités politiques européennes, nous laissant avec des engagements particulièrement anciens. Le plan d’action sur le VIH a pris fin en décembre 2016, celui sur la tuberculose date de 2008 et aucun référentiel n’existe en ce qui concerne les hépatites virales.

Alors que le Centre européen de prévention et de contrôle des maladies sonne l’alarme, je vous appelle, Monsieur le Commissaire – et je vous sais très sincère –, à mettre sur la table, sans tarder, ce nouveau cadre stratégique européen que vous venez de nous décrire – un cadre intégré, transversal, qui concerne à la fois le VIH, la tuberculose et l’hépatite. Je crois en votre sincérité. Nous sommes là pour vous soutenir, Monsieur le Commissaire. C’est véritablement important pour la santé publique.

 
  
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  Claudiu Ciprian Tănăsescu, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Madam President, after a long journey and years of hard work I am glad that we are finally having this debate about epidemics in Europe and I would like to thank all my colleagues who contributed to the resolution. I know it means as much to them as it means to me.

The title of the resolution, ‘HIV, TB and HCV epidemics in Europe on the rise’, is suggestive because tuberculosis has existed for millennia and remains a major global health problem which feeds on poverty. In 2015 there were almost 30 000 newly diagnosed HIV infections reported within the EU-EEA region. Around 400 people die too each day in the European region from causes related to viral hepatitis despite the availability of prevention and treatment. This is the painful reality.

The cost of HIV, TB and HCV medicines for treatment and for prevention varies from one country to another. As such, all three infections require long-term and sustained programmes, often targeting overlapping population groups. Therefore it is necessary to develop a comprehensive EU policy framework addressing HIV, AIDS, tuberculosis and hepatitis C, as the Member States agreed in Bratislava in October 2016 and because in 2016, all programmes regarding TB, HIV and HCV ended.

I want to draw your attention to the fact that fighting against HIV, TB and HCV epidemics is the responsibility of all the actors involved – the Commission, the Member States, the non-governmental organisations, social organisations and society in general. In addition, victims and vulnerable populations must be at the centre of all efforts, based on close cooperation and coordination amongst all relevant actors.

In order to improve HIV, TB and HCV prevention, detection and treatment adherence, the Commission and the Member States need to develop specific programmes and financial support to strengthen work with communities and vulnerable people, especially in developing countries. Without action and funding we cannot fight against these epidemics.

 
  
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  Urszula Krupa, w imieniu grupy ECR. – Pani Przewodnicząca! W przypadku gruźlicy największy obecnie problem stanowi wielolekooporność powstająca na skutek nadużywania antybiotyków – nie tylko w leczeniu, ale także jako antybiotykowe czynniki wzrostu hodowanych zwierząt – co wymaga rozwiązania na szczeblach centralnych Unii, gdyż liczba zakażeń gruźlicą wzrasta nie tylko w krajach afrykańskich czy Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej, ale także w krajach bogatych. Przy ponad 40 milionach zakażonych HIV, poza odpowiednią organizacją opieki medycznej z dożywotnim leczeniem przeciw retrowirusowym, istnieje konieczność poprawy diagnozowania, jakie zwiększa szansę na życie bez AIDS. Jednak najważniejszą rolę w kontrolowaniu epidemii, zapobieganiu i transmisji HIV na inne osoby odgrywają ludzie żyjący z HIV, co rodzi potrzebę ich edukacji i konieczność informowania ich partnerów seksualnych.

Natomiast propagowane leczenie przedekspozycyjne jest problematyczne, gdyż do tej pory brakuje jednoznacznych dowodów na zyski stosowania profilaktyki lekowej u partnerów HIV– w sytuacji, gdzie partner HIV+ jest w fazie skutecznej terapii antyretrowirusowej. Od wielu lat, po poprzedniej przewadze zakażeń wśród przyjmujących narkotyki dożylnie, obserwowany jest wzrost zakażeń w grupie MSN: od 12% w 2000 r. do ponad 75% w 2014 r., gdzie wnioski nasuwają się same co do zapobiegania z uwzględnieniem między innymi ignorowanej tutaj w Parlamencie zupełnie – bo składałam poprawki – wstrzemięźliwości seksualnej i odpowiedzialności chorych, jaka potrzebna jest także w przypadku zapalenia wątroby typu C, gdzie profilaktyka szpitalna i uzależnień jest ważna, ale należałoby zakończyć choćby bezsensownie ryzykowną modę na tatuowanie i piercingi – tym bardziej, że skuteczne leczenie HCV jest drogie i wymaga niedopuszczalnej moralnie selekcji chorych.

 
  
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  Gesine Meissner, im Namen der ALDE-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin, liebe Kolleginnen, liebe Kollegen, lieber Herr Kommissar Andriukaitis! Man hat gemerkt bei Ihrem Engagement, dass Sie wirklich alles versuchen – und Sie sind ja auch als Arzt vom Fach –, um uns beizustehen und uns zu unterstützen bei unserer Entschließung.

Es ist tatsächlich so: Ich komme aus Deutschland, und man könnte meinen, dass – wenn man die Öffentlichkeit anguckt – Aids gar nicht mehr schlimm ist. Denn das Einzige, was ich bei Aids noch sehe, das sind bestimmte großflächige Plakate, die sagen: Gib Aids keine Chance, nutze Kondome! Da hat man sich so daran gewöhnt, dass man denkt, es ist gar nicht schlimm mit Aids. Dabei ist es nach wie vor eine Krankheit, die zwar verzögert zum Tode führt, die aber tödlich ist.

Und sie ist immer noch diskriminiert. Ich komme aus Niedersachsen, und ich habe gerade noch vor ein paar Jahren gehört, dass da jemand an Aids gestorben ist, und um das Andenken an den Toten und das Ansehen der Familie zu verbessern, musste es heißen, er sei an Krebs gestorben, nicht an Aids. Es ist also nach wie vor so, dass es diskriminierend ist, diese Krankheit zu haben. Und darum ist es wichtig, aufzuklären und alles zu tun und sich auch in der Forschung darauf zu konzentrieren, ob man nicht etwas tun kann, um diese Krankheit wirklich generell zu heilen.

Es wurde von den Kolleginnen und Kollegen auch schon darauf hingewiesen, dass gerade die Verbindung von Aids, Tuberkulose und Hepatitis C wirklich auch todbringend und wirklich sehr schwierig ist. Und deswegen ist es wichtig, zwischen den verschiedenen Mitgliedstaaten zusammenzuarbeiten.

Tuberkulose – hat der Herr Kommissar gesagt – ist eine soziale Krankheit, sie betrifft arme Leute. Das stimmt. In den reichen Ländern oder in den reichen Schichten in Europa kommt sie eigentlich gar nicht vor. Aber in osteuropäischen Ländern oder gerade in armen Haushalten ist sie noch total vorhanden und kann wirklich todbringend sein. Und darum ist es so wichtig, auch hier den Fokus darauf zu legen und zu überlegen, was man machen kann.

Und dann auch – es wurde schon gesagt – die Verbindung zu den multiresistenten Keimen, wo wir eine Strategie auf EU-Ebene haben: Die sollte auch sehr stark in den Fokus gerückt werden. Ob sich die G20 damit befassen, wie wir das gerne wollen, ist noch die Frage.

Als Letztes: Hepatitis C wird oft nicht rechtzeitig erkannt, kann aber geheilt werden. Und auch darum ist es so wichtig zu beobachten, wie sich diese Krankheiten entwickeln. Ich glaube, wir sind auf einem guten Weg, wenn wir alle das machen, was wir hier sagen.

 
  
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  Margrete Auken, for Verts/ALE-Gruppen. – Fru formand! Tak for det, der er blevet sagt. Vi er jo stort set allesammen næsten enige, så jeg vil koncentrere mig om én enkelt sag, og det er behandlingen af hepatitis C. Her står vi med en virkelig velvoksen skandale! Det er ikke særligt dyrt at producere det præparat, der skal bruges til at behandle hepatitis C, men der bliver taget bloddryppende profitter på netop den medicin. En behandling i Danmark koster f.eks. omkring 450 000 kroner for én enkelt patient, dvs. i nærheden 60 000 euro for en patient. Samtidig ved vi, at man i de fattige lande, hvor man er kommet igennem med nogle af disse tvangslicenser, har en pris, der er 99 % lavere!

Vi kom i februar med en initiativbetænkning om adgang til medicin, hvori vi pålagde eller opfordrede eller ønskede, at Kommissionen ville gøre noget ordentligt ved disse dramatiske prissætninger, som ødelægger mennesker og plyndrer vores budgetter, og at det gøres ved at sikre, at vi får transparens omkring prissætningen. Hvor meget er forskning og udvikling? Hvor meget er marketing? Hvor meget er lobbying i denne sammenhæng? Det drejer sig om virkelig meget medicin. Hvor meget handler det bare om, at nogen sidder med et patent og er fuldstændig kynisk ligeglade med, at mennesker dør? Hvordan kan vi sikre, at vi får et bedre samarbejde landene imellem, så vi kan forhandle nogle anstændige priser på plads? Det gælder ikke kun for hepatitis C, men situationen er særlig dramatisk for dette produkt, som vi ved kan helbrede mennesker, og det er forfærdeligt, at de ikke får det i tide, så vi kan redde deres liv. Vi skal også sikre os selv. I øvrigt er jeg enig i, hvad der ellers er blevet sagt.

 
  
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  Julia Reid, on behalf of the EFDD Group. – Madam President, last March the ECDPC and the WHO released data showing that new TB cases and deaths in the 53 countries of the WHO European region declined each year by 4.3% and 8.5% respectively between 2011 and 2015. However, this decline was not mirrored in vulnerable groups for TB infection, such as people living with HIV, prisoners and migrants, where new TB—HIV co—infections increased by 40% over the same period. Of greater concern is that this increase coincides with persistently high rates of drug-resistant TB, which threatens progress towards eliminating TB by 2030. Similarly, the incidence of viral hepatitis was also rising in vulnerable groups.

In my opinion, national governments should rapidly implement screening programmes in order to identify those people in need of treatment.

 
  
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  Mireille D’Ornano, au nom du groupe ENF. – Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Commissaire, l’approche globale dans la lutte contre le VIH, la tuberculose et les hépatites virales est aujourd’hui indispensable, a fortiori dans un contexte de crise migratoire qui augmente l’incidence de ces affections.

Par ailleurs, les pays d’Europe orientale sont fortement touchés par la tuberculose multirésistante, contre laquelle les antimicrobiens les plus puissants sont inefficaces. Or, dans les trois quarts des cas existants, celle-ci n’est pas diagnostiquée, ce qui est particulièrement inquiétant. Pourtant, dans un tiers des cas, c’est bien de la tuberculose que décèdent les porteurs du VIH, d’où la nécessité de soutenir la recherche de nouveaux vaccins.

Il en est de même en ce qui concerne l’hépatite C, contre laquelle il n’existe actuellement aucun vaccin. D’ailleurs, l’hépatite C est souvent diagnostiquée par hasard, ce qui souligne, là encore, la nécessité d’instaurer des dépistages approfondis.

Enfin, j’approuve l’idée de programmes européens de surveillance de ces infections afin de mieux les cibler et de mieux traiter les principaux foyers.

 
  
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  Karin Kadenbach (S&D). – Frau Präsidentin, Herr Kommissar! Es gibt bereits einige positive Veränderungen im Kampf gegen Hepatitis: die Möglichkeit der Impfung und effektiver Kontrollen bei Hepatitis B, potenzielle Heilung in über 90 Prozent der Fälle bei Hepatitis C. Die WHO hat dem Rechnung getragen und 2016 eine globale Strategie und einen Aktionsplan für Europa vorgelegt, der bis 2030 Hepatitis B und C als Gefahr für die öffentliche Sicherheit bzw. die öffentliche Gesundheit eliminieren soll und so nicht nur menschliches Leid in großem Maß verhindern soll, sondern auch zu Einsparungen in der Volkswirtschaft beitragen wird.

Herr Kommissar, um zu wissen, ob gesundheitspolitische Entscheidungen und Maßnahmen erfolgreich und wirksam sind, muss man allerdings gute und verlässliche Daten besitzen. Dank der Erklärung von Dublin zu HIV/Aids im Jahr 2004 gibt es diese qualitativ hochwertigen und vergleichbaren Daten für HIV/Aids nicht nur EU-weit, sondern in der gesamten WHO-Europaregion. Es gibt diese hochwertigen qualitativen und vergleichbaren Daten gegenwärtig aber nicht für Virushepatitis. Man fliegt sozusagen im Blindflug über Europa. Ich bin froh, dass sich die Europäische Kommission unter Federführung des Vizepräsidenten Timmermans verpflichtet hat, den Mitgliedstaaten bei der Erfüllung der VN Ziele für eine nachhaltige Entwicklung zu helfen, und dass sie Daten bereitstellen wird, um den Fortschritt bei der Umsetzung messen zu können – und das haben Sie auch heute wieder unterstrichen. Ich möchte aber anmerken, dass für das Ziel Hepatitis-Bekämpfung bzw. -Eliminierung gegenwärtig kaum diese Daten zur Verfügung stehen.

Wie wollen Sie sicherstellen, dass die Mitgliedstaaten das erreichen können, und können Sie sich vorstellen, eine Neuauflage der Dublin-Vereinbarung für diese drei übertragbaren Krankheiten zu erreichen?

 
  
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  Νότης Μαριάς ( ECR). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, το HIV, η ηπατίτιδα και η φυματίωση είναι τρεις νόσοι που θερίζουν κυριολεκτικά τους ευρωπαϊκούς πληθυσμούς και κυρίως όσους διατρέχουν κίνδυνο φτώχειας και κοινωνικού αποκλεισμού. Η φυματίωση άρχισε να κάνει ξανά, μετά από πολλά χρόνια, την εμφάνισή της στην Ελλάδα, ιδίως στα πρώτα χρόνια του μνημονίου, σε μια εποχή όπου χτυπήθηκε πραγματικά και φτωχοποιήθηκε ο ελληνικός λαός και σε μια φάση όπου περιορίστηκαν επίσης οι δαπάνες για την υγεία.

Επιπλέον, η ηπατίτιδα αλλά και η φυματίωση επανεμφανίζονται στην Ελλάδα, με νέα κρούσματα, στο Κιλκίς, στην Καβάλα και σε άλλες περιοχές, κυρίως σε μεγάλο αριθμό προσφύγων και παράνομων μεταναστών οι οποίοι αυτή τη στιγμή έχουν εισρεύσει στη χώρα. Το θέμα σήμερα είναι πώς θα αντιμετωπιστούν οι ασθένειες αυτές και κυρίως ότι θα πρέπει να υπάρξουν φτηνά φάρμακα και να μην κερδοσκοπούν οι πολυεθνικές σε βάρος των φτωχών πληθυσμών.

 
  
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  Merja Kyllönen (GUE/NGL). – Arvoisa puhemies, hyvät kollegat, kaksi kolmasosaa maailman 1,4 miljardista köyhyydessä elävästä ihmisestä on naisia. Jos perusoikeudet eivät toteudu, näillä naisilla ei ole mahdollisuutta päättää omasta kehostaan, seksuaalisuudestaan eikä viime kädessä tulevaisuudestaan. He eivät pysty mitenkään suojautumaan ei-toivotuilta raskauksilta, sukupuolitaudeilta tai seksuaaliselta väkivallalta, puhumattakaan erilaisista muista tartuntataudeista.

HIV on tällä hetkellä lisääntymisiässä olevien naisten johtava kuolinsyy maailmassa. Toisten ahneus näkyy toisten köyhyytenä ja lisääntyvinä sairauksina. Ehkäisyn ja asiallisten lääkkeiden puute johtaa vakaviin epidemioihin. Mitkä ovat suurimpia haasteitamme tällä aikakaudella? Ilmastonmuutos, tartuntataudit ja köyhyys. Vastaako siihen esimerkiksi se, että me Euroopassa pistämme enenevissä määrin rahaa puolustukseen sen sijaan, että vastaisimme näihin konkreettisiin, aitoihin ongelmiin?

 
  
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  Piernicola Pedicini (EFDD). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, abbiamo presentato questa risoluzione, con la quale chiediamo un piano integrato per contrastare efficacemente AIDS, tubercolosi ed epatite virale C, perché nel 2015 sono state diagnosticate circa 30 000 nuove infezioni di HIV, perché sono paurosamente in aumento i casi registrati per tubercolosi multifarmacoresistente nel nostro continente e perché vi sono tra i 130 e i 150 milioni di persone al mondo affette dal virus dell'epatite C.

Noi crediamo che affrontare queste battaglie solo a livello nazionale voglia dire non aver compreso le ragioni vere per cui vengono generate queste malattie e non aver compreso neanche che per limitare significativamente la loro diffusione occorre una cooperazione tra tutti gli Stati a livello globale. Possiamo limitare l'AIDS, possiamo circoscrivere la tubercolosi e possiamo anche eradicare l'epatite C, ma per ottenere questi risultati c'è bisogno anche di cambiare radicalmente il rapporto tra le istituzioni e le case farmaceutiche.

Abbiamo bisogno di trasparenza e di realtà, signora Presidente e signor commissario, abbiamo bisogno di essere rappresentati da gente che fa gli interessi della gente. E allora vogliamo sapere anche perché, invece di investire in una strategia farmacologica di prevenzione che si sarebbe potuta adottare sviluppando un vaccino anche per l'epatite C, si è deciso invece di puntare sulla strada di una terapia costosa e inaccessibile alla maggior parte dei cittadini, solo perché più remunerativa per le case farmaceutiche.

Signor commissario, lei è un medico, e sono sicuro che è d'accordo con me se dico che queste decisioni basate solo sulla logica del profitto e sulla pelle dei malati, purtroppo, fanno letteralmente schifo. Perciò io credo che la Commissione dovrebbe essere in grado di cambiare le cose e, se non lo fa, si rende responsabile e corresponsabile di queste decisioni.

 
  
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  Λάμπρος Φουντούλης ( NI). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, η αλματώδης αύξηση των κρουσμάτων σοβαρών λοιμώξεων στην Ευρώπη, όπως η φυματίωση, ο HIV και η ηπατίτιδα, δείχνει ξεκάθαρα σε όλους μας πως η επικινδυνότητα για την υγεία των ευρωπαίων πολιτών αυξάνεται. Ας εστιάσουμε στις αιτίες αυτής της αύξησης. Οι νέοι πολίτες αδυνατούν ακόμη και σήμερα να συνειδητοποιήσουν τον κίνδυνο που διατρέχουν απ’ αυτές τις ασθένειες, μιας και μεγάλωσαν σε ένα περιβάλλον που στόχευε περισσότερο στη σεξουαλική απελευθέρωση και λιγότερο στους κινδύνους από τη μετάδοση των σεξουαλικώς μεταδιδόμενων νοσημάτων. Επίσης, με τη δραματική αύξηση των μεταναστευτικών ροών έχουν ανεξέλεγκτα εισέλθει στην Ευρώπη φορείς που προέρχονται από χώρες με υποτυπώδη συστήματα υγείας και μεγάλος αριθμός των κρουσμάτων παρατηρείται σ’ αυτά ακριβώς τα άτομα.

Η λύση που προτείνω είναι αρχικά μια μεγάλη εκστρατεία ενημέρωσης, ώστε να αντιληφθούν οι πολίτες το πρόβλημα στο πραγματικό του μέγεθος. Επιπλέον, θεωρώ αναγκαίο τον αυστηρό υγειονομικό έλεγχο όσων εισέρχονται στην Ένωση. Τέλος, προτείνω αντί την αμφίβολης αξίας χρηματοδότηση τρίτων κρατών, που συχνά καταλήγει στις τσέπες αξιωματούχων, να στηρίξουμε κέντρα υγείας και ενημέρωσης σε αυτά τα κράτη, ώστε να εξασφαλίσουμε πως θα επιτελούν το καλύτερο δυνατό έργο.

 
  
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  Annie Schreijer-Pierik (PPE). – De toename van hiv, tuberculose en hepatitis C baart ons terecht grote zorgen. Het schrikbeeld van deze ziekten is gelukkig door de inzet van de innovatieve medische wereld grotendeels verdwenen. Toch dreigen er nog ernstige gevaren voor de gezondheid van onze burgers. Onnodig veel hiv-patiënten sterven nog steeds na besmetting met resistente bacteriën. Resistente tbc-stammen nemen toe in aantal en verspreiden zich, terwijl de opsporing ontoereikend is.

Afgelopen week presenteerde eurocommissaris Andriukaitis het EU-actieplan tegen antimicrobiële resistentie. De bestrijding van deze antibioticaresistentie moet nu binnen de Europese Unie sneller in beleid worden omgezet. Daarbij mogen er geen politieke heilige huisjes zijn! In derde landen is tbc een groot probleem en antibioticagebruik helaas onverantwoordelijk. Sinds 1993 onderzoekt Nederland asielzoekers op besmetting met tuberculose. De voorbeeldige aanpak van tbc door preventieve screening van elke binnenkomende migrant heeft goede resultaten opgeleverd in Nederland. Tuberculose komt in Nederland dus ook weinig voor.

Ook hebben artsen en overheid – het RIVM – in tijden van migratie door deze doelgerichte preventieve screening uitbraken in asielzoekerscentra kunnen voorkomen en vele kwetsbare migranten tijdig kunnen behandelen. Met röntgenfoto’s zijn migranten uit voornamelijk Afrikaanse landen gecontroleerd op tbc en zijn de levens van veel migranten gered. Somalië, Eritrea en Ethiopië zijn hoge risicogebieden voor tbc. Een doelgerichte Europese aanpak is nodig in deze tijd van grootschalige migratie. Antibioticaresistentie en toename van tuberculose ertoe kunnen ertoe leiden dat het schrikbeeld van genezing van tbc-patiënten in sanatoria of zelfs in een tent terugkeert. Dat mogen wij als EU nooit toestaan. Daarom moeten wij het aanpakken.

(De spreker gaat in op een “blauwe kaart”-vraag overeenkomstig artikel 162, lid 8, van het Reglement.)

 
  
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  Liisa Jaakonsaari (S&D), sinisen kortin kysymys. – Jätitte mainitsematta yhden vakavan ryhmän eli turvapaikanhakijat, joilla ei ole papereita ja jotka jäävät maahan. Monissa Euroopan maissa heiltä on kielletty terveydenhuolto. Voidaan todeta, että tämä saattaa olla tulevaisuudessa suuri riski. Mitä mieltä olette paperittomien maahanmuuttajien tilanteesta?

 
  
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  Annie Schreijer-Pierik (PPE), "blauwe kaart"-antwoord. – Ik ga uit van de huidige situatie zoals we er in Nederland volkomen goed bovenop zitten. Je moet er duidelijk achteraan gaan hoe asielzoekers binnenkomen. Je moet ook zorgen dat de papieren erbij zijn. Je moet ernaar kijken. Maar vandaag spreken wij over volksgezondheid en daarom heb ik de aanpak naar voren gebracht die ik net heb gezegd.

 
  
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  Christel Schaldemose (S&D). – Fru formand! Smitsomme sygdomme som HIV, aids, tuberkulose og hepatitis C kender ingen grænser. Forebyggelse og behandling bør derfor også være noget, vi tager os af sammen og hen over grænserne. Udfordringerne er store, også i EU. Vi har mange, der er smittede. Vi har mange, der dør af sygdommene, og vi har mange, der ikke kan behandles ordentligt, ikke mindst fordi vi har et antibiotikaresistensproblem, som særligt er et problem for folk med tuberkulose. Derfor er der brug for en fælles EU-strategi for at adressere disse problemer. Tak til Kommissionen for at anerkende dette og for at tage fat på denne strategi. Vi har brug for en bedre dataindsamling fra medlemslandene, så vi ved, hvad der virker. Vi har brug for bedre erfaringsudveksling og mere koordination. Vi har bruge for bedre og mere forebyggelse. Vi har brug for en massiv indsats imod antibiotikaresistens, og så har vi brug for flere penge til denne samlede indsats. Lad os komme i gang, der er rigtigt meget arbejde, der venter!

 
  
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  Ruža Tomašić (ECR). – Gospođo predsjednice, Europa ima jedan od najviših standarda zdravstvene njege na svijetu, a liječenje je u pravilu dostupno svim građanima neovisno o imovinskom statusu ili bilo kojoj drugoj ekonomskoj ili demografskoj odrednici. No, unatoč tome i Europa posljednjih godina sve više upoznaje značaj prevencije.

Rast broja oboljelih od AIDS-a, tuberkuloze i hepatitisa C s kojim se posljednjih godina suočavamo znak je da moramo više poraditi na osvješćivanju građana i jačanju politika javnog zdravlja.

Naši napori ne bi trebali biti ograničeni isključivo na države članice, već moramo ostvariti što bolju suradnju u ovom području i s državama iz okruženja, ali i onim trećim zemljama iz kojih u Europu migrira veći broj ljudi.

 
  
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  Νικόλαος Χουντής ( GUE/NGL). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, η εφαρμογή, από το 2010, των μνημονίων και η περικοπή των δημοσίων δαπανών για την υγεία στην Ελλάδα, εκτός της ανθρωπιστικής κρίσης, κύριε Επίτροπε, δημιούργησαν και μια ζώνη υγειονομικής φτώχειας. Η μείωση των δαπανών στη δημόσια υγεία είχε ως αποτέλεσμα τα κρούσματα HIV να παρουσιάσουν αυξητική τάση, κυρίως το 2011-2012, με χαρακτηριστικά επιδημίας, γεγονός που επισημάνθηκε και στην έκθεση του Συμβουλίου της Ευρώπης για την υγεία.

Λόγω υποσιτισμού, κακών συνθηκών διαβίωσης, αδυναμίας και καθυστέρησης της πρόσβασης των πολιτών στις υπηρεσίες υγείας, παρατηρήθηκε επίσης αύξηση των κρουσμάτων της πολυανθεκτικής φυματίωσης. Η αδυναμία πρόσβασης των ασθενών με ηπατίτιδα C σε σύγχρονα αποτελεσματικά φάρμακα, λόγω υψηλού κόστους, εμποδίζει την εξασφάλιση υγιούς ζωής για όλους. Κύριε Επίτροπε, καμία επιδημία δεν έχει σύνορα και κανένας φράχτης δεν θα την εμποδίσει να μεταδοθεί.

Χρειάζεται άμεση άρση των μνημονιακών πολιτικών και της πολιτικής λιτότητας, δηλαδή των αιτιών αυτών των νοσημάτων, αύξηση των δαπανών, ισότιμη πρόσβαση σε σύγχρονες αποτελεσματικές θεραπείες, επικαιροποίηση των ευρωπαϊκών προγραμμάτων για τις νόσους αυτές και επιδότηση του υψηλού κόστους των θεραπειών, με σκοπό την εξάλειψή τους.

 
  
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  Cristian-Silviu Buşoi (PPE). – Madam President, today, as my colleagues mentioned, all three infections affect a large percentage of the population in the Union. I welcome and support this resolution and I congratulate my colleagues for the initiative. I know that you, Commissioner, have already taken steps to fight these epidemics, and I am sure that after this debate you will do even more.

Fighting against, and addressing the burden of, these diseases require long-term programmes and sustained efforts, action plans to raise awareness, and prevention. The economic burden of these diseases is putting pressure on the Member States and the costs significantly increase with the progression of the diseases. The situation for hepatitis is particularly acute in the central and south-eastern EU Member States that have some of the highest rates of HCV prevalence in the EU, but where access to screening, diagnosis and treatment is limited.

We need to focus not only on access to innovative treatments but also on early detection, better diagnosis and, mainly, prevention and awareness-raising among the populations at risk. Exact data on the incidence of hepatitis across the EU does not exist at the moment. Some patients discover their infection only at the later stages, while others live with the disease without knowing. We need better surveillance of hepatitis in the EU, and patient organisations think we should aim to replicate the Dublin declaration, which had great success in relation to HIV surveillance. In order to minimise the hepatitis disease burden, Member States need to implement action plans, increasing the pool of diagnosed people, increasing access to therapy and increasing screening capacity.

 
  
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  Daciana Octavia Sârbu (S&D). – Doamnă președintă, epidemiile de HIV, tuberculoză și hepatită virală sunt amenințări majore la adresa sănătății publice, atât în Uniunea Europeană, cât și la nivel global. Toate cele trei tipuri de afecțiuni lovesc, de cele mai multe ori, aceleași grupuri vulnerabile. Este logică deci gestionarea lor comună printr-o strategie integrată. O astfel de abordare va aduce rezultate mai bune și mai rapide, la costuri mai mici.

Acțiunile preventive, inclusiv programele educaționale, sunt în mod clar cele mai bune opțiuni pentru pacienți, pe lângă faptul că sunt și soluțiile cele mai eficiente din punct de vedere al costurilor.

S-au înregistrat progrese semnificative în ce privește prevenția și tratarea acestor boli, însă nu toate tratamentele disponibile au avut impactul dorit, din cauza faptului că medicamentele au prețuri mari și stocurile sunt fluctuante. Aceste cauze pot determina întreruperi ale tratamentului. În cazul tuberculozei, astfel de întreruperi pot contribui la creșterea rezistenței la antimicrobiene.

O strategie integrată la nivelul Uniunii poate oferi răspunsuri la câteva din problemele actuale și poate ajuta la obținerea de rezultate.

 
  
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  João Ferreira (GUE/NGL). – Senhora Presidente, o agravamento das epidemias de VIH-SIDA, tuberculose e hepatite C na Europa exige a implementação de estratégias dirigidas, eficazes e inovadoras, baseadas em três palavras-chave: prevenção, diagnóstico e tratamento, a que se devem associar programas consistentes de educação para a saúde.

No domínio do tratamento, torna-se imperioso assegurar o acesso a medicamentos inovadores. Para tal é necessário enfrentar os interesses das multinacionais farmacêuticas e defender os interesses dos doentes e dos Estados. Em Portugal, o rastreio ativo e sistemático das infeções nos utilizadores de drogas injetáveis e a educação para a redução do risco resultaram numa mudança dos hábitos de consumo.

Portugal foi pioneiro em várias frentes no combate à toxicodependência e doenças transmissíveis associadas, com a implementação de legislação, de estruturas e de programas inovadores que produziram resultados. Uma conquista que os anos da troica e os seus governos vieram pôr em causa.

Em relação aos novos casos de infeção por VIH, o número de diagnósticos tardios, particularmente entre os heterossexuais, constitui motivo de apreensão, pelo que é necessário aumentar o diagnóstico precoce e reduzir a fração não diagnosticada dos infetados.

 
  
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  Elżbieta Katarzyna Łukacijewska (PPE). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Wzrost zachorowań w Europie na HIV, gruźlicę i wirusowe zapalenie wątroby typu C stanowi poważne wyzwanie dla Unii Europejskiej w obszarze ochrony zdrowia i życia swoich obywateli. Tutaj państwo mówili – jak pokazują statystyki, ponad 2 miliony przypadków zarażenia wirusem HIV w europejskim regionie WHO, blisko 70% osób zarażonych HIV może nie wiedzieć, że jest nosicielem wirusa, co stanowi zagrożenie dla innych osób, z którymi mają kontakty, zwłaszcza kontakty seksualne. W Europie – gruźlica: dziennie w Europie 1000 osób zapada na tę chorobę pomimo zmian społecznych, poprawy warunków życia. Niestety ta choroba cały czas zbiera śmiertelne żniwo. No i żółtaczka typu C, która stanowi obecnie jeden z największych ogólnoświatowych problemów klinicznych, diagnostycznych, epidemiologicznych i społecznych, a w Unii Europejskiej główną przyczyną jej zapadalności jest występujący problem narkomanii.

Na usta ciśnie się pytanie: dlaczego pomimo tylu programów profilaktycznych cały czas mamy do czynienia z tym, że coraz więcej osób zapada na ty choroby. Ja myślę, że przede wszystkim powinniśmy uaktualnić programy profilaktyczne. Po drugie, musi być współpraca państw i koordynacja programów, zwłaszcza w dobie transgranicznego przemieszczania się osób. Po trzecie, edukacja – edukacja zarówno osób, które są nosicielami tych chorób, jak i osób zdrowych, tak aby uniknęły możliwości zakażenia się, kampania i dostęp do nowoczesnych, dobrych, tanich leków.

 
  
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  Miriam Dalli (S&D). – Madam President, every year many countries around the world, including Member States of the European Union, organise events to honour the memory of people who die from infectious diseases such as HIV, AIDS, TB and hepatitis. These events come and go many times, but apathy remains high. Despite the progress made over past decades, infectious diseases such as HIV, AIDS, hepatitis and TB continue to be strongly stigmatised, not only here in the European Union but globally too.

Many people infected and affected by HIV, TB and hepatitis continue to face discrimination and stigmatisation every single day. TB, for example, is one of the most seriously neglected and underestimated health, human-rights and poverty problems of our era. TB is re-emerging in many regions of the world as the gravest threat to global health and well—being. Its direct relationship with HIV and AIDS makes it more of a burden on those populations that are already suffering the devastating social, economic and health impact of HIV and AIDS. Stigmatisation and discrimination are not only tragic in themselves but they also contribute to the further spread of these epidemics, undermining all efforts to control the scourge.

We have the responsibility to do more and, in particular, we need to address the taboos that surround infectious diseases. A high percentage of new infections identified every year occur in younger people, and this is worrying. This battle is theirs as much as anyone else’s. Not to work together, and not to consider everyone, is not an option.

We should not only consider curing people by treatment but also comprehensively implement preventive measures to ensure that fewer people become infected. The impact of these diseases on overall health status and socioeconomic well-being, especially of the most vulnerable, is vast. Inaction and inadequate action are no longer acceptable. The cost of complacency is far too burdensome. These infectious diseases are a major threat to the rights of the child, adolescents, women and their families, and the social impacts are disproportionate, while the stigma is devastating.

We have the opportunity to act, but we need – all together – to act now.

 
  
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  Paloma López Bermejo (GUE/NGL). – Señora presidenta, el auge del VIH, la tuberculosis y la hepatitis C es un grave problema para la salud pública en Europa. Debemos, sin duda, actualizar los planes de acción de la Unión Europea, pero no hay que confundirse sobre el origen del problema.

El auge de estas enfermedades no se debe a más conductas de riesgo o a la pérdida de eficacia de determinados tratamientos. Se debe al aumento de las desigualdades sociales, al aumento de la pobreza y a que los colectivos vulnerables están más expuestos a factores de riesgo, ya que se les niega el acceso a la prevención y a un tratamiento adecuado, un auténtico colapso sanitario del que tienen la culpa las políticas de recortes y los negocios de la sanidad privada.

Autoricen el uso de las licencias obligatorias que abaratan los precios de los medicamentos, reviertan las políticas de austeridad que ponen en juego nuestras vidas. La salud no es un negocio, es un derecho.

 
  
 

„Catch the eye” eljárás

 
  
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  Seán Kelly (PPE). – A Uachtaráin, is dóigh liom dá gcuirfeá ceist ar shaoránaigh na hEorpa go ndéarfadh an chuid is mó díobh nach bhfuil HIV, TB agus HCV san Eoraip a thuilleadh. Ach ón méid atá cloiste againn, ní hamháin go bhfuil siad ann ach faraor tá na galair seo ag dul i méid – agus is trua sin.

Rud atá an-soiléir ná go dtéann sé lámh le lámh le bochtannas. Ós rud é go bhfuil geilleagar na hEorpa ag fás ar deireadh buíochas le Dia, ba chóir dúinn gach iarracht a dhéanamh teacht ar straitéis chun daoine a ardú as bochtannas agus chun cabhrú leo má bhíonn galar dá leithéid seo acu; go mbeadh siad in ann leigheas a fháil air agus drugaí a fháil ar chostas réasúnta. Is léir go bhfuil costas na ndrugaí ina fhadhb an-mhór agus dá bhrí sin caithfimid dul i ngleic leis an bhfadhb seo.

 
  
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  Nicola Caputo (S&D). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, una persona su sette affetta da HIV non sa di essere sieropositiva e il periodo stimato che intercorre tra l'infezione da HIV e la diagnosi è mediamente di quattro anni, il che aumenta il rischio di trasmissione del virus di quasi quattro volte. Nel 2015 sono state diagnosticate circa 30 000 nuove infezioni da HIV nei 31 paesi dell'UE/SEE, senza che si riscontri alcun segnale evidente di un calo globale. Oltre all'AIDS, anche la tubercolosi e l'epatite virale sono molto diffuse, progrediscono più rapidamente e causano un'importante mortalità.

Va previsto un quadro strategico globale dell'Unione europea per HIV, tubercolosi ed epatite B e C soprattutto, che tenga conto delle sfide specifiche che devono affrontare gli Stati membri e i paesi vicini, in cui l'incidenza dell'HIV e della tubercolosi è più elevata. Occorre dunque una cooperazione multisettoriale per assicurare le necessarie risorse per rafforzare le attività di prevenzione e cura per le comunità e le persone vulnerabili.

 
  
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  Ελευθέριος Συναδινός ( NI). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, πολλά συστήματα υγείας αδυνατούν να ανταποκριθούν στις απαιτήσεις των επιδημιών AIDS, φυματίωσης και ηπατίτιδας C. Δεν επενδύουν επαρκώς στην άμεση αρχική θεραπεία και σπαταλούν υπέρογκα ποσά για θεραπείες σε προχωρημένα στάδια. Οι τρεις ασθένειες επηρεάζουν κυρίως συγκεκριμένους πληθυσμούς, όπως χρήστες ενδοφλέβιων ναρκωτικών ουσιών και λαθρομετανάστες από την υποσαχάρια Αφρική. Σε συνδυασμό δε με την προσαρμοστική ανθεκτικότητα στελεχών στα φάρμακα, λαμβάνουν χαρακτήρα πανδημίας.

Η πρόληψη, η ενημέρωση και η έγκαιρη διάγνωση αποτελούν προτεραιότητες. Ταυτόχρονα με την έγκαιρη και συστηματική χορήγηση κατάλληλων φαρμάκων, είναι εφικτός μεσοπρόθεσμα ο πλήρης περιορισμός νέων μολύνσεων. Τέλος, πρέπει να παύσουν οι καταχρηστικές πρακτικές εταιρειών, οι αδιαφανείς μηχανισμοί καθορισμού τιμών και οι εικονικές τιμολογήσεις που μειώνουν την επάρκεια και την προσβασιμότητα των θεραπειών και αυξάνουν τη θνησιμότητα.

 
  
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  Maria Grapini (S&D). – Doamnă președinte, domnule comisar, este o dezbatere despre viața oamenilor. Știu că sunteți preocupat, ne-ați prezentat aici câteva lucruri. Dar credeți că este suficient? S-a vorbit aici de educație, de informare, de prevenție. Domnule comisar, nu știu dacă știți situația concretă: nu e vorba numai de accesul datorită prețurilor la tratamentul pentru cele trei boli, este vorba și de cantitate. În țara mea am văzut cum bolnavii de hepatită C nu aveau suficient tratament sau nu exista suficient tratament pentru toți bolnavii și cineva a decis: cinci sute, pentru cinci sute avem, restul nu. Asta înseamnă o condamnare la moarte. Trebuie o politică integrată, așa cum ați spus dumneavoastră, dar trebuie s-o facem ținând cont, nu așa cum spunea o colegă: țările din Vest, țările din Est, țările mai sărace. Datorită mobilității cetățenilor europeni, bolile sunt transmisibile, toate cele trei. Și atunci trebuie să facem o politică a Uniunii Europene, a pieței interne și cred că nimic nu poate să fie mai important decât alocarea unor fonduri pentru a fi tratament pentru toți bolnavii și pentru a depista din fază incipientă bolile. Vă mulțumesc.

 
  
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  Krisztina Morvai (NI). – Elnök Asszony, Andriukaitis biztos úrtól várnám a választ a következőre. Ugye most már világosan látjuk, igen megrázó, hogy sok ember azért nem tud meggyógyulni súlyos betegségekből, mert szervezete már rezisztens az antibiotikumokkal szemben – és ez óriási probléma Európában. Kérdezem, hogy ez mennyire van összefüggésben a táplálkozási szokásainkkal is, amit paradox módon az Európai Unió kényszerít ránk. Hogy tudniillik nem tudjuk, hogy mit eszünk. Hogy az a bizonyos hús, amit megeszünk, a világ mely részéből származik. Többnyire, ugye, nagyüzemi mezőgazdaságról beszélhetünk, ahol tulajdonképpen állatgyárak vannak. Az állatokat folyamatosan antibiotikummal kezelik. Ellentétben a kis gazdaságokkal, ahol a gazda szeme azonnal észreveszi a betegség legkisebb jelét is.

A mezőgazdasági nagyüzemekben terjednek az állatok között a fertőzések. Tehát ez a jelenség mennyire okozza az antibiotikum-rezisztenciát az Európai Unióban?

 
  
 

(A „catch the eye” eljárás vége.)

 
  
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  Vytenis Povilas Andriukaitis, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, colleagues, I have listened with great interest to the views expressed by this House and I am grateful for all of your valuable insights, especially as I see that we are all like-minded, speaking of possibilities to join our forces, not to separately addressing HIV or hepatitis C or tuberculosis. We need to understand that first of all it is social determinance – a lot of the same people, the same vulnerable groups, poverty and so on – and we need to provide comprehensive measures to protect, prevent, introduce, vaccinate, provide testing and so on and so on. We address those issues in our communication ‘Next Steps for a Sustainable European Future’. Following this communication we will present next year our actions to address those issues. This September we will trigger joint action inviting all the Member States to be onboard and improving the quality of prevention of HIV, tuberculosis, hepatitis and sexually transmitted infectious diseases.

Some of you mentioned problems with financial issues and budgetary issues and so on. The Commission is working with Member States to optimise the use of existing regulations and also asking, as I mentioned, the stem group to provide Member States with tools to explain how to use their financial capacities to address those issues. You know we are supporting, through the health programme, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) work on access to innovative medicines and sustainability. This can help Member States to strengthen analytical capacity in areas such as pricing strategies and budgetary imports because it is very important – we know very well – in times of austerity there are a lot of problems around us. This House knows very well that we have only a health programme in our hands. It would be good to discuss the new Multiannual Financial Framework and also draw attention to how to strengthen European Union financial capacities to finance more measures because I depend on those programmes which were adopted in this House, and now it is very difficult to see how to move forward.

Speaking of pricing, the Commission’s role is to facilitate cooperation between Member States. This support can cover starter projects, maintenance of databases, collecting national prices. We are using European instruments but Member States do not show a big appetite. It will be also good to encourage Member States to cooperate more closely. I visited all 28 Member States. I had discussions with all national parliaments, with governments, speaking about possibilities to draw attention to the situation on the ground, because we need to cooperate.

The Commission will continue to encourage Member States to exchange information on access, pricing and cost containment policies, because it is absolutely crystal clear, we need to trigger our activities. As you mentioned, in Portugal, Luxembourg, The Netherlands, they have a lot of good practices in areas of addressing issues about vulnerable people. I visited the Abrigado Centre in Luxembourg. It was a very good job on the ground for assisting people in need to provide prophylactical measures and syringes, to guarantee confidentiality and fighting against stigma and discrimination. Decriminalisation is also a big issue, speaking about the situation in different Member States.

We also need to understand that we need to combine health instruments with social instruments. We have no chance to solve only through instruments of health ministers. We need to have broad social programmes on the ground. We need to encourage local authorities and local communities also to do more and providing the local instruments and especially keeping eyes on the homeless people. It is very painful to see those homeless people living on the streets.

We also need to see possibilities to extend our educational programmes. I look forward to working together with you towards achieving our shared aim of eliminating these diseases which damage the lives of so many people.

As you mentioned, some people are not aware of the situation. Yes, of course we need to have awareness campaigns, and I ask the ECDC and the EMA also to do more to think how to strengthen our capacity for an awareness campaign, not only one day in one year; we need to continue our efforts on an everyday basis.

Enforcement, implementation and possibilities to join our forces: I see only one way in this direction.

 
  
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  Elnök asszony. – Egy állásfoglalásra irányuló indítványt juttattak el hozzám, melyet az eljárási szabályzat 128. cikkének (5) bekezdésével összhangban nyújtottak be.

A vitát lezárom.

A szavazásra 2017. július 5-én, szerdán kerül sor.

 

21. Daljša življenjska doba za izdelke: koristi za potrošnike in podjetja (kratka predstavitev)
Video posnetki govorov
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  Elnök asszony. – A következő napirendi pont a Pascal Durand által a Belső Piaci és Fogyasztóvédelmi Bizottság nevében készített, „A termékek hosszabb élettartama: előnyök a fogyasztók és a vállalatok számára” című javaslatról szóló jelentésről folytatott vita (2016/2272(INI)) (A8-0214/2017).

 
  
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  Pascal Durand, rapporteur. – Madame la Présidente, je vous remercie d’avoir introduit mon intervention en soulignant que nous attendons ce rapport depuis longtemps. Effectivement, cela fait longtemps que l’Europe se préoccupe de manière sectorielle de la question de la durée de vie des produits, mais c’est la première fois que nous essayons de l’évoquer de manière transversale et, je dirais, dans une perspective durable, en essayant de placer cette question dans son contexte global.

Son contexte global, c’est le cœur de la nouvelle économie, c’est le cœur du développement durable de l’Union européenne, tout simplement parce qu’on touche à la question environnementale, on touche à la question économique et de production, on touche à la question de consommation et à la question sociale.

Le fait que nous nous trouvions au cœur de cette problématique nous oblige à essayer de penser cette question de manière consensuelle. Cela nous oblige à essayer de la penser non pas en nous opposant les uns aux autres, en opposant l’économie à l’écologie ou en opposant les questions sociales aux questions de consommation, mais c’est au contraire ensemble que nous devons résoudre cette problématique.

Comment la résoudre? Tout simplement en essayant de sortir d’une logique d’une société du déchet, d’une société du jetable et d’une société du gaspillage. Les ressources, aujourd’hui, sont précieuses, toutes les ressources, que ce soient les terres, que ce soit l’eau, que ce soit l’ensemble des éléments qui permettent de produire le pétrole, l’énergie. Ces ressources-là doivent être économisées. Nous sommes donc face à l’enjeu des ressources.

Il y a ensuite l’enjeu climatique, avec nos produits qui font des milliers de kilomètres pour pouvoir arriver jusqu’à nos magasins puis entrer dans nos maisons.

Il y a aussi la question sociale. La question sociale, c’est la délocalisation des emplois en Europe, c’est le fait que l’on aille produire à moindre coût à des milliers et des milliers de kilomètres et que l’on détruise notre industrie. La question sociale, c’est que quand on jette, quand on remplace et quand on ne répare plus les produits qu’on achète, on cause la perte d’un savoir-faire, d’un artisanat, la perte également de métiers de la «réparabilité» et du service. Ce sont des dizaines de milliers d’emplois qui ont disparu sur le continent européen.

La question sociale, c’est aussi que nous ne pouvons pas fermer les yeux sur les conditions dans lesquelles ces produits sont fabriqués à moindre coût dans des pays du Sud, dans lesquels l’exploitation de l’être humain est absolument scandaleuse.

Enfin, il y a la question économique, parce qu’à produire à moindre coût des produits qui, en fin de compte, n’ont plus de qualité, pour lesquels seul compte le critère du prix, nous réduisons à néant la capacité de notre industrie européenne à être parmi les meilleures du monde, si ce n’est la meilleure, avec des produits de qualité qui sont reconnus depuis maintenant des décennies.

La logique voudrait que nous arrivions ensemble à prendre en compte la nouvelle économie, l’économie de la fonctionnalité, l’économie d’usage, l’économie qui fait que des consommateurs – surtout les plus pauvres – ne veulent plus être obligés de changer en permanence les produits qu’ils achètent et qui tombent en panne dès que les garanties légales s’arrêtent.

Nous devons donc prendre en compte cette nouvelle économie. Nous devons également redévelopper la «réparabilité» de l’ensemble des produits mis sur le marché. Nous devons faire en sorte que les batteries ne soient plus collées, mais soient vissées pour qu’on n’ait plus besoin de jeter un téléphone quand la batterie tombe en panne. Nous devons faire en sorte que les consommateurs soient informés de la durée d’usage des produits et de notre capacité à les réparer.

Voilà tout l’objet de mon rapport, Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Commissaire. Voilà ce que nous attendons de l’Union européenne: qu’elle se saisisse de cette question fondamentale.

 
  
 

„Catch the eye” eljárás

 
  
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  Michaela Šojdrová (PPE). – Paní předsedající, návrh usnesení Parlamentu o delší životnosti výrobků obsahuje řadu návrhů, které reagují na zkušenost spotřebitelů s kvalitou a životností výrobků. Myslím, že patřím mezi těch 90 % občanů EU, kteří by uvítali, kdyby na výrobcích byla uvedena životnost. Také mezi těch 77 % občanů EU, kteří dají přednost opravě před nákupem. Jde o to, abychom jednak šetřili naše peněženky, ale také životní prostředí, což je někdy v rozporu se zájmy výrobců.

Evropský parlament proto žádá Komisi, aby se zaměřila na konkrétní opatření, zavedení dobrovolné evropské značky, jež by zahrnovala trvanlivost, ekodesign výrobku, možnost jeho modernizace a opravitelnost. Aby bylo možné vytvořit počítadlo opotřebení zejména u velkých elektrospotřebičů. Opatření proti plánovanému zastarávání výrobků a ochranu spotřebitele před zastaráváním softwaru.

Upozorňuji, že tyto návrhy se nesmí obrátit zvýšenou regulací proti malým a středním firmám, ale naopak k jejich podpoře.

 
  
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  Olga Sehnalová (S&D). – Paní předsedající, důvěra spotřebitelů v odolnost výrobků povážlivě klesá. Spotřebitelé jsou dokonce stále více přesvědčeni o tom, že výrobky jsou záměrně navrhovány tak, aby neměly dlouhou životnost. Řada evropských zákazníků by dala přednost opravě svého zboží před nákupem nového, ale nakonec jsou nuceni zboží nahradit, nebo vyhodit kvůli odrazujícím nákladům na opravu.

V neposlední řadě mají lidé v současné době minimální informace o trvanlivosti výrobků. Nejzranitelnějšími oběťmi zrychleného zastarávání výrobků jsou nejchudší občané, kteří z finančních důvodů volí především nízkonákladové výrobky, které se přitom rychleji porouchají. Tato zpráva pojmenovává konkrétní opatření, která mohou přispět k delší životnosti výrobků, snížení jejich dopadu na životní prostředí a nižším nákladům pro uživatele, tedy k rozvoji udržitelného hospodářského modelu založeného na rovnováze potřeb spotřebitelů a obchodníků s pozitivními ekologickými dopady.

 
  
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  Νότης Μαριάς ( ECR). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, στο μοντέλο της κυκλικής οικονομίας είναι δεδομένο ότι υπάρχει και πρέπει να υπάρχει συμμετοχή και των πολιτών και των επιχειρήσεων για την χάραξη της πολιτικής, ώστε να μπορούμε να έχουμε προϊόντα και υπηρεσίες που πραγματικά αντέχουν και ταυτόχρονα είναι και ποιοτικά. Είναι δεδομένο ότι διαμαρτύρονται όλο και περισσότερο οι καταναλωτές, διότι τα προϊόντα που υπάρχουν είναι προβληματικά, έχουν πολλά ελαττώματα, δεν είναι ανθεκτικά και, όταν κανείς προσπαθήσει να τα επισκευάσει, αποδεικνύεται ότι πληρώνει πολύ περισσότερα χρήματα για την επισκευή τους από εκείνα που έδωσε για να τα αγοράσει.

Επομένως, πρέπει να δημιουργήσουμε και να στηρίξουμε ένα μοντέλο το οποίο θα υποστηρίζει και την απασχόληση στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση και την ενίσχυση των μικρομεσαίων επιχειρήσεων, και φυσικά πρέπει να εκφράσουμε την αντίθεσή μας στα προϊόντα «μαϊμού» που κυκλοφορούν, κυρίως από διάφορες ασιατικές χώρες.

 
  
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  Maria Lidia Senra Rodríguez (GUE/NGL). – Senhora Presidente, pôr fim à obsolescência programada e exigir qualidade e durabilidade nos produtos e promover a reparação são medidas fundamentais para garantir uma vida útil mais longa para os produtos. Além disso, isto terá vantagens porque gerará novos empregos que deverão estar localizados em torno do consumo, aliviará a pressão sobre os recursos naturais que são espoliados nos países do Sul e frequentemente fonte de conflitos e desde logo terá que contribuir para reduzir o consumo de energia e também na luta contra as alterações climáticas. Pensamos também que as administrações públicas devem dar o exemplo e começar a exigir durabilidade dos produtos na compra pública e naqueles produtos que vai subsidiar.

Considero este documento como um ponto de partida para ir mais longe e iniciar um caminho que é imprescindível transitar, o caminho do decrescimento porque o planeta tem limites.

 
  
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  Marco Zullo (EFDD). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, dobbiamo partire da un dato di fatto: il modello di produzione "usa e getta" non è più sostenibile. Non è più sostenibile da un punto di vista etico, per l'enorme spreco di materia prima; non è più sostenibile dal punto di vista economico, perché i materiali che utilizziamo non sono né infiniti né biodegradabili; e non è sostenibile per i cittadini, che sono stufi di comprare beni che non durano.

Vogliamo creare un modello economico in cui i beni durano e si possono riparare. Chiediamo di sanzionare chi ricorre all'obsolescenza programmata, ovvero di sanzionare quei produttori che progettano appositamente i beni perché durino poco. Chiediamo di impiegare tecniche di costruzione e materiali che rendano più facile e meno costosa la riparazione. Un cittadino deve poter cambiare la parte danneggiata di un cellulare o di un elettrodomestico a costi ragionevoli, senza dover buttar via il cellulare o l'elettrodomestico. Chiediamo alla Commissione europea una proposta legislativa che metta fine alla cultura dell'usa e getta.

 
  
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  Csaba Sógor (PPE). – Elnök Asszony, természeti erőforrásaink rohamos csökkenése, illetve régiónk nyersanyagimporttól való függése egyre sürgetőbb problémává válik. Az Uniónak törekednie kell az erőforrások takarékos felhasználására, ehhez a körforgásos és megosztásalapú gazdaság felé való elmozdulás fontos lépés.

Számos felmérés tanúsítja, hogy az európai fogyasztók nagy része szeretne több információt a termékek várható élettartamáról, illetve előnyben részesítené a termékek megjavíttatását új termékek megvásárlásával szemben. Ezért is tartanám hasznosnak az olyan kezdeményezéseket, mint egy, a tartósságára és környezettudatos tervezésre vonatkozó önkéntes uniós címke létrehozása, vagy az operációs rendszerek biztonsági frissítéseinek minimális időszakon belüli biztosítása. A termékek élettartamának és javíthatóságának növelése számos környezetvédelmi, fogyasztóvédelmi és gazdasági előnnyel járhat. Örvendetesnek tartom, hogy a jelentés kitér a vállalkozások számára az intézkedések által kiaknázhatóvá váló új lehetőségekre.

 
  
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  Biljana Borzan (S&D). – Gospođo predsjednice, puno nas doživjelo je da nam uređaj „crkne” odmah po isteku jamstva. To ne može biti slučajno i mora se zabraniti. Čak 92 posto građana Francuske smatra da su proizvodi koje kupuju programirani da traće kraju. Uz to primjerice, kad pukne ležaj na perilici, morate zamijeniti cijeli bubanj jer nema manjih rezervnih dijelova. Nekada su rezervni dijelovi toliko skupi da se uopće ne isplati popravljati. Samo u Njemačkoj u jednoj godini broj radnji za popravak smanjio se za 13 posto. Potrebno je osigurati dostupnost i razumnu cijenu rezervnih dijelova u slučaju manjih kvarova na uređajima.

Dokazano je da bi uvođenje minimalne oznake trajanja proizvoda dovelo do povećanja prodaje označenih proizvoda za 55 posto. Potrošači su voljni platiti više za trajnost proizvoda.

Mislim da je ovo problem koji treba riješiti i na nacionalnoj i na europskoj razini. Istraživanja su pokazala da su ponovna upotreba ili popravak puno bolji čak i od recikliranja jer se stvara preko 10 tisuća novih radnih mjesta i imaju bolji utjecaj na okoliš.

 
  
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  Krzysztof Hetman (PPE). – Szanowni Państwo! Nie ulega wątpliwości, że tak zwana planowana awaryjność urządzeń, czyli celowe skracanie żywotności produktów, jest zjawiskiem ze wszech miar szkodliwym. Tracą na nim konsumenci, którzy są zmuszani do zbyt szybkiego zakupu kolejnych produktów, oraz traci środowisko poprzez zwiększanie ilości śmieci elektronicznych. Tymczasem wydaje się, że zjawisko to staje się coraz bardziej powszechne, dlatego za kluczowe uważam przeciwdziałanie mu na poziomie europejskim. Sprawozdanie posła Duranta wprowadza wiele interesujących propozycji takich jak przedłużenie okresu gwarancji czy też zagwarantowanie dostępności części zamiennych, które – w moim przekonaniu – mogą w znacznym stopniu ograniczyć zjawisko awaryjności produktów. Sądzę, że w przyszłości powinniśmy dodatkowo starać się promować koncepcję sprzedaży produktów jako usług, czyli na przykład sprzedaży światła, a nie żarówek. Takie podejście byłoby w moim przekonaniu najlepszą zachętą dla producentów do zwiększania trwałości i wysokiej jakości swoich produktów.

 
  
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  Liisa Jaakonsaari (S&D). – Arvoisa puhemies, haluaisin kiittää esittelijää hyvästä työstä. Sanon tässä, että me olisimme saaneet tästä mietinnöstä paljon paremman, jos PPE-ryhmä ei olisi joka asiassa itse asiassa vastustanut niitä tehokkaampia esityksiä, joita tämä mietintö olisi tarvinnut.

Tässä avainasiat ovat korjattavuus, huolto ja varaosien saanti. Tämä on erittäin konkreettinen ja tärkeä asia. Se synnyttää uusia työpaikkoja, säästää luonnonvaroja, vähentää jätettä ja erityisesti luo työpaikkoja pienissä ja keskisuurissa yrityksissä sekä mikroyrityksissä. Meillä oli ehdottomasti hyviä ehdotuksia, vielä enemmän pakottavaa lainsäädäntöä, enemmän kontrollia, enemmän hyviä ideoita, mutta sanon sen suoraan, että PPE oli kaikkia näitä asioita vastaan.

 
  
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  João Ferreira (GUE/NGL). – Senhora Presidente, o modo de produção capitalista está em permanente confronto com os limites físicos de um planeta que, sendo generoso em recursos, é finito. A constante redução do tempo de vida dos produtos é uma manifestação deste confronto. Um sistema que ou cresce e acumula ou morre, por definição não é sustentável. Perante esta evidência há quem queira agora dar ao sistema um banho purificador no caldeirão da mirífica circularidade. Debalde, a dita “economia circular” não é a panaceia que alguns querem fazer dela. A conversão de resíduos em recursos pode ser maior ou menor mas nunca é total. Neste quadro, as iniciativas legislativas que imponham uma maior durabilidade dos produtos, que combatam a obsolescência programada, que promovam o mercado de reparações e a existência de garantias comerciais alargadas, que condicionem a utilização de materiais em função, por exemplo, da sua reciclabilidade, entre outras medidas, serão bem-vindas e são necessárias.

 
  
 

(A „catch the eye” eljárás vége.)

 
  
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  Vytenis Povilas Andriukaitis, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, the Commission would like to thank the Committee on the Internal Market and Consumer Protection for this report on a longer lifetime for products and related benefits for consumers and companies. In particular, I would like thank the rapporteur, Mr Durand, for his hard work on this report. I would also like to thank the shadow rapporteurs and the Committee on the Environment, Public Health and Food Safety for their valuable input.

I will first speak about the importance of promoting a longer product lifetime. I fully share your views about the importance of longer-lasting products if it affects all of us as European citizens. I am sure that many of us have experienced frustration when domestic appliances have broken down and the price of repair costs as much as – or more than – buying a new product. Also, when IT equipment and software updates are no longer compatible, we can waste a lot of time sorting out these issues.

However, we all need to recognise that our products are becoming increasingly sophisticated and more reliant on IT, as well as more efficient. There are trade-offs to be made in keeping a product for 20 years versus having the latest version in terms of costs, energy and material resources. But consumers should have the choice and the possibility to keep a product longer. In addition, value chains in many product markets include both big and small players whose interests may not always necessarily be aligned. Therefore, we need to find a balanced approach in our policies and revelatory interventions.

Regarding eco—design and energy labelling actions, in November 2016 the Commission adopted an Eco—design Working Plan for the years 2016—2019, setting out its working priorities and its eco—design and energy labelling framework. The Working Plan has a stronger focus on supporting circular economy objectives. The Commission has committed to explore the possibility of establishing more product—specific and horizontal requirements in areas such as durability, reparability, upgradeability, information and ease of re—use and recycling. The implementation of the Working Plan is currently under way.

Regarding European standardisation action, a massive horizontal European standards effort has been mounted since December 2015 by a joint technical committee. This work looks at reparability, upgradeability and durability and is supported by NGOs, Member States and industry. We expect this work to bear fruit by 2019. These standards can then be used for individual product—related legislation and standards. Regarding the role of Member States, your report acknowledges that Member States could also play a role in promoting repairs, for example by putting lower VAT on longer-lasting goods and tax rebates on repair costs. Some Member States – for example, Sweden – are already doing this. We will examine with interest the progress of such schemes.

In conclusion, we welcome Mr Durand’s report. We are already acting on some of its suggestions and will reflect in further detail regarding others. We need to work on this together to make changes that make sense for our lifestyles, for businesses and for the planet. So I welcome your support from all relevant committees.

 
  
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  Elnök asszony. – A vitát lezárom.

A szavazásra 2017. július 4-én, kedden kerül sor.

Írásbeli nyilatkozatok (162. cikk)

 
  
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  Nicola Caputo (S&D), per iscritto. – La realizzazione di un modello di economia circolare, richiede il coinvolgimento dei decisori politici, dei cittadini e delle imprese, e implica cambiamenti non solo nella concezione e nella vendita di prodotti e servizi, ma anche nella mentalità dei consumatori e nell'attività imprenditoriale. Occorre trovare un equilibrio tra estensione della vita utile dei prodotti e conversione dei rifiuti in risorse, tra innovazione e domanda dei consumatori. Questioni come la durabilità dei prodotti, l'estensione della garanzia commerciale, la disponibilità dei pezzi di ricambio, la facilità di effettuare riparazioni e l'intercambiabilità dei componenti, devono rientrare nell'offerta commerciale del produttore. Quella dell'obsolescenza programmata è una vergogna che ereditiamo dalle scelte politiche e imprenditoriali del passato, alla quale è possibile porre rimedio, solo a patto di cambiare radicalmente il modo di concepire la nostra società. Sono favorevole ad una definizione di criteri di resistenza minima, che contemplino, tra l'altro, la robustezza, la riparabilità e la capacità di evolvere, per le diverse categorie di prodotto, fin dalla progettazione, all'istituzione di un sistema indipendente, in grado di testare e rilevare l'obsolescenza incorporata nei prodotti.

 
  
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  Lidia Joanna Geringer de Oedenberg (S&D), in writing. – I endorse this report calling on the Commission to support the implementation of the minimum resistance criteria in order to secure robustness, repairability and upgradability for all product categories.

The initiative follows the results of the survey conducted by Eurobarometer in June 2014. The findings of this survey revealed that 77% of EU citizens prefer to repair their goods instead of buying new ones. Longer lifetime of products is naturally followed by an improvement in functionality of complementary devices and tools, such as batteries or accumulators, that should fully operate for the whole period of usage of the product.

Furthermore, the spare parts should be easily accessible on the market and a clear system of labelling, informing about the durability of the product, should be provided. Apart from the above-mentioned, more durable products will enhance employment in the sectors of repairs, maintenance and rental services and create opportunities for entrepreneurs and SMEs. Moreover, it will provide further security for low-income households, where every investment in a new device or machine represents a significant burden for a family budget.

 
  
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  Beata Gosiewska (ECR), na piśmie. – W sprawozdaniu uwydatniono znaczenie gospodarki okrężnej oraz ekonomicznego, społecznego i środowiskowego znaczenia dla Europy przekształcania odpadów w cenne zasoby. Podkreślono w szczególności wpływ dłuższego okresu użyteczności produktów na redukcję emisji, wzrost bezpieczeństwa dostaw surowców oraz zwiększenie konkurencyjności europejskiego przemysłu, a także zwiększenie efektywności produkcyjnej firm przy jednoczesnym zmniejszeniu kosztów. Niewątpliwie należy zwrócić uwagę na problem szybszej wymiany towarów na nowe; wiele przedsiębiorstw, ale również gospodarstw domowych zwłaszcza w krajach wysokorozwiniętych wymienia towary zaraz po zakończeniu gwarancji, nie zważając na dalszą przydatność tych produktów do użytkowania. Z drugiej strony wielu konsumentów utraciło zaufanie do solidności produktów z powodu aktualnie ich niskiej jakości. Dotyczy to szczególnie artykułów gospodarstwa domowego lub produktów zaawansowanych technologicznie, w przypadku których niekiedy można odnieść wrażenie, że celowo zostały zaprojektowane tak, by miały krótki cykl życia. Dlatego w mojej ocenie należy szczegółowo przeanalizować zarówno kwestię oceny terminu przydatności produktów do użytkowania i zachęcać producentów do wytwarzania maszyn i urządzeń znacznie trwalszych o wysokiej jakości, a dodatkowo promować tworzenie serwisów naprawczych w celu ograniczenia odpadów i zbędnych zanieczyszczeń.

 
  
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  Vladimír Maňka (S&D), písomne. – Podľa prieskumu je 92 % respondentov presvedčených o tom, že domáce elektrospotrebiče alebo vyspelé technológie sú vedome koncipované tak, aby nemali dlhú trvácnosť. Európski spotrebitelia si vyberajú skôr výrobky nižšej triedy, ktoré pochádzajú z rozvíjajúcich sa krajín. Na túto situáciu tak doplácajú európske podniky, ktoré ponúkajú kvalitnejšie a trvácnejšie výrobky. Dlhšia trvácnosť, odolnosť a dostupná opraviteľnosť výrobkov je preto výzvou pre výrobcov a spotrebiteľov. Je to aj zásadná otázka pre zabezpečenie trvalo udržateľnej ochrany životného prostredia. Nadmerná spotreba a krátka životnosť výrobkov zvyšujú náklady na ich likvidáciu a ohrozujú životné prostredie, ovzdušie a ekosystémy. Preto plne podporujem návrh na prijatie opatrení, ktoré zvýšia a budú garantovať dlhšiu životnosť výrobkov a zvýšia aj záujem na ich recyklácii. Podporíme tak súčasne záujem na vytváraní prevádzok opravovní. To odhadom môže vytvoriť až 296 pracovných miest ako ekvivalent k 10 000 tonám použitých výrobkov. Ak len 1 % takéhoto odpadu pripravíme na opätovné použitie, vytvoríme viac ako 200-tisíc pracovných miest.

 
  
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  Pirkko Ruohonen-Lerner (ECR), kirjallinen. – Tuotteiden käyttöikä on niin ympäristön kuin kuluttajankin kannalta tärkeä asia. Siksi on hyvä, että tuotteiden elinkaarta halutaan pidentää. Aiempina vuosikymmeninä jääkapit, pakastimet, pyykinpesukoneet, liedet, pölynimurit ja monet muut laitteet kestivät kovassakin käytössä moitteettomasti usein jopa kymmeniä vuosia. Nykyään useat kodinkoneet sisältävät heikkoja osia, jotka pitää vaihtaa jo parin vuoden kuluttua siitä kun laite on otettu käyttöön. Tarvittavat varaosat ja korjaustyö maksavat usein lähes uuden laitteen verran, joten korjaaminen ei kannata. Lisäksi esimerkiksi matkapuhelimet käytännössä vanhenevat käsiin. Monissa tuotteissa ohjelmoitu vanheneminen tapahtuu jo joidenkin vuosien jälkeen.

Mielestäni meidän tulisi pyrkiä pidentämään kaikkien koneiden ja laitteiden takuuaikoja, jotta yrityksillä olisi kannuste tuottaa laadukkaampia ja pidempikestoisempia tuotteita. Ympäristön kannalta on kestämätöntä, että elektroniikkaromun määrä kasvaa samalla kun uusien tuotteiden tuottamiseen kulutetaan luonnonvaroja.

Olen myös huolestunut siitä, että todellisuudessa korjauskelvotonta elektroniikkaromua viedään kehitysmaihin sillä tekosyyllä, että se voitaisiin vielä korjata. Tällainen jätevienti aiheuttaa merkittäviä ympäristöongelmia vastaanottajamaissa ja vaarantaa monien terveyden kaasujen erittyessä hengitysilmaan ja pohjaveden pilaantuessa, kun myrkylliset kemikaalit valuvat maastoon.

Pidän perusteltuina mietinnössä esitettyjä toimenpiteitä, kuten helpompaa korjattavuutta, purettavuutta, varaosien saatavuutta sekä esimerkiksi tuotteiden suunnitellun vanhenemisen määritelmää.

 
  
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  Claudiu Ciprian Tănăsescu (S&D), în scris. – Creșterea duratei de viață a produsului reprezintă un răspuns la necesitatea conservării materiilor prime și a limitării producției de deșeuri, în condițiile în care, pe de o parte, consumatorii dețin informații cu privire la durata de viață a produsului și opțiunea de a-l repara este mai atractivă, iar, pe de altă parte, producătorii aduc pe piață produse care pot fi ușor reparate și modernizate. De asemenea, un ciclu de viață mai lung pentru produse se referă, într-un context mai larg, la schimbarea modului în care se produce și se consumă astăzi, dezvoltându-se astfel modele economice în care mărfurile sunt împărțite sau închiriate și nu neapărat deținute. Însă, dezvoltarea de produse eficiente din punctul de vedere al utilizării resurselor nu trebuie să încurajeze durata de viață scurtă sau eliminarea prematură a produselor. În acest context, suntem de părere că trebuie să se realizeze un echilibru între prelungirea ciclului de viață al produselor, transformarea deșeurilor în resurse (materii prime secundare), simbioza industrială, inovarea și politica privind deșeurile, inovarea, cererea de consum, protecția mediului și creșterea economică în toate fazele ciclului de viață al produselor.

 
  
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  Anna Záborská (PPE), písomne. – Vážený pán predseda, teší ma, že vedieme rozpravu o dlhšej životnosti výrobkov. Ide o správny krok smerom k spokojnosti našich občanov a k výraznému obmedzeniu odpadu, ktorý vzniká vyhadzovaním nielen nefunkčných spotrebičov. Je potrebné, aby Európska komisia, členské štáty a producenti prijali opatrenia, ktoré by spotrebiteľom priniesli trvácnejšie a opraviteľné vysokokvalitné výrobky. Naším cieľom musí byť predĺženie životnosti výrobkov a boj proti zabudovanému zastarávaniu tovarov a softvéru. Je nutné, aby sa na celoeurópskej úrovni stanovili minimálne kritériá odolnosti pre jednotlivé kategórie výrobkov, na ktoré by mali producenti prihliadať už vo fáze ich navrhovania. Rovnako nesmieme zabudnúť na predĺženie doby záruky na výrobky o dobu trvania ich opráv za predpokladu, že doba opravy je dlhšia ako jeden mesiac. Oceňujem tiež zaviesť systém dobrovoľného európskeho označovania výrobkov, ktoré by sa zameralo na trvácnosť a opraviteľnosť. V neposlednom rade som za podporu služieb nezávislých opravárov, aby sme tak predišli zámernému poškodzovaniu výrobkov. Podľa údajov z prieskumu Eurobarometer až 77 % spotrebiteľov v Európskej únii uprednostňuje pokus o opravu pokazených výrobkov pred kúpou nových. V konečnom dôsledku sú však často nútení výrobok vymeniť alebo odhodiť z dôvodu vysokých nákladov na opravu a úrovne poskytovaných služieb. Správu podporím.

 

22. Obravnavanje kršitev človekovih pravic pri vojnih hudodelstvih in hudodelstvih zoper človečnost, tudi genocidu (kratka predstavitev)
Video posnetki govorov
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  Elnök asszony. – A következő napirendi pont a Cristian Dan Preda által a Külügyi Bizottság nevében készített, „Az emberi jogok háborús bűncselekmények és emberiesség elleni bűncselekmények, többek között népirtás során elkövetett megsértése elleni fellépés” című jelentésről folytatott vita (2016/2239(INI)) (A8-0222/2017).

 
  
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  Cristian Dan Preda, rapporteur. – Madame la Présidente, je voudrais commencer par exprimer ma satisfaction quant au fait que nous sommes arrivés aujourd’hui au point final de ce rapport, qui traite de la manière dont l’Union européenne a réagi à de très graves violations des droits de l’homme, comme les crimes de guerre, les crimes contre l’humanité et le génocide, c’est-à-dire des crimes d’atrocités.

C’est un rapport que mon groupe politique, le Parti populaire européen, a proposé, pour trois raisons très claires qui ressortent clairement de la lecture du texte.

Je citerai tout d’abord, le fait que la dernière résolution de notre Parlement sur la Cour pénale internationale (CPI) date de six ans. Il m’a semblé nécessaire de réaffirmer notre soutien fort envers cette instance de justice. Le contexte l’impose, en quelque sorte, car nous observons, ces derniers mois, qu’en dépit du fait que la Cour devient un acteur de plus en plus important de la justice internationale, elle n’est pas à l’abri des remises en cause. Je pense, par exemple, à la récente résolution de l’Union africaine. C’est pourquoi ce rapport exprime, dans ce contexte regrettable, notre soutien indiscutable à l’intégrité du Statut de Rome. J’en profite également pour rappeler qu’une adhésion universelle à ce statut est la condition de base pour un fonctionnement optimal de la Cour. Dans ce sens, une des idées lancées par le rapport est que la Commission et le Service européen pour l’action extérieure évaluent les actions entreprises ces dernières années pour encourager l’adhésion des pays tiers à la CPI et identifient les meilleures pratiques dans ce domaine.

J’estime également qu’il serait temps de revenir sur ce plan d’action de 2011 et de voir où en est sa mise en œuvre. Toujours dans ce contexte, je tiens à saluer le cadre de 2015 de l’Union européenne en faveur du soutien à la justice dans des situations de transition.

Le deuxième point sur lequel je voudrais attirer l’attention dans ce rapport est celui de la prévention. Avoir à notre disposition les instruments nécessaires pour juger les crimes de guerre, les crimes contre l’humanité et les génocides est bien évidemment essentiel. Prévenir, c’est donc très important. Je sais que la Commission et le Service européen pour l’action extérieure font des efforts réels pour identifier à temps toute situation qui pourrait dégénérer vers de tels crimes, mais il faut réussir à passer le cap de l’identification pour évoluer vers l’action. Certes, nous devons agir conjointement avec nos partenaires internationaux, mais j’estime qu’il est aussi nécessaire de prendre des positions fortes dans nos relations bilatérales avec les pays concernés et utiliser tous les instruments diplomatiques et autres à notre disposition, face à de possibles crimes de ce genre.

Le troisième axe de mon rapport se focalise sur l’impunité des acteurs non étatiques. Je me concentre bien entendu sur le cas de Daech, car cette organisation terroriste a commis un génocide en Irak et en Syrie avec la volonté d’éliminer les minorités de la région. Il est plus que temps que l’Union fasse entendre sa voix sur cette question. Deux options sont envisageables: soit la poursuite devant la CPI, soit la mise en place d’un tribunal pénal international pour l’Irak et la Syrie. Il faut que nous commencions à réfléchir sérieusement à ces deux voies d’action possibles, car l’attentisme n’est plus de mise.

J’entends les arguments des détracteurs, qui disent que la situation géopolitique ne permettra jamais de passer par la CPI, ni de créer un tribunal. Le fait que la CPI n’ait pas de juridiction en Irak et en Syrie et que la Russie soit un membre permanent du Conseil de sécurité de l’ONU ne doit pas nous arrêter. Ce qu’il nous faut, c’est du courage politique pour condamner Daech et permettre ainsi aux victimes de se reconstruire. Nous devons agir maintenant car, à l’heure où je vous parle, Daech continue à commettre des crimes contre l’humanité. Aucun État n’est prêt à soutenir Daech. Les blocages ne sont donc pas insurmontables.

L’Union se doit de jouer un rôle plus proéminent, en mettant en place une vraie stratégie de lutte contre l’impunité de Daech aux Nations unies et auprès de ses États membres, sachant que deux d’entre eux, le Royaume-Uni et la Belgique, sont déjà activement engagés dans cette bataille.

L’objectif premier est de permettre à la société tout entière de tourner la page, en voyant le bourreau condamné, mais il ne faut pas oublier non plus que la reconstruction politique, économique et sociétale de l’Irak et de la Syrie en dépend. On ne parle plus ici uniquement de la valeur morale de la lutte contre l’impunité, mais également de sa valeur stratégique. Tout d’abord, pour les pays qui sont massivement touchés par le terrorisme de Daech, mais également pour nous, Européens, qui avons aussi souffert du terrorisme et qui souhaitons voir cette région se stabiliser durablement. Des millions de personnes déplacées et persécutées doivent pouvoir rentrer chez elles dans des conditions sûres. Cela ne sera jamais possible si les combattants de Daech sont toujours en liberté.

Voilà donc les trois axes de ce rapport: prévention, soutien à l’ordre juridique international et action ferme quand il s’agit des crimes d’atrocités commis sous nos yeux.

J’espère qu’il pourra contribuer à la politique de l’Union en la matière et je remercie les autres groupes politiques pour leur coopération.

Je regrette tout de même que nous n’ayons pas eu un échange, mais il n’a pas été accepté. Nous n’avons pu obtenir qu’une courte présentation. Je suis content de voir la haute représentante dans cet hémicycle.

 
  
  

PRZEWODNICTWO: BOGUSŁAW LIBERADZKI
Wiceprzewodniczący

 
  
 

Zgłoszenia z sali

 
  
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  Jiří Pospíšil (PPE). – Pane předsedající, jsem velmi rád, že jsem dostal k tomuto bodu slovo, protože to považuji za bod mimořádně důležitý a chci pogratulovat panu Predovi k této zprávě.

Otázka předcházení válečným konfliktům a jasného fungování institucí Evropské unie v případě, že nějaký potenciální konflikt ve světě hrozí, je strašně důležitá věc. To znamená, pokud zde máme zprávu, kde se hovoří o tom, že bychom měli mít účinný postup rozpoznávání a včasného řešení takovýchto krizových konfliktů, tak si myslím, že by se tím Komise opravdu měla zabývat a onu Bílou knihu, která již byla přijata, dále rozpracovávat.

Já jsem připraven tuto zprávu podpořit ještě z druhého důvodu, a to je právě otázka již zmiňovaného Římského statutu Mezinárodního trestního soudu. Mě také velmi mrzí, že se v poslední době nezvyšuje počet zemí, které by ratifikovaly tuto úmluvu, a měli bychom do budoucna jako Evropská unie mnohem více působit na naše partnery, aby tento mezinárodní orgán brali vážně.

 
  
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  Julie Ward (S&D). – Mr President, I would like to thank the colleagues who worked on this report. The EU must adopt a strong approach on this issue, especially at a time of deteriorating human-rights conditions and increasing conflicts around the world. Of the many pressing issues covered in this report, I would like to highlight the role of women and girls in conflict. Women must play a leading role in conflict prevention and reconciliation and we must never forget the role of victims and survivors in peace building. Their testimonies are hugely important.

I meet and work with women survivors of sexual violence in the Western Balkans, especially in Kosovo – women who have suffered abuse through the conflict there and who, years later, are still waiting for recognition, support and justice. Kosovo’s leaders must live up to their commitments and finally provide that support on the ground. As with so many women around the world who have survived war crimes and seen their rights and their bodies violated, these women’s voices must be heard for true peace and justice.

 
  
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  Νότης Μαριάς (ECR). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η γενοκτονία, τα εγκλήματα κατά της ανθρωπότητας και τα εγκλήματα πολέμου πρέπει να αντιμετωπίζονται άμεσα, να υπάρχει σκληρή τιμωρία και -φυσικά- να διώκονται οι υπαίτιοι. Φυσικά, αυτό που έχει σημασία είναι να εφαρμόζουμε μια πολιτική που να προλαμβάνει όλα αυτά τα εγκλήματα και γι’ αυτό πρέπει να δίνουμε το παράδειγμα. Οι υπαίτιοι βλέπουν πλέον τι έχει συμβεί στο παρελθόν και αποθρασύνονται· και αναφέρομαι ξεκάθαρα στην περίπτωση της άρνησης της Γερμανίας να καταβάλει τις γερμανικές αποζημιώσεις στην Ελλάδα.

Παρότι υπάρχει απόφαση, από το 1946, της συμφωνίας ειρήνης των Παρισίων, η γερμανική πλευρά αρνείται να καταβάλει τις πολεμικές επανορθώσεις, αρνείται να επιστρέψει το κατοχικό δάνειο και αρνείται να αποζημιώσει τους συγγενείς των θυμάτων για τα εγκλήματα πολέμου που διέπραξαν τα ναζιστικά στρατεύματα κατοχής στην Ελλάδα. Αντιλαμβάνεστε, λοιπόν, ότι αυτό είναι απαράδεκτο και πρέπει να σταματήσει και πρέπει η Γερμανία πραγματικά να καταβάλει τις οφειλές της προς την Ελλάδα. Ιδού λοιπόν τα μηνύματα που πρέπει να υπάρξουν στα θέματα αυτά.

 
  
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  João Pimenta Lopes (GUE/NGL). – Senhor Presidente, estamos fortemente empenhados em denunciar e pôr termo à impunidade de todo e qualquer crime contra a Humanidade, crime de guerra, crime de agressão, ou qualquer outro.

Não podemos, contudo, pactuar com o cinismo e a hipocrisia que transpira desta resolução, onde se apresentam os direitos humanos de forma manipulada e enviesada, definindo países como alvos políticos em função de interesses geoestratégicos e económicos.

O plano está inclinado e os alvos os mesmos de sempre. De fora, sem surpresa, países como os Estados Unidos da América, Israel, a Arábia Saudita ou mesmo a União Europeia e vários dos seus Estados-Membros que, desde longa data, dão exemplos ao mundo das piores atrocidades contra os povos, inclusive em solo europeu.

A retórica em torno do Tribunal Penal Internacional atenta contra o que devem ser decisões soberanas dos povos e omite grosseiramente o seu papel de branqueamento da história como os bombardeamentos da NATO na Jugoslávia, onde se reconheceu, dez anos após a sua morte, a inocência de Milosevic.

 
  
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  Barbara Lochbihler (Verts/ALE). – Herr Präsident! Aus der ganzen Welt erreichen uns regelmäßig Bilder von schrecklichen Kriegsverbrechen. Die EU muss weiterhin dazu beitragen, solche Gräueltaten zu verhindern und die Täter strafrechtlich zur Verantwortung zu ziehen – unter anderem durch die Unterstützung des Internationalen Strafgerichtshofs. In jedem Mitgliedstaat muss nach dem Weltrechtsprinzip gegen mutmaßliche Kriegsverbrecher ermittelt werden können. Wir müssen klar und deutlich sagen, wo Kriegsverbrechen begangen werden. Vor Kurzem haben wir das im Parlament für den Jemen getan. Wir müssen aber auch sagen, wer dafür verantwortlich ist. Leider gab es keine Mehrheit dafür, die verbrecherische Kriegsführung der von Saudi-Arabien geführten Koalition deutlich und entschieden zu verurteilen.

Das Parlament wiederholt mit dem vorliegenden Bericht erneut seine Forderung an Sie, Hohe Vertreterin Mogherini, auch nach einem jährlichen Verzeichnis, das die mutmaßlichen Verantwortlichen für Verletzungen des humanitären Völkerrechts konkret auflistet.

 
  
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  Γεώργιος Επιτήδειος ( NI). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, παρά το γεγονός ότι βρισκόμαστε στον εικοστό πρώτο αιώνα και θα περίμενε κανείς τα ίχνη του πολέμου να έχουν εξαφανιστεί, δυστυχώς ακόμη και σήμερα υπάρχουν εγκλήματα πολέμου, εγκλήματα κατά της ανθρωπότητας και γενοκτονίες. Προκειμένου να κάμψουν το ηθικό του εχθρού, κάποιοι εμπόλεμοι χρησιμοποιούν βασανιστήρια και διάφορες μεθόδους εξευτελισμού και εκφοβισμού του αντιπάλου, όπως βιασμούς ανδρών και γυναικών, σεξουαλική βία κατά των γυναικών, ομαδικές δολοφονίες θρησκευτικών και εθνικών ομάδων και βομβαρδισμούς αμάχων με χημικά όπλα. Το άσχημο είναι ότι σε όλη αυτή την κατάσταση παρεμβαίνουν και μη κρατικοί φορείς, όπως η Boko Haram στη Νιγηρία και το ISIS στο Ιράκ και τη Συρία, που δεν ελέγχονται.

Για να μπορέσει να ελεγχθεί αυτή η απαράδεκτη κατάσταση, θα πρέπει η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, αλλά και η διεθνής κοινότητα, να εφαρμόσουν μια στρατηγική η οποία θα προβλέπει την πιθανή εκδήλωση τέτοιων δραστηριοτήτων, θα τις προλαμβάνει και -κυρίως- θα τιμωρεί άμεσα και πολύ σκληρά αυτούς που είναι υπεύθυνοι. Όμως, για να γίνει αυτό θα πρέπει να είναι αμερόληπτη και να εφαρμόζονται οι τιμωρίες σε όλους – όχι όπως στη Συρία που καταδικάζουμε τις ακρότητες του καθεστώτος, αλλά όχι και των αντιπάλων του.

 
  
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  Michaela Šojdrová (PPE). – Pane předsedající, já bych chtěla poděkovat kolegovi Predovi za jeho zprávu, ke které chci dát jen několik aktuálních poznámek.

O tomto víkendu odmítla syrská vláda zprávu Organizace pro zákaz chemických zbraní o dubnovém útoku v Chán Šajchúnu, při kterém zemřelo 80 osob, zprávu o tom, že tento útok byl spáchán smrtícím nervovým plynem sarinem. Podle syrského ministerstva zahraničí postrádá tato zpráva jakoukoliv důvěryhodnost a je prý výplodem choré mysli.

Také Rusko označilo tuto zprávu za zmanipulovanou. Chtěla bych ostře odsoudit toto odmítání profesionální a nestranné zprávy a připomínám, že Rusko a Čína vetovaly v Radě bezpečnosti OSN postoupení zločinů proti lidskosti spáchaných na územích Sýrie Mezinárodnímu trestnímu soudu. Víme, že k použití tohoto plynu došlo, a nyní by měl útoky prověřit soud. Chci také připomenout, že jsou to právě náboženské a etnické menšiny, které jsou nejčastěji vystaveny zločinům proti lidskosti, a my k nim nemůžeme mlčet.

 
  
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  Csaba Sógor (PPE). – Elnök Úr, sajnos háborús és emberiesség elleni bűncselekmények még ma is világszerte előfordulnak, éppen ezért felemelő érzés, hogy az Európai Unió területén ez elképzelhetetlen és az európai integráció egyik legnagyobb eredménye a tartós béke biztosítása Európa népei között. Erről az aspektusról talán keveset beszélünk, és a mai európai emberek elképzelni sem tudják, mekkora pusztítást képes végezni egy társadalom szövetében a háború. Jogos elvárás az EU felé tehát, hogy vonja felelősségre az emberiesség elleni bűnökért felelős személyeket, állítsa bíróság elé ezeket az embereket, és biztosítsa a későbbi hasonló események bekövetkeztének elkerülését. A történelem tanulságait elemezve azonban arra a következtetésre juthatunk, hogy katonai erő alkalmazása nélkül nem igazán lehet megakadályozni háborús bűnöket, esetleg a felelősöket lehet megbüntetni, ám azt is csak egy rendteremtő katonai intervenció után.

Ha elvárjuk az EU-tól, hogy lépjen fel az emberiesség elleni bűnök elkövetésének megakadályozása érdekében, akkor adjunk hozzá neki eszközöket, ellenkező esetben inkább a NATO kapcsán fogalmazhatjuk meg ezeket az elvárásokat.

 
  
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  Stanislav Polčák (PPE). – Pane předsedající, já jsem samozřejmě přesvědčen, že válečné zločiny a zločiny proti lidskosti, včetně genocidy, by si zasloužily debatu. Je mi líto, že k ní nedošlo. Chci ocenit zprávu, kterou předložil pan kolega Preda, a zároveň vyzdvihnout právě tu otázku prevence a spolupráce, která je nezbytná pro řešení těchto zásadních témat.

Já bych chtěl zdůraznit jeden právní aspekt. Podle mého názoru je důležité, aby se prosadilo univerzální hledisko nepromlčitelnosti těchto válečných zločinů na celém světě. To znamená, aby skutečně nebyla žádná tak zvaná „jáma“, do které by se zločinci páchající tyto válečné zločiny mohli schovat. Je to důležité právě z hlediska toho, že tito zločinci potom nebudou mít v celém životě žádnou jistotu, a naše jistota může právě spočívat v tom, že mezinárodní společenství tyto zločiny jednou odsoudí, pokud ne teď, tak v řádu několika dalších let.

 
  
 

(Koniec zgłoszeń z sali)

 
  
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  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Mr President, let me first of all thank our colleague Cristian Dan Preda for the work done leading to this report.

Let me also mention that, although I have got used to the night sessions of this plenary, I still do not find it completely normal that we are running more than two hours late. I will also be here tomorrow night – diligently – but I still think that this plenary could perhaps work in a more time-efficient manner.

Our work to prevent and address human-rights violations is not only – as some of you pointed out – a matter of humanity and values. It is also a matter of interest and strategy for us. Crimes against humanity can spark the next war, propagate conflict or the next refugee crisis; and, in a conflict situation, war crimes make post—conflict reconciliation much harder to achieve, and complicate our work in the post-conflict phase. They destroy the very fabric of society and they spread fear and mistrust, opening wounds that may take decades and a lot of work to heal.

For all these reasons our responsibility to protect people and to prevent atrocities is now part of all our main European Union policies. I very much agree with your report’s strong focus on prevention, and in recent weeks we have worked to set up a better early warning system inside the European External Action Service, which also focuses on crimes against humanity. Our military and civilian missions have a very special role to play in this regard because, if we want to prevent human-rights violations, we must also engage with security forces in our partner countries, building their capabilities and training them in respect for human rights.

I am also glad to see that your report does not forget to address a very important element of what we are working on here, namely sexual and gender-based violence. Last year alone, the European Union’s aid for the prevention of, and response to, this kind of violence reached almost 3.5 million women, men, girls and boys. Our last package in support of the Syrian refugees strengthens access to protection from gender—based violence for at least 700 000 Syrians, both inside and outside the country.

However, beyond prevention, we know that war crimes and crimes against humanity are happening today and that we have a duty to address the consequences. Justice is the only effective and sustainable response to such violence because impunity generates more hatred and often leads to revenge and more suffering. So justice is, for us, the only way towards reconciliation and sustainable peace. To achieve this goal, we are bringing into play a combination of different elements: criminal justice, reparations, truth seeking and institutional reforms.

I will mention just a few cases where we are currently at work to prevent impunity and achieve justice. In Syria we are working for the international, impartial and independent mechanism to be fully operational as soon as possible. The European Union is mobilising funds to support this mechanism with up to EUR 1.5 million. I know Member States are playing their part. I am counting on them and also on your support in obtaining even stronger support from the Member State side. In Iraq, as new areas are liberated from Daesh, it is important to assess any war crimes and violations of human rights. We welcome the commitments made by the Federal Government of Iraq and the Kurdistan Regional Government to investigate swiftly all allegations of crimes committed by the Iraqi forces.

Beyond Syria and Iraq, last year we led the resolution at the UN Human Rights Council to establish a commission of inquiry in Burundi and we fully support the African group resolution tabled in Geneva last month, which created an international investigation mechanism for the Kasai region in the Democratic Republic of Congo.

I very much welcome your acknowledgment of our strong work and support in relation to the International Criminal Court. This is a key element of our strategy. Since 2000, we have committed EUR 37 million in direct support for the International Criminal Court. Last Saturday, we marked 15 years since the Rome Statute entered into force and, for all those 15 years, the European Union has promoted the universal ratification of the Rome Statute.

Last year, as you well remember, we faced a crisis. We kept close contacts with many African states after the Gambia, South Africa and Burundi notified their withdrawal from the Rome Statute and today two of these decisions have been revoked. This is an important achievement, realised in part thanks to the work we have done diplomatically, but we know very well that the work is not over yet. We are currently working on how to improve further the promotion of the universal ratification of the Rome Statute.

This is a complex time for the multilateral system at large and for the United Nations and UN system in particular, which has come under attack from many corners. So let me conclude by saying that there cannot be any doubt about the EU’s full support for multilateral global governance based on international law, on human rights and on strong international institutions. The European Union will continue to be a strong, reliable and indispensable partner for the UN and for all who believe that violence must be met with justice and reconciliation. Our work, together with Parliament, will continue in this direction.

 
  
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  Przewodniczący. – Bardzo dziękuję Pani Wysoka Przedstawiciel i przepraszam za dwugodzinne opóźnienie. Częściowo jesteśmy usprawiedliwieni, bo około pół godziny zabrało nam uczczenie pamięci Simone Veil, no a potem sami się postaraliśmy o dalsze opóźnienia. Obiecuję Pani, że w następnym punkcie już będziemy mieć tylko 5 minut na zgłoszenia z sali. Bardzo dziękuję za zrozumienie i dziękuję za zwrócenie uwagi.

Zamykam debatę.

Głosowanie odbędzie się we wtorek 4 lipca 2017 r.

Oświadczenia pisemne (art. 162)

 
  
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  Dubravka Šuica (PPE), napisan. – Temeljne vrijednosti na kojima se Europska unija zasniva su poštivanje ljudskog dostojanstva, slobode, demokracije, jednakosti, vladavine prava te poštovanje ljudskih prava. Zalaganje za te osnovne vrijednosti leži u srži velikog mirovnog projekta koji danas nazivamo Europskom unijom. Europska unija mora aktivno i dosljedno promicati svoje vrijednosti ne samo prema državama članicama već i u svijetu.

Podržavam prijedlog o mjerama zaštite ljudskih prava i sprečavanju najtežih zločina. Unija mora u svom vanjskopolitičkom djelovanju prema trećim državama iskazati snažniju potporu ljudskim pravima koja su utvrđena u međunarodnom pravu. Problem nekažnjavanja kod počinitelja teških zločina, uključujući onih koji zločine izvršavaju u ime nedržavnih aktera, samo se može prevladati sveobuhvatnom jurisdikcijom Međunarodnog kaznenog suda.

Žalim zbog sveprisutnog nepoštovanja međunarodnog humanitarnog prava te zabrinjavajuće stope smrti civila i napada na civilnu infrastrukturu u oružanim sukobima diljem svijeta. EU mora tijesno surađivati sa svim nadležnim tijelima Ujedinjenih naroda koja raspolažu važnim informacijama kako bi prevencija masovnih zločina bila što efikasnija i brža.

Pozdravljam korištenje europskih instrumenata za promicanje načela komplementarnosti kako bi se i u nacionalnim zakonodavstvima utvrdilo osuđivanje najtežih zločina u međunarodnom kaznenom pravu.

 

23. Sestava odborov in delegacij: gl. zapisnik
Video posnetki govorov

24. Zasebna varnostna podjetja (kratka predstavitev)
Video posnetki govorov
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  Przewodniczący. – Kolejnym punktem porządku dnia jest sprawozdanie sporządzone przez Hilde Vautmans w imieniu Komisji Spraw Zagranicznych w sprawie prywatnych firm ochroniarskich (2016/2238(INI)) (A8-0191/2017).

 
  
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  Hilde Vautmans, Rapporteur. – Onze Europese burgers vragen terecht dat we meer doen om hun veiligheid te verzekeren. Daarom denk ik dat het nu duidelijk is dat we meer moeten samenwerken, niet alleen tussen landen, maar ook tussen de publieke en private sector. U weet dat de private sector een sector in volle expansie is, die elke dag belangrijker wordt. Meer dan 100 000 veiligheidsondernemingen zijn wereldwijd actief, met werkgelegenheid voor meer dan 3,5 miljoen burgers, waarvan 1,5 miljoen in Europa. En dat is goed.

Maar het is duidelijk dat we behoefte hebben aan een discussie over het inzetten van deze firma's. Welke firma's mogen we inzetten, voor welke taken, binnen welk juridisch kader? Hoe kunnen we gezamenlijke opleidingen voorzien? Hoe kunnen we zorgen dat de gegevensuitwisseling vlotter loopt? Allemaal vragen die voor ons in de commissie duidelijk hebben gemaakt dat er dringend behoefte is aan een wettelijk kader. Eigenlijk vragen wij, mevrouw de commissaris, een richtlijn van de Commissie om de verschillen tussen de lidstaten te harmoniseren en met standaardregels waaraan de firma's moeten voldoen.

Op die manier vragen we bijvoorbeeld dat er een open lijst komt van firma's waarop we als EU een beroep mogen doen. Dat wij heel goed beschrijven waaraan die moeten voldoen, aan welke standaardvereisten zij moeten voldoen. Want u weet dat als we firma’s inschakelen vanuit de Europese Unie, en deze schenden mensenrechten, dan schaadt ook dat ons imago en dat is net wat wij hier in de commissie willen voorkomen.

Het verslag vraagt ook dat elk contract met de privésector gedetailleerde vereisten omvat omtrent – en dat zal voor u logisch klinken – het wapenbezit, wie er werkt, welke vergunningen er zijn en hoe wordt omgegaan met data-uitwisseling. Dat zijn dingen die we toch wel vragen van de firma's die we eventueel met taken belasten.

Mevrouw Mogherini, ons verslag gaat heel erg ver in zeer concrete suggesties en vragen aan de Europese Commissie. Maar er is er een die mij bijzonder aan het hart ligt, namelijk dat u een groenboek zou opstellen. Ik weet het wel, vaak wordt gezegd, groenboeken, witboeken, zoveel boeken... Maar ik denk dat hier een groenboek aangewezen is. Dat wij een duidelijk overleg opstarten met alle actoren binnen het veiligheidsgegeven, zowel het publieke als het private, en dat we echt in overleg gaan. Ik denk ook dat dit snel moet gebeuren. Dit is wat de burgers van Europa verwachten. Als we dit hebben, mevrouw Mogherini, dan zullen wij beter in staat zijn om een goede controle uit te oefenen en tevens te zien waar er misbruiken optreden.

Collega’s, jullie weten dat ik hier heel vaak intervenieer over defensie en in dit geval zou ik durven zeggen: more defense for less money. We weten dat er in Europa overal krimpende defensiebudgetten zijn, dat we het overal met minder defensiepersoneel moeten doen. En bovendien dat de taken die we vragen om onze veiligheid te respecteren en te waarborgen alsmaar meer specialisatie vereisen. Dus we weten dat als we die opdrachten blijvend willen aankunnen, we moeten gaan samenwerken met de privésector. We gaan de veiligheid van onze burgers kunnen vergroten. Dus vandaar ook dat ik hoop dat u dit verslag aangrijpt om te komen met die richtlijn en die standaarden. Dan is het ook duidelijk wat privébewakingsfirma’s mogen doen.

‘More defence for less money’.

– Want het mag wel duidelijk zijn: we gaan natuurlijk geen privébewakingsfirma’s inzetten om de taken van het leger over te nemen. Dat kan natuurlijk niet de bedoeling zijn. Maar we kunnen wel bij acties op het terrein privébewakingsfirma’s inschakelen om bepaalde niet-militaire taken uit te oefenen. Dan kunnen wij die ook heel goed controleren.

Mevrouw Mogherini, ik zou heel graag willen dat we dit verslag ter harte nemen. Ik wil heel graag alle collega’s hartelijk danken. Wij hebben heel goed aan dit verslag gewerkt en ik hoop dat het morgen met een brede meerderheid zal worden goedgekeurd.

 
  
 

Zgłoszenia z sali

 
  
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  Stanislav Polčák (PPE). – Pane předsedající, já samozřejmě uznávám to, že se na zajištění bezpečnosti mohou podílet ve vymezených rolích i soukromé bezpečnostní agentury, respektive soukromé bezpečnostní služby. A uznávám i to, že s nimi funguje v řadě států dobrá spolupráce, ale nesdílím to volání po nových směrnicích ani v této otázce, protože jsem přesvědčen, že soukromé bezpečnostní služby by měly požívat stejná práva jako každý jiný člověk, který se ocitne v určité situaci, kdy má možnost zakročit proti páchanému zločinu. Ale nemohou mít více práv, než je tomu u běžných soukromých občanů, soukromých osob.

Myslím si, že outsourcing služeb, jak to řekla i zpravodajka na konci svého vystoupení, je rozhodně negativní v oblasti bezpečnostních služeb a měli bychom na to najít vhodná doporučení. Pokud jde o doporučení, která by přijala Komise, toto bych rád podpořil.

 
  
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  Caterina Chinnici (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signora alto rappresentante, negli ultimi anni il settore della sicurezza privata effettivamente ha conosciuto una forte espansione, favorita anche dai tagli di bilancio alla spesa militare, che hanno portato molti Stati europei ad esternalizzare le attività di sicurezza ad imprese private.

Pur comprendendosi la necessità di contenimento dei costi, non può però condividersi che la scelta di affidare i servizi di difesa ad imprese private sia determinata solo da esigenze economiche. Le decisioni in materia di difesa e sicurezza, ambiti delicati e complessi di competenza delle autorità pubbliche, non possono basarsi esclusivamente su logiche legate al contenimento dei costi poiché, come ben sappiamo, le questioni inerenti alla sicurezza implicano attività di intelligence, attività di indagine e di pianificazione strategica, e non si esauriscono in compiti meramente operativi.

Occorre quindi definire un quadro legislativo uniforme a livello europeo, che disciplini l'attività delle imprese di sicurezza private con meccanismi normativi e di monitoraggio vincolanti per regolamentarne l'impiego anche nei paesi terzi e con adeguate procedure per la segnalazione di eventuali irregolarità.

 
  
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  Νότης Μαριάς ( ECR). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, γνωρίζουμε ότι το συνταγματικό δίκαιο και η πολιτική επιστήμη καθορίζουν ότι το κράτος έχει το μονοπώλιο της άσκησης νόμιμης βίας, γι’ αυτό και η άμυνα και η ασφάλεια ανατίθενται σε δημόσιες αρχές. Λόγω του νεοφιλελευθερισμού, αυτό που βλέπουμε είναι πλέον να ανατίθεται σε ιδιωτικές επιχειρήσεις η άσκηση βίας και μάλιστα αυτή να θεωρείται και νομιμοποιημένη. Αυτό είναι ένα απαράδεκτο φαινόμενο το οποίο δεν μπορεί να συνεχιστεί. Είδαμε αυτά τα γεγονότα να συμβαίνουν με ιδιωτικές εταιρείες που συμμετείχαν και στο Ιράκ και άσκησαν και στρατιωτική δράση. Είδαμε εταιρείες τέτοιες να κατηγορούνται για βασανιστήρια, για απώλεια ζωής ανθρώπων, για παραβιάσεις ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων και για εγκλήματα πολέμου.

Δεν μπορεί να συνεχιστεί αυτή η κατάσταση και φυσικά δεν συμφωνώ με το να διαμορφώσουμε έναν μηχανισμό που δήθεν θα νομιμοποιεί την άσκηση βίας από ιδιωτικές επιχειρήσεις. Αυτά τα θέματα άμυνας και ασφάλειας πρέπει να ανατίθενται ξεκάθαρα στις δημόσιες αρχές.

 
  
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  Ελευθέριος Συναδινός ( NI). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, λόγω της αύξησης της τρομοκρατίας, το ασύμμετρο των απειλών του τόπου και τρόπου τέλεσης τέτοιων ενεργειών, οι κρατικές δυνάμεις ασφαλείας αδυνατούν, ως φαίνεται, να ανταπεξέλθουν έγκαιρα και αποτελεσματικά. Το πλήθος και το εύρος των στόχων που υφίστανται στο δημόσιο και ιδιωτικό φάσμα μπορούν να ασφαλιστούν αποδοτικότερα με τη χρήση οργανωμένων, εξοπλισμένων και με κατάλληλα εκπαιδευμένο προσωπικό εταιρειών παροχής ιδιωτικής ασφάλειας. Αυτές οι ιδιωτικές εταιρείες θα μπορούν να συνεργάζονται, εντός συγκεκριμένου πλαισίου, με τις κρατικές δυνάμεις ασφαλείας σε επιχειρησιακό και πληροφοριακό επίπεδο.

Απαιτείται όμως κατάλληλη διαμόρφωση της νομικής βάσης, σαφής καθορισμός των κανόνων σύστασης και λειτουργίας τέτοιων εταιρειών, ώστε να μην υπάρξουν προβλήματα υπέρβασης αρμοδιοτήτων και δικαιοδοσίας και κυρίως προβλήματα συνεργασίας και διαλειτουργικότητας, που μπορεί να οδηγήσουν σε παράπλευρες απώλειες.

 
  
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  Maria Grapini (S&D). – Domnule președinte, doamna Mogherini, stimați colegi, eu susțin raportul colegei noastre și susțin și recomandările făcute. Evident, a crescut numărul de societăți și avem această statistică de societăți de securitate privată, avem milioane de cetățeni care lucrează aici, evident că nu vor lua atribuțiile armatei. Cetățenii europeni doresc tot mai mult securitate și apărare. Cred că este bună recomandarea să se elaboreze o carte verde cu implicarea părților interesate și, de asemenea, să existe o orientare în contractarea comună în domeniul de angajare, utilizarea și gestionarea contractanților militari. Important mai cred că este să se elaboreze un model european eficace de reglementare a societăților de securitate privată. Trebuie să avem un model european, nu fiecare stat să aibă societăți de securitate privată diferite. De asemenea, susțin că este nevoie să se armonizeze diferențele juridice dintre statele membre printr-o directivă. Mulțumesc.

 
  
 

(Koniec zgłoszeń z sali)

 
  
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  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Mr President, thank you very much. Let me start by saying that we very much welcome the report on this issue, which can open a new chapter in our awareness about private security companies. Private security companies, as you mentioned, are sometimes essential to safety, including that of European diplomatic and humanitarian operations in the world. On this point the European Union is fully in line with the International Committee of the Red Cross, which means we consider that hiring private security companies is legitimate and can be necessary – for instance, they can have an important role in protecting aid workers or people living in conflict areas – but, of course, these companies are not exempt from the observance of international humanitarian law. In their role as security providers, they must always respect the highest international standards on human rights.

The report points out that a legal framework already exists. The private security companies do not operate in a vacuum and the European Union was the first international organisation to sign up to the Montreux Document, promoted by Switzerland and the Red Cross, about obligations and good practices for private security companies.

It is now essential that we continue to work for this framework to be expanded and, especially, to be universalised. The UN Human Rights Council is considering drawing up an international framework to regulate, monitor and oversee private military and security companies, and this UN framework could complement and strengthen existing initiatives such as the Montreux Document Forum and International Code of Conduct Association.

I am pleased with the increased recognition of the relevance of the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights and their implementation. Their value was recognised in the European Union Council conclusion on business and human rights adopted last year.

I would like to focus briefly on three points about the work ahead. First, if we want to create a better regulatory framework, progress is in the hands of Member States: in particular they can contribute to changing our current public procurement directives and rules.

As for the External Action Service all our potential security contractors have to be signatories of the International Code of Conduct and our delegations closely monitor the implementation of their contractual obligations.

Second, the work of security contractors is evolving fast, with a growing role for drones, cyber and civilian military operations. Our systems of safeguards must be continuously updated and we therefore need the cooperation not only of Member States and academics but also of legal experts and NGOs. In particular, we need to assess better which services can be outsourced and which have to remain under the sole responsibility of professional armed forces.

My third and final comment is about cooperation between the public and private sectors. Much of the experience of security services in the European public sector in recent years can be of help to the private sector too. Moreover, private security companies are often called on to operate side by side with our military. So it is essential that our institutions continue to engage regularly with the International Code of Conduct Association in order to meet common standards.

Finally, let me conclude by saying that it has been more than 10 years since public opinion began to hear about security contractors. A stronger legal framework for private security companies is in everybody’s interest: it is certainly in the European Union’s interest, so that they can contribute in the right manner to the security of many people, from diplomatic staff to humanitarian workers, around the world.

 
  
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  Przewodniczący. – Zamykam debatę.

Głosowanie odbędzie się we wtorek 4 lipca 2017 r.

 

25. Delovni pogoji in prekarna zaposlitev (kratka predstavitev)
Video posnetki govorov
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  Przewodniczący. – Kolejnym punktem porządku dnia jest sprawozdanie sporządzone przez Neoklisa Sylikiotisa w imieniu Komisji Zatrudnienia i Spraw Socjalnych w sprawie warunków pracy i niepewności zatrudnienia (2016/2221(INI)) (A8-0224/2017).

 
  
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  Νεοκλής Συλικιώτης, Εισηγητής. – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, αγαπητοί συνάδελφοι, κύριε Επίτροπε, η κοινωνική ένδεια και το πισωγύρισμα στα εργασιακά θέσμια ανάγκασαν το Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο, σε προηγούμενες εκθέσεις του, να τοποθετηθεί ενάντια στις πολιτικές που οδηγούν στη διάλυση του κοινωνικού κράτους και ενάντια στην επίθεση που γίνεται στους εργαζόμενους για τα δικαιώματά τους την τελευταία δεκαετία. Η έκθεση για τις συνθήκες απασχόλησης και την επισφάλεια στην απασχόληση αποτελεί συνέχεια αυτής της σειράς εκθέσεων. Η Επιτροπή Απασχόλησης αυτού του Κοινοβουλίου στάθηκε, πιστεύω, στο ύψος των περιστάσεων και παρουσιάζει μια ισορροπημένη έκθεση στην Ολομέλεια.

Με αυτή την ευκαιρία, θα ήθελα να ευχαριστήσω όλες και όλους τους εισηγητές για την εποικοδομητική συνεργασία που είχαμε κατά τη διάρκεια των συζητήσεων για την έκθεση. Είναι πλέον παραδεκτό απ’ όλες τις πολιτικές ομάδες ότι η κοινωνική προστασία, η προστασία μέσω συλλογικών συμβάσεων και συλλογικών διαπραγματεύσεων πρέπει να είναι προσβάσιμη σε όλους τους εργαζόμενους.

Η σημερινή φαινομενική αύξηση των ποσοστών απασχόλησης κρύβει την αύξηση των επισφαλών μορφών απασχόλησης, όπως είναι τα συμβόλαια μηδενικών ωρών εργασίας, η ψευδής αυτοαπασχόληση και οι θέσεις εργασίας με ακούσια συμβόλαια μερικής απασχόλησης που δεν παρέχουν αξιοπρεπή ζωή και εργασιακά δικαιώματα στους εργαζόμενους. Σειρά από έρευνες, και ιδιαίτερα η έρευνα που έγινε εκ μέρους της Επιτροπής Απασχόλησης του Ευρωπαϊκού Κοινοβουλίου, δείχνουν ξεκάθαρα ότι οι εργαζόμενοι με συμβόλαια περιορισμένης διάρκειας και μερικής απασχόλησης, που συχνά τους επιβάλλονται, αυξήθηκαν σημαντικά στην Ένωση τα τελευταία 15 χρόνια. Μπορεί τα συμβόλαια αυτά να υπήρχαν και πριν την οικονομική κρίση, εντούτοις, οι ανεπαρκείς και κοινωνικά ακατάλληλες λύσεις που δόθηκαν για την καταπολέμησή της όξυναν την επισφάλεια στην εργασία και αυτές είναι οι αντιαναπτυξιακές πολιτικές λιτότητας και μνημονίων που οδήγησαν σε διάλυση του κοινωνικού ιστού και φτωχοποίηση μεγάλων τμημάτων του πληθυσμού, κυρίως των εργαζομένων και των συνταξιούχων.

Στόχος μας στη συγκεκριμένη έκθεση ήταν να ξαναβάλουμε την έννοια της απασχόλησης στη σωστή της βάση. Η απασχόληση πρέπει να είναι αξιοπρεπής και να προσφέρει στον εργαζόμενο και την οικογένειά του μια καλή και ισορροπημένη ζωή κι όλα αυτά, φυσικά, παράλληλα με την κοινωνική προστασία του κράτους προς τους πολίτες του.

Ως εισηγητής της έκθεσης νομίζω ότι καταφέραμε μαζί με τους κυρίους εισηγητές να κάνουμε βήματα σε αυτή την κατεύθυνση. Χρησιμοποιήσαμε τον ορισμό της Διεθνούς Οργάνωσης Εργασίας για την αξιοπρεπή απασχόληση, που ορίζει την αξιοπρεπή εργασία ως πλήρη και παραγωγική απασχόληση που διασφαλίζει την αξιοπρέπεια του εργαζομένου, ένα δίκαιο εισόδημα και ασφάλεια στην εργασία, που παρέχει ελευθερία της έκφρασης, της άποψης, της οργάνωσης και συμμετοχή στις αποφάσεις οι οποίες επηρεάζουν τη ζωή του και που διασφαλίζει ίσες ευκαιρίες και ίση μεταχείριση για όλους, άνδρες και γυναίκες. Καταδικάσαμε επίσης καταχρήσεις που γίνονται στο πλαίσιο πρακτικών ασκήσεων ή ευέλικτων συμβολαίων εργασίας. Υπενθυμίσαμε ότι, σύμφωνα με το χάρτη των Θεμελιωδών Δικαιωμάτων της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, κάθε εργαζόμενος έχει δικαίωμα σε ένα όριο μέγιστης διάρκειας εργασίας, σε ημερήσιες και εβδομαδιαίες περιόδους ανάπαυσης, καθώς και σε ετήσια περίοδο αμειβόμενων διακοπών. Τονίσαμε ότι αυτό το δικαίωμα πρέπει να ισχύει για όλους ανεξαιρέτως τους εργαζομένους. Καλέσαμε, τέλος, την Επιτροπή και τα κράτη μέλη να διασφαλίσουν αποτελεσματική προστασία για τους εργαζόμενους στο πλαίσιο των εργασιακών σχέσεων, αλλά και μια περιεκτική πολιτική αντίδραση για μείωση και τελικά εξάρθρωση της επισφαλούς απασχόλησης.

Κύριε Επίτροπε, χρειάζεται άμεσα μια αλλαγή πλεύσης από τις πολιτικές της ανεξέλεγκτης αγοράς και της λιτότητας. Η Ένωση πρέπει να προωθήσει πολιτικές που θα ενδυναμώνουν τους εργαζόμενους, μέσω του κοινωνικού διαλόγου και της επέκτασης των συλλογικών διαπραγματεύσεων, διασφαλίζοντας πως όλοι οι εργαζόμενοι μπορούν να ασκήσουν το δικαίωμα της συνάθροισης και της συλλογικής διαπραγμάτευσης ελεύθερα και χωρίς φόβο. Την ίδια ώρα προφανώς χρειάζεται ενδυνάμωση του κοινωνικού κράτους, αλλά χρειάζονται και πολιτικές δημιουργίας αξιοπρεπών θέσεων εργασίας μέσω δημόσιων επενδύσεων και μακροπρόθεσμων κρατικών στρατηγικών. Η επιτροπή επίσης καλεί και τα κράτη μέλη και την Επιτροπή να προωθήσουν στρατηγικές καθολικής κάλυψης των εργαζομένων με συλλογικές συμβάσεις.

 
  
 

Zgłoszenia z sali

 
  
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  Michaela Šojdrová (PPE). – Pane předsedající, tato zpráva reaguje na nárůst počtu různých forem zaměstnání v Evropské unii, které nazývá nejistými. V období mezi roky 2008–2016 narostl počet polovičních úvazků daleko rychleji než plných úvazků, a to o 11%.

Zpráva definuje koncepty důstojné práce a nejistého zaměstnání a navrhuje právní rámec, který má zajistit pracovníkům přiměřenou ochranu. Musím říci, že nepodporuji zcela tuto zprávu, a to z důvodu jejího celkového vyznění. Flexibilní formu práce, včetně tzv. zkrácených úvazků, chápe a priori jako něco negativního.

Naopak podporuji nutnost určité regulace nových forem práce a zásadně odmítám ideu, že jedinou důstojnou prací je zaměstnání na dobu neurčitou. To dnes již neplatí. Doba si žádá, aby existovala v této oblasti flexibilita, která je vhodná pro rodiče malých dětí, studenty či zaměstnance firem, které mají problémy a potřebují, aby zaměstnanci snížili úvazek. Proto tedy mám k této zprávě výhrady.

 
  
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  Julie Ward (S&D). – Mr President, there is no question that today’s leaders and decision-makers have let down the younger generation. Young people today face continuous precarious employment as a way of life. The EU must take a lead in establishing workers’ rights in the new emerging gig economy, with online platforms providing temporary uncertain work to millions. The internet age has opened up many new opportunities for a dynamic, vibrant economy, but we must not compromise on people’s rights to decent work – and that includes people with disabilities.

I hope that the EU follows through on ensuring high-quality employment for young people and marginalised people and I will continue to fight for British youth to enjoy the benefits of those programmes too.

 
  
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  Ruža Tomašić (ECR). – Gospodine predsjedniče, biti zaposlen bolje je nego biti nezaposlen. Krenimo od toga. Radna mjesta na pola radnog vremena ili na određeno razdoblje bolja su od dugotrajne nezaposlenosti.

To, naravno, ne znači da takvim poslovima treba težiti, ali niti da ih treba vječno izbjegavati jer su, kako se i u ovom izvješću više puta ponavlja – nesigurni. Politika se tu onda nastoji prikazati zaštitnikom ljudi pa jamči da će te poslove učiniti sigurnima.

Dugoročno je siguran posao samo onaj koji je tržišno isplativ. Svaki posao koji nije tržišno isplativ, a uz pomoć politike preživljava, čini to na račun drugoga koji onda također postaje neodrživ. Što više politika spašava, to je više neodrživih koji onda u vrijeme recesije potpuno potonu i izazovu lančanu reakciju.

Da se razumijemo, trebamo težiti tome da uvjeti rada za sve Europljane budu što bolji. No, bojim se da to nećemo postići dodatnom regulacijom, nego isključivo potičući konkurentnost i mičući barijere s jedinstvenog tržišta.

 
  
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  Tania González Peñas (GUE/NGL). – Señor presidente, en primer lugar quiero reconocer el gran trabajo del ponente con este informe; y es que además considero que es central debatir sobre la precariedad laboral, en un contexto en el que en muchos países europeos estamos asistiendo a un cambio: del Estado del bienestar al «Estado de la precariedad».

La semana pasada estuvieron en el Parlamento Europeo camareras de piso de España y Grecia, un colectivo absolutamente feminizado y en condiciones de explotación —como reconoce el propio presidente de la cadena AC Hoteles, Antonio Catalán—.

Hacer entre cuarenta y ochenta camas diarias; que el 70 % de las trabajadoras tenga que tomar medicamentos para poder realizar su actividad laboral como consecuencia de las enfermedades músculoesqueléticas y psicosociales; que lleguen a cobrar unos dos euros y medio por habitación; que cobren entre un 20 % o un 30 % menos que otros trabajos de la misma categoría profesional, en el mismo sector, que no están feminizados; o que se apliquen sistemáticamente contratos fraudulentos de formación y temporales son algunas muestras de cómo la precariedad no solo persiste, sino que crece en un sector pujante que genera cada vez más beneficios.

Pero tenemos más ejemplos de nuevas formas de precariedad. Es el caso de los trabajadores de las plataformas online —mal llamada «economía colaborativa»— como los trabajadores de Deliveroo, que ayer fueron a la huelga en mi país.

La precariedad laboral es un mal social que pone en riesgo el sostenimiento de muchas vidas, pero también de nuestro Estado social.

 
  
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  Γεώργιος Επιτήδειος ( NI). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, στη σύγχρονη εποχή και στον τομέα της εργασίας, αντί τα πράγματα να βελτιώνονται, συνεχώς χειροτερεύουν. Βλέπουμε ότι αυξάνεται η ανεργία κυρίως των νέων, υπάρχει επισφαλής εργασία, υπάρχει ψευδής αυτοαπασχόληση, καταπατούνται τα εργασιακά δικαιώματα των εργαζομένων και πολλές φορές οι εργαζόμενοι πιέζονται να αποδεχθούν μισθούς οι οποίοι είναι πολύ χαμηλοί, παρά το γεγονός ότι εργάζονται πάρα πολλές ώρες.

Όσα ευχολόγια και αν εκφραστούν, όσες σωστές προτάσεις και αν κάνει ο εισηγητής, ο κ. Συλικιώτης, εάν η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση δεν πάψει να επεμβαίνει, με τον τρόπο που επεμβαίνει, στις οικονομίες των κρατών, δεν πρόκειται να βελτιωθεί η κατάσταση. Επενέβη στην Ελλάδα η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση και το ΑΕΠ της χώρας έπεσε στο εν τρίτον.

Άρα λοιπόν, πρέπει να γίνει αντιληπτό ότι το κάθε κράτος έχει δικό του οικονομικό σύστημα και πρέπει από μόνο του να ρυθμίζει τα της οικονομίας του, ούτως ώστε να μπορεί να αντιμετωπίσει τα προβλήματά του.

 
  
 

(Koniec zgłoszeń z sali)

 
  
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  Valdis Dombrovskis, Vice-President of the Commission. – Mr President, the Commission thanks Mr Sylikiotis for his own-initiative report on working conditions and precarious employment. The report rightly calls for work being transformed through digitalisation and new employment being created as a result of it, to be decent. It also points out the need to guarantee effective protection for workers, regardless of the type and duration of employment relationship, and to address non-standard, atypical and precarious forms of employment, while paying special attention to vulnerable groups. And we hear your call to strengthen social dialogue and promoting the extension of collective bargaining.

All these concerns about workers’ rights and opportunities in the 21st century were also raised by different stakeholders last year during the extensive public consultation we organised on establishing a European Pillar of Social Rights. So let me assure you that the Commission is taking action to address those challenges. Let me give you three examples. On 26 April, we launched a social partners’ consultation to collect their views on the possible direction of an EU action to ensure that people in all forms of employment have adequate access to social protection and employment services. We have also initiated a social partners’ consultation on a possible revision of the Written Statement Directive. We want to ensure clarity for workers and employers on their contractual relationship, irrespective of the type of contract.

Another important work strand is the European Pillar of Social Rights that we presented on 26 April. Among other things, it aims to promote employment relationships that do not lead to precariousness and to deal with the abusive use of atypical employment contracts. We have opened the discussion on how to better align our social security systems with the new forms of work. We want to ensure that as many people as possible, including the self-employed and gig economy workers, are covered and can build up rights against contributions. The Pillar also recognises the right to fair and equal treatment for workers regarding working conditions and access to social protection and training, regardless of the type and duration of the employment relationship. In addition, the Pillar recognises the right to quality and inclusive education, training and lifelong learning, in order to acquire and maintain skills that enable people to participate fully in society and manage successfully the transition into the labour market. The Commission already recognised the importance of reskilling and upskilling last year. A year ago we launched a New Skills Agenda for Europe, calling on all stakeholders to work together to improve skills in Europe and keep pace with the fast-changing needs of the labour market and society.

Last but not least, a word on social dialogue. The Commission is very committed to promote well—functioning social dialogue at all levels. This is also recognised by the Pillar, which encourages the social partners to negotiate and conclude collective agreements in matters relevant to them while respecting their autonomy and the right to collective action. The Commission already supports the capacity-building of social partners in order to develop a broad collective bargaining and effective social dialogue mechanism across the EU. Your report raises awareness of the current challenges, such as the rapid digitalisation or new forms of employment that are blurring the boundaries between dependent employment and self—employment.

So we need to act now. Our common goal should be improving the life chances of every European. We need to keep up the momentum for social Europe at all levels. This is why we are aiming at high—level political endorsement of the social pillar by the end of the year. As you know, we have proposed an interinstitutional proclamation of the Commission, the Council and the European Parliament. We count on your support to achieve this goal.

 
  
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  Przewodniczący. – Zamykam debatę.

Głosowanie odbędzie się we wtorek 4 lipca 2017 r.

Oświadczenia pisemne (art. 162)

 
  
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  Hugues Bayet (S&D), par écrit. – L'emploi précaire augmente. Le nombre de travailleurs ayant des contrats à durée indéterminée et à temps partiel involontaire a considérablement augmenté après la crise financière et économique. Parallèlement, on peut voir plus de faux travail indépendant, une plus grande pauvreté dans le travail et une érosion des droits du travail. Il convient de rappeler que l'emploi précaire ne fait pas que nuire à l'individu, mais comporte également des coûts considérables pour la société en termes de pertes fiscales et de dépenses publiques plus élevées. C’est, pour cela, qu’on a décidé de réitérer notre appel à une directive sur des conditions de travail décentes.

 
  
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  Viorica Dăncilă (S&D), în scris. – Munca precară este un subiect important, însă actuala criză economică și financiară a avut un efect dublu asupra angajării precare aducând munca precară în centrul atenției pe de o parte, iar pe de altă parte, problema femeilor care ocupă locuri de muncă precare devenind foarte urgentă. Femeile sunt suprareprezentate în munca precară, aceasta fiind nu doar o cauză importantă a diferențelor de salarizare între femei și bărbați, ci și un obstacol în calea perspectivelor de a avansa în locuri de muncă mai bune. Problema condițiilor de muncă și a locurilor de muncă precare a apărut în mai multe rezoluții ale Parlamentului European, în mai multe contexte. Cu toate acestea, situația lucrătoarelor în situație de precaritate nu a fost soluționată în totalitate. Cred că una dintre sarcinile majore pe viitor trebuie să fie aceea de a investi și de a impulsiona cercetarea în domeniul muncii precare și al dimensiunii de gen. Consider că atât Comisia, cât și statele membre trebuie să elaboreze strategii noi privind munca în condiții precare cu orientări clare, concrete și măsuri legislative de integrare a egalității de gen și de reducere a numărului de locuri de muncă precare în rândul femeilor sub umbrela Strategiei 2020.

 
  
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  Dominique Martin (ENF), par écrit. – Aujourd’hui, vous le constatez, les emplois atypiques se multiplient: emplois à temps partiel involontaire, contrats à zéro heure, «ubérisation», et parfois travail non rémunéré! Les emplois classiques sont sacrifiés par l’Union européenne qui détruit ainsi vos droits sociaux, et affaiblit votre système de sécurité sociale et de retraite.

Concrètement? Difficulté de se faire rembourser ses lunettes, ses soins dentaires, son appareil auditif, etc. Et demain? Retraite incertaine ou trop faible pour vivre décemment. Pauvre France, hier à la pointe des droits sociaux, aujourd’hui si fébrile. Le rapport voté à Strasbourg ce mardi 4 juillet comporte la liste des risques liés à cette destruction: ironie cynique de constater un échec, après en avoir été l’instigateur...

Malheureusement, l’ensemble des propositions n’est qu’une liste de vœux pieux, une litanie d’un monde meilleur, sans mesure concrète. Nous déplorons qu’il n’y ait pas l’analyse des causes comme, par exemple, les politiques de libéralisation de l’économie qui auraient constituées une piste sérieuse de travail.

La seule solution proposée ? Des investissements étatiques, impossibles puisque la Commission condamne, dans ses recommandations par pays, les investissements nationaux!

 
  
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  João Pimenta Lopes (GUE/NGL), por escrito. – Acompanhamos os muitos pontos positivos que o relatório apresenta, como a defesa da contratação e da negociação coletiva, a necessidade de reforço das estruturas representativas e dos sindicatos e o seu envolvimento ativo na definição das políticas e da legislação laboral, ou o aumento da fiscalização e do combate à precariedade, ou a defesa de serviços públicos gratuitos e de qualidade, nomeadamente na saúde e na educação.

Rejeitamos, contudo, em absoluto, as noções intoleráveis que a direita procurou introduzir, desde a flexibilidade laboral, a individualização de direitos, à validação da precariedade como uma necessidade em função dos interesses dos patrões. A precariedade existe, está regulamentada pelas vossas políticas laborais e é um instrumento de exploração dos trabalhadores!

Denunciamos também o alinhamento da direita e da social-democracia para diluir ou expurgar do documento importantes contributos a respeito da igualdade entre homens e mulheres, que resultaram do Parecer que a Comissão das Mulheres aprovou, nomeadamente as razões e os fatores de discriminação da mulher, como a exploração, a precariedade e a pobreza afetam particularmente as mulheres, ou a necessidade de aumentar os direitos e a duração da proteção na maternidade, com licenças pagas a 100% e equipamentos públicos gratuitos como creches e pré-escolares, ou um firme combate às discriminações em razão do sexo.

 
  
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  Jutta Steinruck (S&D), schriftlich. – Null-Stunden-Verträge, Scheinselbstständigkeit und ungewollter Teilzeitbeschäftigung sind auf dem Vormarsch. Aktuell besitzen nur noch 59 Prozent der Arbeitnehmer in Europa Vollzeitverträge. Ein Grund dafür ist auch der mangelnde Ehrgeiz der EU-Kommission und einiger Mitgliedstaaten, sich zu einem starken europäischen Sozialmodell zu bekennen. Gleichwertige Arbeit, gleiche Rechte und fairer Wettbewerb sind Voraussetzungen eines gut funktionierenden Binnenmarkts. Nur so können Arbeitnehmer sowie kleine und mittlere Unternehmen geschützt werden. Im Initiativbericht fordern wir deshalb die Kommission und die Mitgliedstaaten auf, bei der Überarbeitung der Entsenderichtlinie das Prinzip „Gleicher Lohn für gleiche Arbeit am gleichen Ort“ festzuschreiben. Auch dürfen neue digitale Jobs – etwa auf Onlineplattformen – nicht im rechtsfreien Raum hängen. Sie müssen an geltende Arbeits- und Gesundheitsschutzvorschriften angepasst werden.

 
  
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  Romana Tomc (PPE), pisno. – Danes smo že slišali, da ob rasti zaposlenosti rastejo tudi oblike prekarnega zaposlovanja. Zaskrbljena sem, ker pod okriljem spodbujanja podjetništva to postaja večinska oblika zaposlovanja. Nove, atipične oblike zaposlovanja pa so na žalost realnost, ki se ji bomo težko izognili. Najbolj učinkoviti bomo, če na to realnost čim prej odgovorimo: 1. s spodbujevalnimi politikami, in sicer tako, da vplivamo na (ne)pojavnost prekarnega zaposlovanja; 2. na način blažitve posledic atipičnih oblik zaposlovanja; 3. z zagonom gospodarstva. Prekarno zaposlovanje v družbi povzroča negativen začaran krog, ki dolgoročno vpliva, ne le na kvaliteto življenja posameznikov, temveč tudi na pozno finančno neodvisnost posameznikov, na upad rojstev, na (ne)rešitev stanovanjske problematike, na nižje pokojninske prejemke v prihodnosti ipd., zato je pomembno, da na take oblike zaposlovanja čim prej odgovorimo.

 

26. Vzpostavitev vseevropskega okvira za krite obveznice (kratka predstavitev)
Video posnetki govorov
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  Przewodniczący. – Kolejnym punktem porządku dnia jest sprawozdanie sporządzone przez Bernda Luckego w imieniu Komisji Gospodarczej i Monetarnej zatytułowane „W kierunku ogólnoeuropejskich ram dotyczących obligacji zabezpieczonychˮ (2017/2005(INI)) (A8-0235/2017).

 
  
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  Bernd Lucke, rapporteur. – Mr President, covered bonds have been a very successful debt instrument for more than 200 years in Europe. They are convenient and efficient for the issuing institutions and they are reliable assets for investors, in particular for financial institutions.

This success relies on basically two factors. Factor one is economic: economically the success relies on the existence of high-quality collateral on long-lasting assets which are easily valued and repossessed. The second factor is institutional: institutionally the success relies on the existence of a legal and supervisory framework, such as dual recourse, segregation of cover pools and special public supervision.

Given the success of covered bonds, EU law has granted preferential treatment to covered bonds over other assets in various pieces of European legislation, in particular in the Capital Requirements Regulation (CRR), in the Bank Recovery and Resolution Directive (BRRD) and in the Liquidity Coverage Requirement (LCR) delegated act.

This preferential treatment is only justified if the collateral quality is high, so the first factor that I have mentioned is indeed satisfied. However, the problem is that Union law lacks a clear definition of covered bonds. The Undertakings for Collective Investment in Transferable Securities (UCITS) Directive definition is silent on precisely this first factor, on the quality of assets, relying merely on the institutional characteristics of covered bonds. This is not enough to warrant preferential treatment.

On the other hand, if we look at the second factor – the institutional environment – this suggests that the institutional environment might be expanded to other types of assets, perhaps more risky and less liquid types of assets and covered pools, such as SME credits, infrastructure projects which are not guaranteed by government, or consumer credits, and possibly to shipping finance.

The European Parliament is suggesting drawing a distinction between three different categories of assets, with the third and final class not called ‘covered bond’ but ‘European secured note’. We would like to distinguish between premium covered bonds and ordinary covered bonds, where the premium covered bonds are those which satisfy the higher criteria on the quality of assets that are specified in the CRR, whereas the ordinary covered bonds are merely UCITS compatible.

Parliament is also appealing to national lawmakers to distinguish clearly higher-risk or lower-liquidity assets from those assets which are eligible for UCITS-type covered bonds, leaving SME credits, infrastructure investments and consumer credits to a new instrument which, as I have said, would be called European secured notes.

Expanding the institutional environment to these riskier or less liquid classes of assets would be growth-enhancing, we believe, and would serve the objectives of the Capital Markets Union. Moreover, the European Union’s covered bond framework could then be a sort of gold standard for developing covered bond markets world-wide and could open up the EU capital market for issuers in third countries which make use of this efficient debt instrument, provided they have developed a comparable institutional framework.

However, we insist that EU legislation be principles-based. One of the principles which should not be compromised is financial stability, and we therefore advise that soft bullet and conditional pass-through structures, which shift issuer risk to investors, may play an important role in preventing fire sales in the event of defaulter resolution, but they should be used only in these cases and only with approval of the supervisory authority.

To conclude, what remains to be done, and what this report is silent on, is to remove the market distortions which set CBs at a competitive disadvantage vis-à-vis government bonds. Zero-risk weights for government bonds strongly influence buyers’ market demand by banks in favour of government bonds and are a great impediment in disentangling sovereign debt crisis from banking crisis.

It would be preferable to have all risk weights reflect market assessments of risk, and thereby remove a market distortion which disfavours CBs and involves great systemic risk. It would be good if the legislative proposal which the Commission will present to Parliament also addresses this issue.

 
  
 

Zgłoszenia z sali

 
  
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  Stanislav Polčák (PPE). – Pane předsedající, já i u této zprávy si myslím, že by bylo vhodné, abychom o ní diskutovali, protože je velmi kvalitní a tato odborná debata je k takto zásadní otázce, myslím, velmi nutná. Bohužel budou to pouze jednotlivá vystoupení, ve kterých nelze komunikovat vše.

Já bych chtěl panu zpravodajovi podtrhnout to, co i ve své zprávě má, to znamená důležitost transparentnosti při řešení otázky krytých dluhopisů. Požadavek na transparentnost je, myslím si, naprosto důležitý. Zároveň je podstatné, abychom budovali důvěru ve finanční stabilitu. To podtrhl i zpravodaj ve svém vystoupení. Podle mého názoru je důležité, aby prémiové a běžné kryté dluhopisy a evropské zajištěné cenné papíry byly plně kryté portfoliem těch aktiv. Ono je to v té zprávě vyzdviženo, ale myslím si, že by to mělo tady být zdůrazněno ve vazbě na tu stabilitu. Bohužel v té jedné minutě jsem chtěl ještě hovořit o zajištění vůči úpadku, ale to už se nepodařilo.

 
  
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  Nicola Caputo (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, il rafforzamento delle prospettive di lungo periodo di crescita economica dell'Unione europea e dei paesi terzi è garantito anche dagli strumenti finanziari, ed in particolar modo dalla trasparenza del loro utilizzo. Mi sono più volte espresso sul tema, anche riguardo all'Unione dei mercati dei capitali, che ha come caposaldo proprio la trasparenza delle attività sia di borsa che di risparmio. Il successo dei covered bonds può essere ricondotto a due fattori: economico, anche facilmente quantificabile e recuperabile, ed istituzionale, dovuto alla dotazione di un quadro normativo e di vigilanza che garantisce affidabilità e trasparenza.

Oggi che le obbligazioni garantite stanno diventando comuni in molti paesi fuori dall'Unione europea, qualunque iniziativa legislativa deve essere attentamente ponderata, senza modifiche rilevanti delle regole, che creerebbero incertezza sui mercati. La normativa europea non deve provocare perturbazione nella normativa nazionale. Concordo con la relazione ove propone di continuare a stabilire i tassi minimi del rapporto prestito/valore tramite la normativa europea, lasciando che gli standard tecnici siano decisi liberamente dagli Stati membri.

 
  
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  Νότης Μαριάς ( ECR). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, θα ήθελα να ευχαριστήσω το συνάδελφο, τον κύριο Lucke, για την έκθεσή του και να αναφερθώ στη σελίδα 17, όπου γίνεται λόγος για το γνωστό πρόγραμμα αγοράς στοιχείων ενεργητικού της ΕΚΤ, δηλαδή το QE. Θέλω να επισημάνω ότι το 60% του QE έχει πάει πλέον στη Γερμανία και το 20% στη Γαλλία. Ταυτόχρονα, η Ελλάδα έχει μείνει εκτός ποσοτικής χαλάρωσης αλλά η Τράπεζα της Ελλάδος, ως μέλος του ευρωσυστήματος, συμμετέχει στην ποσοτική χαλάρωση και το 2015 και 2016 δαπάνησε 42,5 δισεκατομμύρια EUR για να αγοράσει είτε ομόλογα του ESM, ο οποίος εν συνεχεία δάνεισε την Ελλάδα και επέβαλε μνημόνιο, είτε ομόλογα της Ευρωπαϊκής Τράπεζας Επενδύσεων, η οποία στη συνέχεια δάνεισε στη Fraport που άρπαξε τα περιφερειακά αεροδρόμια. Αυτή είναι η διαδικασία η οποία επικρατεί σήμερα, με αφορμή την ποσοτική χαλάρωση. Απαράδεκτη!

 
  
 

(Koniec zgłoszeń z sali)

 
  
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  Valdis Dombrovskis, Vice-President of the Commission. – Mr President, I would like to thank the rapporteur, Mr Bernd Lucke, for presenting this report. We welcome the support the report gives to the harmonisation of covered bonds at EU level. We also welcome the broad consensus among political groups on the way forward. This is encouraging in view of our future work and the upcoming proposal. As announced in the Capital Markets Union mid-term review, the Commission intends to present a legislative proposal on covered bonds in the first quarter of next year.

An EU initiative in my view should serve two complementary purposes. First, we should stimulate covered bond markets as a stable and cheap source of funding for credit institutions, and in return, banks should be able to better finance the real economy. Second, we should make sure that our framework is robust enough to justify the preferential prudential treatment granted to it, for instance, in the form of preferential capital risk weights.

We welcome the key point made in your report in favour of a principle-based approach, building on the strengths and specificities of existing national frameworks – an approach that would respect the characteristics of national markets that are already working well. The Commission will certainly keep this approach in mind when designing our proposals.

In addition, there is a great potential in developing covered bond markets in EU countries that do not have them yet, and also in attracting third-country investors. A robust and widely recognised EU covered bond label would be a major help in this regard. We will be analysing all these elements in the impact assessment that will help us to design the future proposal.

We note your interest in building on the success of EU covered bonds in areas where this label cannot be used at this stage. I am referring to the so-called European Secured Notes. The Commission is currently assessing the case for developing this new product. We will decide on possible Commission initiatives on European Secured Notes, following the results of our assessment. However, in the first stage, we will concentrate our action on traditional instruments backed by mortgages or public sector loans.

Let me conclude by stressing again the appreciation of the work done by the European Parliament. It is a source of encouragement for our future cooperation in this important field.

 
  
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  Przewodniczący. – Zamykam debatę.

Głosowanie odbędzie się we wtorek 4 lipca 2017 r.

 

27. Vloga ribiškega turizma v diverzifikaciji ribištva (kratka predstavitev)
Video posnetki govorov
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  Przewodniczący. – Kolejnym punktem porządku dnia jest sprawozdanie sporządzone przez Renatę Briano w imieniu Komisji Rybołówstwa w sprawie roli turystyki związanej z rybołówstwem w dywersyfikacji rybołówstwa (2016/2035(INI)) (A8-0221/2017).

 
  
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  Renata Briano, relatrice. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, i pescatori artigianali, in particolare quelli dell'area mediterranea, si trovano a fronteggiare crescenti pressioni provenienti da diversi fattori, tra cui il calo dell'occupazione e la minore attrattività della professione, ma anche i cambiamenti climatici e l'inquinamento, che hanno portato a un graduale depauperamento degli stock ittici.

In Europa si stanno cercando e sperimentando nuove soluzioni, che vanno verso la diversificazione dell'attività di pesca, sviluppando anche settori come quelli per esempio legati al turismo, che in alcuni paesi vengono chiamati pescaturismo e ittiturismo. La politica comune della pesca lo prevede già, ma la relazione nasce per dare un nuovo impulso a questo tipo di attività. L'obiettivo è quello di creare nuovi posti di lavoro, favorire l'inclusione sociale e il rilancio delle comunità che dipendono dalla pesca.

Le zone costiere europee attraggono milioni di visitatori ogni anno e recentemente si è registrato un crescente interesse per il turismo sostenibile. Pertanto, la diversificazione delle attività consentirà non solo di aiutare un settore in crisi a rialzarsi, ma anche di aiutare pescatori e turisti a incontrarsi e a conoscersi attraverso un mestiere antico, difficile e complesso. Non solo: grazie a questo incontro può crescere la consapevolezza di un consumo responsabile, partendo dalla conoscenza delle diverse specie di pesci, anche di quelle meno note, che sono spesso meno care ma non per questo meno buone.

Per beneficiare al massimo delle potenzialità economiche e sociali legate a questo settore, occorre agire su più fronti: prima di tutto armonizzando la definizione e la base giuridica del turismo legato alla pesca, che vede notevoli differenze da uno Stato membro a un altro – ad esempio, in Italia è considerato un'attività professionale, mentre in Francia un'attività occasionale. È necessario, poi, armonizzare anche le norme europee in materia di sicurezza, in modo da poter utilizzare le imbarcazioni adibite alla pesca artigianale per escursioni turistiche o per esperienze di pesca diretta, garantendo l'incolumità di chi è a bordo. Occorre infine favorire gli investimenti a livello nazionale, regionale e locale per migliorare i servizi, da una migliore connessione Internet alla ristrutturazione degli impianti, passando per la valorizzazione delle culture e delle tradizioni locali.

Andrebbero sfruttate meglio le risorse messe a disposizione dal FEAMP, e contemporaneamente bisognerebbe rafforzare la collaborazione tra le amministrazioni pubbliche, i FLAG (ovvero i gruppi di azione locale), gli esperti del settore turistico e i portatori di interesse per promuovere una crescita sostenibile e per sviluppare prodotti innovativi, capaci di rispondere alle aspettative dei visitatori.

La questione della stagionalità potrebbe essere affrontata attraverso campagne informative e promozionali capaci di offrire ai visitatori diverse attività durante l'intero arco dell'anno, ad esempio attraverso l'organizzazione di eventi. Le attività turistiche collegate alla pesca, in particolare pescaturismo e ittiturismo, rappresentano quindi in molte regioni europee una reale forma di integrazione e diversificazione dell'attività primaria, e sono economicamente vantaggiose per i pescatori e sostenibili ambientalmente.

Purtroppo, però, sono ancora troppo poco conosciute dal grande pubblico e troppo poco valorizzate da parte delle istituzioni. Per questo c'è bisogno di uno sforzo comune e condiviso che coinvolga tutte le parti interessate e che permetta alle comunità costiere, ai pescatori e ai turisti di beneficiare appieno delle grandi opportunità che questo settore ha da offrire. Colgo l'occasione per ringraziare tutti i colleghi, i relatori ombra, per l'aiuto e l'interesse dimostrato per il lavoro che abbiamo fatto insieme.

 
  
 

Zgłoszenia z sali

 
  
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  Stanislav Polčák (PPE). – Pane předsedající, já nechci zpochybňovat důležitost tohoto tématu i ve vazbě na příslušnost paní navrhovatelky. Chápu, že nová pracovní místa může skutečně cestovní ruch v rybářství přinášet. Dokonce nezpochybňuji ani sociální soudržnost, kterou toto téma může skutečně přinášet. Má to nepochybně i rozměr spolupráce mezi státy: Chorvatsko, Itálie, Slovinsko, to je oblast Jaderského moře.

Ale to, co skutečně zpochybňuji, to je otázka nezbytnosti definice právního základu pro tuto aktivitu, to znamená pro cestovní ruch v rybářství. Já si myslím, že toto je věc, která nepotřebuje definování právního základu. Měli bychom se zaměřit na udržitelnost. Aby míra vyčerpanosti zdrojů našich moří a pobřežních vod nebyla tak extrémní a tak vysoká, jako už je v současnosti. Na to bychom se měli zaměřit, ale jestli potřebujeme definovat právní základ, o tom tedy jednoznačně pochybuji.

 
  
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  Ricardo Serrão Santos (S&D). – Senhor Presidente, desde já quero congratular a relatora, Renata Briano, pela iniciativa deste relatório e pelo seu conteúdo final. A diversificação do rendimento é essencial para a pesca na Europa. Por um lado, muitos mananciais estão depauperados e, por outro, os pescadores lutam por recuperar rendimentos. Há que encontrar soluções sustentáveis e esta pode ser uma delas.

Dentro de estritas condições de segurança, as embarcações de pesca profissional artesanais dos Açores - região de onde sou oriundo - podem operar com turistas a bordo. Neste momento há já uma conjugação de esforços entre a indústria pesqueira e a restauração, o que permite ao visitante assistir e auxiliar na captura e depois aprender a confecionar o pescado, de acordo com a tradição desta região ultraperiférica. Este é um processo coordenado pela Associação das Mulheres na pesca dos Açores. Penso que o exemplo açoriano pode e deve servir de modelo para outras zonas da Europa insular e continental.

 
  
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  Izaskun Bilbao Barandica (ALDE). – Señor presidente, quisiera dar las gracias a la señora Briano por el trabajo realizado y decirle que estoy de acuerdo en diversificar la renta de las zonas pesqueras, pero que no debemos olvidar que su actividad principal es la pesca. Sus productos, los oficios, las tradiciones y la cultura que se derivan de ella son la base para construir actividades de diversificación atractivas.

Me voy a abstener en la votación porque este informe se centra más en sugerir las posibilidades que abre el turismo que en garantizar que sean las comunidades locales quienes disfruten de las rentas complementarias procedentes de las nuevas actividades para hacer su actividad sostenible.

Echo de menos más referencias a la protección de la pesca y sus profesionales y a su protagonismo en el diseño, el emprendimiento y la comercialización de la oferta de nuevos bienes y servicios. Solo así garantizaremos que se base en la autenticidad —la clave de su éxito— y nos aseguraremos de que los beneficios, mucho más que empleos en el sector de hostelería, queden en estas zonas tan presionadas por factores como la contaminación, la estacionalidad, la reducción de cuotas de pesca o el límite del número de especies que puedan capturar.

 
  
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  Maria Lidia Senra Rodríguez (GUE/NGL). – Senhor Presidente, entendemos que o turismo ligado à pesca, se for realizado de maneira responsável, pode ser um complemento para o setor das pescas e contribuir para a valorização da cultura dos produtos da pesca. Mas quero deixar bem claro que as atividades turísticas não podem, em caso algum, substituir nem ter impactos negativos nos vários tipos de pesca.

A pesca é, antes de tudo, uma atividade económica fundamental em países como a Galiza e em outras zonas costeiras da Europa. Os pescadores e pescadoras querem viver do seu trabalho, não querem tornar-se guias turísticos. Devemos ter em mente que nem todas as áreas têm as mesmas possibilidades de atrair turismo de pesca e que este tipo de projetos, se não forem desenvolvidos de maneira responsável, podem esgotar-se rapidamente e ser extremamente sazonais.

Por este motivo pedimos muita prudência antes de qualquer tipo de incentivo fiscal para o turismo marítimo. Acho também que a UE deve apoiar, em primeiro lugar, que a pesca seja ambiental e economicamente sustentável e deve dar prioridade ao consumo de produtos da pesca local.

 
  
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  David Coburn (EFDD). – Mr President, the cell door slammed shut behind him. He remained leaning against the bolted metal door for a few seconds before pacing across the cell – 10 paces in all. He still couldn’t really believe it. What had the judge said? ‘You must pay for your criminal actions: take him down’. What had he done? He had gone fishing. Just a bit of fun. The catch was unimportant. What was the technical term? ‘Common fisheries policy prohibited recreational angling catch’. How was he to know that he was only allowed to catch two bass, that the third – he hadn’t asked it to bite, it just had, and it made him a criminal. How did you get banged up for going fishing? The world was truly absurd.

This could be a short story by Kafka; in its implications, this report is both frightening and absurd. You are thinking of the stuff of dystopian nightmares and not fit for the real world and a tyranny to ordinary people and ordinary fishermen throughout Europe.

 
  
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  Ivan Jakovčić (ALDE). – Gospodine predsjedniče, turizam i ribarstvo za građane koji žive na hrvatskom Jadranu, na onim područjima, pogotovo na otocima, na kojima se tradicionalno lovi riba, je nešto što danas ovdje razmatramo, i možemo reći da je prijedlog ovog izvještaja na neki način win win kombinacija. Jedna sinergija između onog što danas stvara turizam, kao relativno novija gospodarska grana, i ribarstvo kao tradicionalna gospodarska grana u Hrvatskoj.

Ja bih htio istaknuti činjenicu da se na taj način mogu razriješiti mnogi problemi s kojima se i ribarstvo suočava, mnoge obitelji mogu se posvetiti tzv. turističkom ribarstvu i mogu stvoriti za sebe nove prihode i nove mogućnosti. Naravno da se u cijelosti ribarstvo ne može na taj način zaobići, ali se sigurno može učiniti nešto na dobrobit onih ljudi koji sve manje imaju mogućnosti izlova ribe. I na kraju pozivam na to da ne zaboravimo na riječno ribarstvo i na harmonizaciju propisa Europske unije.

 
  
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  João Ferreira (GUE/NGL). – Senhor Presidente, a crise profunda em que se encontra o setor das pescas em vários países e regiões, e em particular o segmento da pesca de pequena escala tem causas concretas bem identificáveis. Causas indissociáveis do fracasso da Política Comum das Pescas da União Europeia nas suas várias dimensões: falhou em assegurar um rendimento digno aos pescadores, falhou em contribuir para o desenvolvimento socioeconómico das regiões costeiras, falhou em assegurar o abastecimento de pescado às populações no quadro de uma boa conservação dos recursos.

É no quadro deste rotundo fracasso que surgem muitas das teorias da diversificação que, de resto, têm paralelo noutros setores como o da agricultura.

Sem pôr em causa aspetos positivos que possam resultar das atividades que, a par da pesca, sejam complementarmente (e não alternativamente) exercidas pelos pescadores, como é o caso do turismo, importa sublinhar que o objetivo e função primeiras do pescador é pescar. Para que o possam continuar a fazer por muitos anos, aquilo de que precisamos é, antes de mais, uma mudança de políticas.

 
  
 

(Koniec zgłoszeń z sali)

 
  
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  Valdis Dombrovskis, Vice-President of the Commission. – Mr President, I welcome Parliament’s own-initiative report on the role of fisheries-related tourism in the diversification of fisheries. As Ms Briano rightly pointed out in the report, supporting small-scale coastal fisheries, and promoting diversification within and outside commercial fisheries towards tourism activities, in particular at the local level, is important for the socio-economic fabric of coastal areas and helps to improve the quality of life of fishermen and their families.

Thanks to the European Maritime and Fisheries Fund, which is the structural support tool for the common fisheries policy for the period 2014-2020, Member States can implement several of the measures that are proposed in the report.

Concerning diversification within commercial fisheries, these measures range from training of fishermen, promoting networking and exchange of experiences and best practices to diversification and new forms of income for fishermen. We estimate that these measures amount to close to EUR 65 million of European Maritime and Fisheries Fund resources under shared management.

As regards the specific support to small-scale coastal fishing, let me underline the fact that the fund permits higher aid intensity rates of up to 80% for all operations related to small-scale coastal fishing. Some examples of the latter are: support for young fishermen in starting out, health and safety, diversification, partnerships between scientists and fishermen, training, life-long learning, marketing and processing and innovation.

For activities outside commercial fisheries, fishermen can apply for funding under community-led local development, in the framework of a local development strategy. Approximately 10%, or around EUR 519 million of our fund, is devoted to community-led local development.

Under the EMFF, 73% of all local development strategies funded include tourism as an important part of their strategy. Therefore, in the current period, the Commission estimates that approximately three quarters of all expected 350 fisheries local action groups will have included tourism as one of their main areas of action in their local development strategies.

Thus, tourism-related activities feature prominently. And this should be surprise. Tourism employs over 3.2 million people and generates a total of EUR 183 billion in gross value added. It represents over one third of the maritime economy.

An important part of that is marine recreational fisheries, which are becoming increasingly important for many coastal communities that rely on tourism. Our 2014 coastal and maritime tourism strategy, which you have also mentioned, considers recreational fishing as one of the options for diversifying the tourism offer and for helping address the issue of seasonality. We are supporting this diversification, for instance we have three ongoing projects funded under the EMFF that are linked to underwater cultural heritage, which is also in line with the 2018 European Year of Cultural Heritage.

Thematic itineraries along nautical routes have been very successful, and we are currently selecting new projects for funding. In March this year, we presented the nautical tourism staff working document, which analyses a number of actions to be undertaken in the field of nautical tourism. These range from support for the qualifications of professional yacht skippers and recreational boating, to waste prevention and the management of marine litter.

You have highlighted the importance of sustainability and preservation of resources. 2017 is the UN Year of Sustainable Tourism for Development. The Commission has been working towards promoting sustainable tourism for many years, through initiatives such as the European destinations of excellence, a Commission initiative which promotes sustainable tourism destination models, dealing with seasonality and rebalancing the tourism flows towards non-traditional destinations.

Sustainable tourism also has an important focus in some sea-basin strategies, such as the European strategy for the Adriatic and Ionian macro-region, where sustainable tourism is one of the central pillars.

Also in the context of marine protected areas we work with member states to support the creation and extension of existing marine protection areas, and to ensure that tourism activities in marine protection areas are managed in a sustainable manner, and are preferably distributed in a balanced way throughout the year, avoiding summer peaks.

In conclusion, we welcome this report and its emphasis on promoting smart, sustainable and inclusive tourism, also at the local level, by pulling together the resources, contact persons and actions of all the relevant services. We hope that by doing so, we will be able to preserve both our traditional fishing activities and our marine resources, while ensuring the well-being of people living in those fishery areas.

 
  
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  Przewodniczący. – Zamykam debatę.

Głosowanie odbędzie się we wtorek 4 lipca 2017 r.

Oświadczenia pisemne (art. 162)

 
  
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  Daciana Octavia Sârbu (S&D), în scris. – În ultimii ani, o mare parte din comunitățile pescărești tradiționale din întreaga Uniune Europeană se află sub o presiune tot mai mare din cauza mai multor factori negativi, precum pescuitul excesiv și diminuarea stocurilor de pește, schimbările climatice, poluarea, scăderea populației și, nu în ultimul rând, scăderea atractivității profesiei de pescar. Pescarii din Delta Dunării se află în această situație. Condițiile precare de viață duc la îngreunarea procesului de schimb de generații, tinerii preferând să migreze către orașe, unde traiul este mai ușor. Populația este îmbătrânită, forțată să trăiască în condiții de viață vitrege, iar veniturile din pescuit sunt foarte scăzute.

Din păcate, din ce în ce mai multe comunități tradiționale de pescuit din Europa nu mai pot depinde doar de activitatea de pescuit tradițională. Pentru ca acestea să își revină și să rămână viabile, este necesar ca Uniunea să promoveze implicarea acestora în activități conexe precum turismul. De aceea, solicit Comisiei să promoveze și să sprijine în mod activ investițiile orientate spre diversificarea activităților din sectorul pescuitului în ceea ce privește comercializarea și prelucrarea produselor pescărești locale, precum și să stimuleze dezvoltarea canalelor locale de distribuție a peștelui.

 

28. Enominutni govori o zadevah političnega pomena
Video posnetki govorov
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  Przewodniczący. – Kolejnym punktem porządku dnia są jednominutowe wystąpienia w znaczących kwestiach politycznych (art. 163 Regulaminu).

 
  
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  Csaba Sógor (PPE). – Elnök Úr, szeretném tájékoztatni a Parlamentet, hogy a legutóbbi romániai kormányválság során szinte a teljes román politikai elit és a vezető sajtóorgánumok soviniszta magyarellenes hangulatkeltésbe fogtak, ami rendkívül veszélyes a romániai demokrácia és az etnikumközi viszonyok stabilitására nézve. Ezzel a cél a politikai válság megoldásának elodázása lehetett, ám közben sikerült a román közvéleményt az 1,3 milliós őshonos magyar kisebbség ellen hangolni. Az ellenzéki pártelnökök szélsőséges kirohanásai mellett a különböző hírcsatornákon az újságírók dezinformációs kampányt folytattak, teljesen hamis képet festve az országban élő magyarokról, más esetekben alkotmányellenesnek állítva be olyan jogos és legitim kéréseket, amelyekre az ország kötelezettséget vállalt nemzetközi megállapodások ratifikálásával.

A párbeszéd elutasítása a többség-kisebbség viszony rendezésében soha nem vezet jóra, ezt tapasztalhatták Európa népei is. Reméljük, hogy Románia esetében a többség hajlandó lesz tárgyalóasztalhoz ülni, hiszen a kisebbségben bármikor partnerre talál, és így el lehet jutni egy többség-kisebbség megállapodáshoz, egy új kezdethez a román-magyar kapcsolatokban.

 
  
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  Miroslav Mikolášik (PPE). – Mr President, I am sure all of you heard about Charlie Gard, a 10-month-old boy in the UK suffering from a rare genetic disease. His doctors concluded that he is no longer entitled to be in this world. Both the domestic courts as well as the European Court of Human Rights approved to discontinue his life-supporting treatment, including nutrition and hydration, and ruled in favour of ending Charlie’s life in absolute contradiction to his parents’ will to seek experimental treatment in the USA.

How is it possible that even today, when we designate our era as one which respects the most fundamental values of life and human dignity, the United Kingdom does not act in the best interests of its citizens? Imposition of switching off the life-supporting treatment is nothing else than euthanasia. Together with all those of you who demonstrated your support, I strongly condemn this shameful conduct that undermines values of our civilised society’s right to life and human dignity.

 
  
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  Maria Grapini (S&D). – Domnule președinte, domnule comisar, stimați colegi, în această seară aș vrea să vorbesc despre drepturile omului, drepturile omului într-o țară membră a Uniunii Europene. Despre ce este vorba: de douăzeci de ani, în țara mea, în România, există o investiție majoră din partea unor cetățeni turci în instituții de învățământ. Este exemplară investiția și peste trei mii de copii învață în această instituție. Din păcate, în ultimii ani, Turcia, prin instituțiile sale, ale statului, dar chiar și prin Ambasada Turciei în România face presiuni asupra investitorilor, asupra profesorilor de origine turcă care lucrează în aceste instituții, asupra familiilor lor. S-a ajuns chiar la arestări, se fac înscenări, ridicări de pașapoarte, neprelungirea pașapoartelor. Practic, instituția de învățământ, care funcționează de douăzeci de ani, este perturbată, dar ceea ce este mai periculos este că acești cetățeni, care trăiesc și au făcut o investiție într-un stat european, nu sunt protejați. Întrebarea mea este: poate Comisia să facă ceva? Putem noi să facem ceva? Suntem într-un acord cu Turcia, nu putem să lăsăm cetățenii neprotejați.

 
  
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  Julie Ward (S&D). – Mr President, British citizens living in EU countries and EU citizens living in the UK have been suffering acute anxiety since last year’s referendum in the UK. EU citizenship rights are under serious threat, despite being enshrined in the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights and the European Convention on Human Rights. Theresa May’s offer to give residency to some EU nationals if they jump through hoops and pay for the privilege is neither fair nor generous. Indeed, it is an insult to people who have lived and worked in the UK for years. And what of the million or so who will not meet the five-year residency rule, many of whom are Eastern European and Roma, told to go home by emboldened racists? The Tory Government, under Theresa May’s shambolic leadership, is responsible for dividing our communities and whipping up xenophobia. A year on from the referendum and we are still no closer to a clear answer on the future of citizens living on both sides of the Channel. This is simply unacceptable.

 
  
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  Ruža Tomašić (ECR). – Gospodine predsjedniče, arbitražni postupak između Hrvatske i Slovenije, kontaminiran velikim skandalom, došao je kraju. Nakon što su slovenski član Arbitražnog suda Sekolec i slovenska zastupnica Drenik uhvaćeni kako razmjenjuju povjerljive informacije, Hrvatska – koja je u dobroj vjeri ušla u arbitražu – napustila ju je jednoglasnom odlukom Sabora.

Postupak koji je trebao riješiti spor unio je tako još više prijepora u odnose dviju država i dodatno zatrovao priču oko razgraničenja.

A što sad? Susjedi i partneri moraju sjesti i ponovno se dogovoriti oko novog rješenja.

Ovim putem apeliram na Komisiju i ostale države članice da uvaže činjenicu da je jedna članica opravdano napustila arbitražu i ne priznaje odluku suda koji je, izlaskom Hrvatske iz postupka, izgubio svaki legitimitet u ovom slučaju.

Pritisak na Hrvatsku da prizna ovakvu arbitražu značit će izravno svrstavanje uz jednu članicu protiv druge te suptilno odobravanje netransparentnosti i korupcije u međunarodnim institucijama. Bio bi to velik korak u krivom smjeru za Europsku uniju!

 
  
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  Ivan Jakovčić (ALDE). – Gospodine predsjedniče, odluka arbitražnog suda o graničnoj crti između Hrvatske i Slovenije za Hrvatsku je neobvezujuća jer Hrvatska je izašla iz ovog arbitražnog procesa, koji je naravno kao što znamo bio itekako kontaminiran sa slovenske strane. Međutim, ja polazim i od toga da odluka koju je taj arbitražni sud donio može biti dobra polazišna osnova za traženje konačnog rješenja između dva partnera, između dvije prijateljske zemlje.

Dakle, mislim da bilateralni razgovori koji se očekuju i pozivam premijere da zaista čim prije nađu konačno rješenje kako bi ljudi koji žive uz granicu, zajedno sa mnom jer i ja živim uz tu granicu, zaista bili spokojni i mirni jer su danas itekako zabrinuti zbog svega što se dešava i stvari, nadam se, neće izmaći kontroli. Zato pozdravljam odgovorne reakcije čelnika Slovenije i Hrvatske i pozdravljam njihovu namjeru da brzo nađu konačno rješenje. Ja mislim da je to jedini put i u tom kontekstu vjerujem da će imati podršku svih nas jer je mir i stabilnost u regiji prvenstveno ono što građane zanima.

 
  
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  João Pimenta Lopes (GUE/NGL). – Senhor Presidente, no final de abril apresentava-se uma proposta de proclamação interinstitucional sobre o pilar europeu dos direitos sociais. São 20 propostas concretas que se afiguram como um autêntico manual de exploração e nivelamento, por baixo, dos direitos laborais e sociais. Promovem o aprofundamento da exploração e da precariedade por via da flexibilidade, atacam o direito à proteção social e à segurança social pública e universal, alinham a idade da reforma com a esperança de vida, defendem a precariedade e a submissão dos direitos sociais e laborais aos desideratos dos patrões, do grande capital e dos interesses do diretório e das potências da União Europeia. Elimina-se qualquer referência a políticas públicas de serviços como a educação ou a saúde, assumem uma visão mercantilista dos direitos seja na proteção social, na saúde, educação, água, saneamento, energia, transportes, entre outros. Quem os quiser que os pague. O manual de exploração que urge rejeitar e com ele as políticas e constrangimentos da União Europeia que promovem a pobreza, as desigualdades e a asfixia de povos e países soberanos.

 
  
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  Josep-Maria Terricabras (Verts/ALE). – Señor presidente. No es la primera vez que en esta Cámara denuncio el escándalo del proyecto Castor, entre Cataluña y el País Valenciano, que pretendía inyectar gas natural en un antiguo yacimiento petrolífero y que causó más de 500 movimientos sísmicos. Cuando se paralizó aquel proyecto absolutamente nefasto, el Estado español se comprometió a pagar más de 1 300 millones de euros como compensación a la empresa.

Hace más de dos años —abril de 2015— el Parlamento Europeo lamentó la actuación del Banco Europeo de Inversiones y de la Comisión Europea, a la que requirió que tomase medidas para evitar que fuesen los ciudadanos españoles los que tuviesen que asumir aquella compensación.

La Comisión Europea no ha respondido aún a nuestras demandas. El Estado español está procediendo a una ayuda encubierta, con la excusa de la compensación. Se trata de un escándalo inaceptable y la Comisión es corresponsable de ello al no hacer nada. Así lo denuncio de nuevo, de nuevo, de nuevo.

 
  
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  Gilles Lebreton (ENF). – Monsieur le Président, un hommage a été rendu samedi 1er juillet, au Parlement européen de Strasbourg, à l’ex-chancelier allemand Helmut Kohl. À mes yeux, cet hommage pose problème pour deux raisons.

D’abord, parce qu’Helmut Kohl était avant tout au service de l’Allemagne. Il a réunifié son pays et a créé l’euro sur le modèle du mark. Si l’Union européenne est aujourd’hui à ce point dominée par l’Allemagne, c’est à lui qu’elle le doit. Vous comprendrez qu’en tant que Français, je ne m’en félicite pas.

D’autre part, l’hommage posait aussi problème parce qu’il a été rendu non pas par les députés européens, mais par des personnalités, pour la plupart même pas élues, qui sont venues occuper les bancs des députés.

L’Union avait déjà inventé la démocratie sans peuple, elle vient, le 1er juillet, d’inventer le Parlement sans parlementaires.

 
  
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  Σωτήριος Ζαριανόπουλος ( NI). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, στην Ελλάδα, με νόμο-κοροϊδία της κυβέρνησης ΣΥΡΙΖΑ-ΑΝΕΛ, χιλιάδες συμβασιούχοι στους δήμους θα απολυθούν και ελάχιστοι θα μονιμοποιηθούν. Βλέπετε, μεθοδεύεται, για τα κέρδη των επιχειρηματιών που θα αναλάβουν, η ιδιωτικοποίηση της καθαριότητας και της ανακύκλωσης, με νέα βαριά χαράτσια για τους δημότες. Η ολιγόμηνη εργασία με ψίχουλα και η πολύμηνη ανεργία σαν κίνητρο ανάπτυξης είναι η βέλτιστη πρακτική της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, αστικών κυβερνήσεων και τοπικών αρχών, φιλελεύθερων σοσιαλδημοκρατών και κάθε είδους οπορτουνιστών που απαιτούσαν εφαρμογή ευρωπαϊκής οδηγίας για να μην ανανεώνονται οι συμβάσεις, να ανακυκλώνονται τακτικά οι άνεργοι και να μην αποκτούν δικαιώματα.

Η πολυήμερη απεργία των συμβασιούχων στην Ελλάδα, που αντιμετωπίστηκε με απειλές, καταστολή και καθοδηγούμενο κοινωνικό αυτοματισμό απ’ όλα τα κόμματα που σιωπούν σήμερα για την εργαζόμενη που πέθανε και για άλλον που χαροπαλεύει λόγω εντατικοποίησης της εργασίας με καύσωνα, ανέδειξε ότι η σταθερή μόνιμη εργασία για όλους -άμεσο αίτημα λαϊκής επιβίωσης και συσπείρωσης της εργατικής τάξης- είναι καρφί στην ψυχή του συστήματος. Να γιατί ο αγώνας πρέπει να συνδέεται με την ίδια την ανατροπή του.

 
  
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  Stanislav Polčák (PPE). – Pane předsedající, já bych chtěl naše zraky obrátit k tématu, které si opravdu zasluhuje naši velkou pozornost, a to je otázka sucha. Mnohé členské státy a i jednotlivé regiony se dnes potýkají se suchem, které dosahuje katastrofálních rozměrů, a to, že Evropa vysychá, je nesporný fakt.

Myslím si, že je důležité i v rámci České republiky, která je rovněž dotčena, zejména moravské regiony, hledat nové impulsy v hospodaření s vodou. My potřebujeme udržitelné hospodaření s vodou a potřebujeme se inspirovat v zahraničí, kde dochází už dnes k velmi hospodárnému využívání tohoto základního zdroje. Je nezbytné, abychom se chovali šetrně, jak každý sám osobně, tak samozřejmě i při tom nakládání, které je řekněme průmyslové, s vodou, ale zároveň bych chtěl, aby i naše politika soudržnosti obsahovala určitý impuls pro takto znevýhodněné regiony. Myslím si, že naši pomoc potřebují a tyto impulsy jsou nezbytně nutné.

 
  
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  Момчил Неков (S&D). – Г-н Председател, скъпи колеги, скъпи съграждани, на 2-ри март тази година гласувахме с голямо мнозинство резолюция, задължаваща Комисията да спазва европейското законодателство по въпроса, свързан с визовата реципрочност. Четири месеца по-късно отново сме там, където бяхме преди четиринадесет – стратегическо бездействие от страна на Европейската комисия.

Президентът на САЩ за няколко месеца показа, че не зачита международните ангажименти. Европейската комисия явно е решила да толерира точно този модел. Намирам за крайно разочароващо решението на комисията по правни въпроси, подкрепено от политическите групи на ENP, ALDE и консерваторите, които са гласували срещу волята на мнозинството членове на Европейския парламент и срещу интереса на гражданите на България, Румъния, Полша, Кипър и Хърватия.

Г-н Таяни, в предизборната си реч заявихте, че на Европейския парламент му трябва председател, който да работи за всеки. Покажете, че можете да работите за тези 70 милиона европейци и предприемете необходимите стъпки да се спре дискриминацията срещу тях.

 
  
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  Νότης Μαριάς ( ECR). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, δεν πρόλαβε καν να στεγνώσει το μελάνι της σκληρής δεύτερης αξιολόγησης και η τρόικα άρχισε να απαιτεί τη λήψη νέων μέτρων, ενόψει της επερχόμενης τρίτης αξιολόγησης. Έτσι, μετά την επιβολή του τρίτου και τέταρτου μνημονίου, μετά το πετσόκομμα των συντάξεων, μετά την επιβολή διαρκούς σκληρής λιτότητας μέχρι το 2060, μετά τη δρομολόγηση του ξεπουλήματος της δημόσιας περιουσίας και των πλουτοπαραγωγικών πηγών της χώρας για 99 χρόνια, μέσω του κατοχικού ταμείου, η τρόικα και ο κύριος Moscovici προανήγγειλαν από Σεπτέμβριο και νέα μέτρα κατά των συνταξιούχων. Κι όλα αυτά, ενώ η τρόικα και οι δανειστές δεν καταβάλουν τουλάχιστον το 30% των δανειακών κεφαλαίων του τρίτου δανειακού πακέτου των 86 δις.

Σύμφωνα με έγγραφο της Επιτροπής, μετά τη λήξη του τρίτου μνημονίου θα περισσέψουν 24,7 δισεκατομμύρια ευρώ. Γιατί λοιπόν η ελληνική κυβέρνηση δεν ζητά τη μείωση των μνημονιακών μέτρων κατά 30%, αφού οι δανειστές θα δώσουν μόνο το 70% του δανείου; Όμως, ο ελληνικός λαός δεν πρόκειται να ανεχθεί την τρόικα και τους βαστάζους της και σύντομα με τον αγώνα του θα τους δώσει το μήνυμα ότι υπάρχει άλλος δρόμος.

 
  
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  Marek Jurek (ECR). – Panie i Panowie Posłowie! Decyzja Komisji Europejskiej o wszczęciu kroków prawnych przeciwko Polsce i Węgrom to albo świadome dzielenie państw Europy, albo kompletna nieumiejętność wycofania się z błędnej imigracjonistycznej polityki. Jedno i drugie świadczy jak najgorzej o obecnym kierunku i metodach działania Komisji Europejskiej. Sprawa ma jeszcze jeden aspekt. Polska i Węgry są tak naprawdę atakowane, dlatego że otwarcie i uczciwie odrzucają politykę, którą ogromna większość państw Europy odrzuca w praktyce. To pokazuje, że tak naprawdę Komisji Europejskiej chodzi jedynie o utrwalanie ideologicznego kłamstwa o aprobacie opinii publicznej narodów Europy dla jaj imigracjonistycznej polityki. Oczywiście na kłamstwie nic trwałego się nie zbuduje. Im liczniej i im szybciej ludzie w Europie uświadomią sobie tę prostą prawdę, tym więcej zachowamy szans na owocną i autentyczną współpracę naszych narodów.

 
  
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  Jozo Radoš (ALDE). – Gospodine predsjedniče, gospodine povjereniče, Komisija je razvila plan povezanosti zemalja zapadnog Balkana, a važna komponenta te povezanosti je energetska povezanost s ciljem integracije tržišta kako bi se smanjili zahtjevi za opskrbu električnom energijom i dobila jeftinija električna energija. Važan dio te energetske povezanosti je i suradnja u okviru energetske zajednice u kojoj zemlje zapadnog Balkana definiraju zajedničke projekte i dogovaraju usvajanje i primjenu zajedničkih standarda u proizvodnji i opskrbi električnom energijom.

Zemlje zapadnog Balkana planiraju izgradnju osam elektrana na ugljen koje ne odgovaraju visokim standardima Europske unije ponajprije u pogledu očuvanja okoliša odnosno kvalitete zraka. Stoga pozivam Komisiju da u okviru plana povezanosti i energetske zajednice pomogne tim zemljama da usvoje najviše standarde zaštite okoliša u izgradnji termocentrala.

 
  
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  Paloma López Bermejo (GUE/NGL). – Señor presidente, hace unos días el Banco de España daba por perdidos 60 600 millones en el rescate bancario. Poco después se perdían otros 1 000 en la fusión de Mare Nostrum y Bankia. Con este dinero no habría hecho falta recurrir al fondo de reserva para pagar las pensiones, o cerrar hospitales y escuelas, o la reducción de la protección social. Y podría continuar.

Y eso, sin contar los intereses o las ayudas indirectas, como los créditos fiscales que recibirá el Banco Santander por la compra del Popular, mientras miles de pequeños ahorradores pierden todo su capital en una entidad declarada solvente, un enigma y una vergüenza que el Gobierno del Estado español y el BCE nos tendrán que explicar.

El rescate bancario es un pozo sin fondo que nos deja un sistema financiero concentrado, frágil y alejado de la economía real. La senda del crecimiento exige rescatar a los trabajadores, a los pensionistas, a las familias, víctimas de un sistema financiero depredador e insostenible.

 
  
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  Jordi Solé (Verts/ALE). – Señor presidente, seguimos avanzando hacia el referéndum de autodeterminación que tendrá lugar en Cataluña el 1 de octubre, un referéndum que apoyamos entre el 70 % y el 80 % de los catalanes. Y, mientras avanzamos, el Gobierno español, incapaz de gestionar políticamente una demanda tan amplia y tan legítima, sigue encerrado en su mundo de descalificaciones y de amenazas.

Estos días nos ha tocado a los alcaldes. Se nos amenaza con actuar contra nuestra supuesta —si la tenemos— osadía de colaborar para que nuestros conciudadanos puedan votar con plena normalidad democrática. Pues bien, la gran mayoría de alcaldes de Cataluña estaremos a la altura, estaremos siempre al lado de la democracia, de las urnas y de la gente.

Cuando un Estado amenaza a los representantes políticos que quieren poner urnas, este Estado tiene un problema grave. Y cuando el Estado que amenaza a los que queremos poner urnas es un Estado miembro de la Unión Europea, entonces es toda la Unión quien tiene un problema.

 
  
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  Michaela Šojdrová (PPE). – Pane předsedající, je to dnes přesně 25 let, kdy de facto začal rozpad Československa nezvolením Václava Havla prezidentem, a to částí poslanců zvolených na Slovensku, kteří požadovali rozdělení federace a samostatné Slovensko.

Václav Havel pochopil vůli slovenského národa a odstoupil. Po vzniku samostatné České republiky byl v lednu 1993 zvolen prvním českým prezidentem. Jeho čin přispěl k tomu, že Československo se rozdělilo poklidnou cestou formou dohody, kterou některé země považují za příkladnou.

Hovořím o tom proto, že tuto středu, 5. července, budeme zde ve Štrasburku otevírat novou budovu, která ponese jméno Václava Havla. Bude to sídlo Evropského ombudsmana a Václavu Havlovi bude určitě slušet, protože byl, a symbolicky tak zůstane ochráncem práv občanů. Štrasburk je symbolické město pro Francouze i Němce. Toto propojení obou břehů symbolizuje cenu míru. My, Češi, můžeme být v této chvíli hrdi na to, že v tomto městě ponese sídlo evropského ombudsmana jméno Václava Havla.

 
  
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  Tonino Picula (S&D). – Gospodine predsjedniče, večeras ukazujem na neopravdan zahtjev za dvomjesečnom odgodom primjene delegiranog akta koji hrvatskim proizvođačima vina teran omogućuje plasman na europsko tržište.

Vino teran proizvodi se u Sloveniji od sorte refošk, a u Hrvatskoj od sorte teran. Slovenija je zbog ranijeg ulaska u Uniju mogla ranije zaštititi geografsko porijeklo svog vina, a hrvatski su proizvođači pretrpjeli značajne štete zbog nemogućnosti plasmana svog proizvoda na europsko tržište.

19. svibnja Europska komisija delegiranim aktom regulirala je ovo pitanje tako da se uz ime teran tiska i dodatak hrvatska Istra. No, nekoliko dana prije stupanja akta na snagu uložen je zahtjev za odgodu njegove primjene. O tome će glasovati Odbor za poljoprivredu sljedeći tjedan.

Apeliram da se odbije neutemeljen zahtjev za odgodom primjene delegiranog akta o teranu. Hrvatski vinari čekaju 4 godine predugo.

Imena proizvoda u mnogim slučajevima prelaze nacionalne granice, što je najbolji dokaz zajedničke prošlosti proizvoda i potrebe za suradnjom. Očekujem da će se svim proizvođačima terana omogućiti plasman proizvoda čija su kvaliteta i geografsko porijeklo, ali i pravni argumenti za zaštitu apsolutno neupitni.

 
  
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  Jasenko Selimovic (ALDE). – Mr President, when the Berlin Wall fell I was sitting in my father’s little Fiat 750 in Sarajevo, hoping to be in Berlin and see what freedom looked like. I was already this long, so I had to take the first seat out of the car in order to fit in that little car. But it didn’t help. The car was produced in a socialist fabric in the former Yugoslavia, so we didn’t make it. Freedom was not yet for us. For us, freedom will come later, after years of blood, tears and tragic war.

The other Europeans experienced, in the same time, the spread of liberal and democratic values. I am deeply convinced that one of the reasons for that is the wise statesmen who could deal with such tremendous challenges. One of them was Helmut Kohl. He believed in building a new Europe – united, enlarged and free. This is exactly how we should bid farewell to him – by finishing that project. Believing in the power of this legacy, believing that Europe one day will be enlarged, united and peaceful and that even my two friends who were on that unsuccessful trip with me will one day join us.

 
  
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  Maria Lidia Senra Rodríguez (GUE/NGL). – Na Galiza, no mês passado, a polícia efetuou duríssimas cargas policiais contra pessoas que se manifestavam contra o despejo do Centro Social Escárnio e Maldizer, que provocaram dezenas de pessoas feridas identificadas, tendo sido algumas detidas ainda no dia a seguir.

Agora, a Direcção-Geral da Polícia anunciou que tramitará umas 400 propostas de sanção contra 116 pessoas.

O Colégio Profissional de Jornalistas da Galiza denunciou e condenou os impedimentos policiais à cobertura desta manifestação.

O Delegado do Governo na Galiza afirmou, numa entrevista de rádio, que o Governo espanhol controla e persegue pessoas que assistem regularmente a manifestações.

Tudo isto constitui violações gravíssimas do direito à liberdade de expressão e de manifestação. Este Parlamento condenou muitas vezes situações como estas quando acontecem em países terceiros. Temos de dar o exemplo e agir contundentemente quando isto acontece num Estado-Membro.

 
  
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  Jiří Pospíšil (PPE). – Pane předsedající, já jsem chtěl upozornit na jednu věc, která souvisí s aktuální politikou Evropské komise.

Jak všichni víme, 13. 6. Evropská komise zahájila řízení vůči třem státům, České republice, Polsku a Maďarsku, z toho důvodu, že tyto země odmítají realizovat povinné kvóty a přijímat uprchlíky. Já bych byl velmi rád, kdyby Evropská komise ve chvíli, kdy zvolila takto tvrdé řešení, také vnímala, co toto rozhodnutí Komise vyvolává mezi obyvateli střední Evropy. Jaké to má dopady, jak to posiluje antievropskou náladu a antievropské smýšlení.

V České republice na podzim v říjnu proběhnou volby do Parlamentu, a já jsem – bohužel, to zdůrazňuji – přesvědčen, že tato radikální cesta Evropské komise povede k tomu, že populistické a antievropské síly v české politice a v českém parlamentu posílí. A to je věc, z které nemám radost a kterou si nepřeji. Takže Komise by možná měla postupovat více politicky a přemýšlet, zda zvolená řešení opravdu povedou ke kýženému cíli, a to je posilování Evropské unie. Takto posilujeme pouze Rusko a nepřátele Evropy.

 
  
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  Nicola Caputo (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, in Italia migliaia di persone si ritroveranno nelle prossime ore davanti al parlamento italiano per manifestare contro la ratifica del CETA, approvato da quest'Aula a febbraio con 408 voti a favore, 33 astensioni e 250 voti contrari, tra cui il mio.

Si tratta innanzitutto di agricoltori, preoccupati perché tale accordo rappresenta il primo lasciapassare per le imitazioni di prodotti gastronomici italiani più conosciuti e meno tutelati. Sono consumatori e ambientalisti, allarmati dall'abbassamento degli standard di sicurezza alimentare e dalla diffusione delle produzioni OGM. Sono lavoratori e piccoli imprenditori, impauriti da un'ulteriore concorrenza al ribasso, da dover pagare a caro prezzo attraverso un ulteriore dumping sociale. Ma le proteste non sono solo italiane: in molti Stati membri si registrano manifestazioni di questo genere.

È centrale l'impegno della Commissione a seguire con la massima attenzione l'evoluzione della situazione, bloccando tutti i tentativi di violazione delle regole che possano contribuire a danneggiare i nostri prodotti, l'occupazione, l'ambiente e la salute.

 
  
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  Claudiu Ciprian Tănăsescu (S&D). – Domnule președinte, dragi colegi, pentru pacienții suferind de neoplasm, includerea într-un studiu clinic a unei metode noi de tratament sau a unei tehnologii experimentale poate însemna șansa unei îmbunătățiri a calității vieții, a unei regresii a stadiului bolii sau chiar diferența dintre viață și moarte. Din păcate, există și cazuri în care aceste șanse nu sunt distribuite în mod echitabil între cetățenii Uniunii Europene, deși una dintre preocupările fundamentale ale Parlamentului European este conferirea de drepturi egale tuturor cetățenilor europeni, indiferent din care stat membru fac parte.

În cazul trialului clinic APOLLO, pentru pacienți suferind de mielom multiplu, studiu susținut de compania Janssen, niciun pacient român nu a fost încă inclus în acest trial. Deși România a fost călduros recomandată de coordonatorul studiului, profesorul Dimopoulus de la Universitatea de Medicină din Atena și, cu toate că România îndeplinește toate condițiile pentru a fi inclusă în acest trial, din zona Balcanilor, doar Grecia, Turcia și Serbia au fost acceptate pentru acest studiu. Întrebați, reprezentanții companiei Janssen au motivat refuzul pe baza unor probleme administrative, de neacceptat atunci când la mijloc se află viețile unor oameni. Fac un apel pe această cale la o reconsiderare a acestei decizii și la reevaluarea României în scopul includerii în etapele viitoare ale studiului APOLLO.

 
  
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  Przewodniczący. – Zamykam dyskusję nad tym punktem porządku dnia.

 

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(Posiedzenie zostało zamknięte o godz. 23.00)

 
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