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It-Tlieta, 12 ta' Settembru 2017 - Strasburgu Edizzjoni riveduta

13. Sitwazzjoni fil-Korea ta' Fuq (dibattitu)
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  La Présidente. – L’ordre du jour appelle le débat sur la déclaration de la vice—présidente de la Commission et haute représentante de l’Union pour les affaires étrangères et la politique de sécurité sur la situation en Corée du Nord (2017/2826(RSP)).

 
  
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  Federica Mogherini, VPC/HR. – Madame la Présidente, permettez-moi de remercier la Présidence estonienne pour avoir pris le débat précédent à ma place.

I would like to thank the Hemicycle for the opportunity to debate an issue that has not often been on the agenda of our work here in the European Parliament but has been very much at the centre of our European Union work in diplomatic terms in the last years. I would also like to start by thanking the UN Security Council and all its Members for the new resolution on North Korea that was adopted just hours ago. I believe that in tough moments like this – the level of threat posed by North Korea to the region and the world is quite clear and unprecedented – only a united international community can help build effective solutions. This is needed because we are still far from the goal of a complete, verifiable and irreversible denuclearisation of the Korean Peninsula.

Yet the international community did the right thing a few hours ago – strengthening the pressure on North Korea while calling at the same time for a peaceful solution to the crisis through a meaningful, credible, political dialogue; strengthening economic pressure – sanctions – and keeping the door of dialogue open, encouraging a meaningful, political diplomatic solution – a peaceful solution to this crisis. This is the way that the European Union has advocated in a very consistent manner over the months that are behind us, with all our means, through the European Members of the UN Security Council, in what has been a perfectly coordinated approach. We always highlight where Member States differ or where the European Union is not united. Let me tell you that this has been an excellent exercise of unity of our Member States and an excellent exercise of coordination of the European Union Member States that are Members of the Security Council, but also through our contacts with all our global partners and all our regional interlocutors. I spent part of August in Asia discussing with the Foreign Ministers of the United States, China, the Russian Federation, the Republic of Korea, Japan, exactly how to do this, trying to prevent a further escalation of the tensions, trying to open a political track, increasing the economic pressure but also keeping the political door open.

First and foremost, our points of reference are the regional players. Our partners, our strategic partners in the region – the Republic of Korea and Japan, but also as I mentioned, China, the United States, the Russian Federation – and sometimes we are among the few to mention them, but they are key players in what is for us the fundamental global non-proliferation regime: the relevant international organisations, the ones that constitute the backbone of the non-proliferation regime globally. I met just last week with the director general-of the International Atomic Energy Agency, Mr Amano, and the Executive Secretary of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty Organization, Dr Zerbo. We will meet again next week in New York.

The European Union is also strongly united and active in this field: support to the organisations on a daily basis for the technical work, allowing the international community to work on non-proliferation. To all of them I have expressed the European Union’s willingness and readiness to seek international unity and stronger economic and diplomatic pressure on North Korea, also to avoid the risk of a military escalation. Through all these contacts, and the work also of our European Union delegations on the ground that I would like to thank for the tireless work they have been doing over the summer, we could count on the unity of all our Member States on our request for maximum pressure and critical political engagement.

Last Thursday, just a few days ago in Tallinn, I met joined the meeting of the 28 EU Member States’ Foreign Ministers and we agreed to support together calls for the United Nations Security Council to take further measures in terms of economic restrictions on North Korea, including on the import and export of crude oil. I also invited ministers to consider new additional autonomous European Union sanctions.

So, three elements to this work of pressure. We will now implement the new UN sanctions, as we have always done before. Second, we will work to make sure that all our international partners do the same, to ensure the maximum level of efficiency for the economic measures. And third, we will continue the discussion we launched last week on additional European sanctions to complement the action decided by the Security Council and put maximum pressure on North Korea.

Of course, sanctions are not a goal in themselves, but an instrument to open the way for a political process to start: a way that today, unfortunately, is not working. Our objective is not the pressure alone: our objective is to open the political path for a solution to the crisis. For us – for the Europeans – economic and diplomatic pressure are always aimed at opening channels for credible, meaningful and fruitful dialogue.

Our goal of a denuclearised Korean Peninsula can only be achieved through diplomatic and political means. There is no military way out of this crisis. We have said it loud in the European Union from the very beginning, and I was glad to see that the UN Security Council reaffirmed this in its discussions and deliberations a few hours ago. A military attack would be useless and harmful, as it could easily spiral into a large-scale conflict. The consequences would be totally unpredictable and certainly dramatic for the people of the Korean Peninsula, for the region, and most likely for the entire world.

We will continue to work to open a credible political path towards the denuclearisation of the Korean Peninsula. It will be one of the core issues also on my agenda in New York next week at the UN General Assembly’s ministerial week, and to all my interlocutors I will express the EU’s unity, determination and readiness first of all to assist our partners, to ensure North Korea engages in a credible and meaningful process, in a credible and meaningful dialogue aimed at the peaceful, verifiable denuclearisation of the Peninsula.

On top of that, we will also continue our work for non-proliferation worldwide. We believe this has to be part of the credible united response the international community can put in place in these difficult months: the support we give to the IAEA, the support we give to the CTBTO, and clearly, the support we give and continue to give to the full implementation of the Iran nuclear deal that has shown to the world that, with patience, perseverance, diplomacy and political will, nuclear non-proliferation is indeed achievable.

 
  
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  David McAllister, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Madam President, as we have just heard, the recent developments in North Korea are very alarming. The latest nuclear threat – I guess we all agree – was another major provocation, and this is a huge threat not only to regional security, but to our international security. Moreover, it is also a direct and unacceptable violation of the country’s international obligations. We should therefore welcome that the United Nations Security Council on Monday unanimously adopted a US-drafted resolution to impose new sanctions on the regime in Pyongyang. It is a strong message that the international community is not willing to accept a nuclear-armed North Korea.

In my capacity as chair of the Foreign Affairs Committee, I participated in last week’s EU foreign affairs meeting in Tallinn, chaired by Federica Mogherini. What I observed is that there was a broad consensus among the 28 foreign ministers and our High Representative that we have to strengthen our diplomatic efforts to persuade Pyongyang to abandon its weapons of mass destruction and ballistic missile programmes in a complete, verifiable and also irreversible manner. In this respect, I believe the European Union could develop a more proactive policy, undertaken hand-in-hand with our strategic partners: South Korea, Japan and the United States – and, as the High Representative just pointed out, of course the roles of Russia and China are key.

The 2015 Iran nuclear deal might be a blueprint for a process in which the EU and some Member States could play an active part. Therefore, I also welcome that Chancellor Angela Merkel has stepped forward to suggest a European – and especially German – participation in any future negotiations with North Korea. There is so much at stake; we have to show our responsibility.

 
  
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  Victor Boştinaru, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Madam President, I wish to say to the Vice—President/High Representative Ms Mogherini that we are witnessing persistent provocations by North Korea and also an increase in the tone and the statements of the various world actors. What the DPRK is doing is playing with fire or, I should say, with nuclear fire, and we need to do everything we can to stop an escalation that could bring devastating consequences not only to the Korean Peninsula, but also to the wider region and to the entire world.

The latest tests launched by North Korea, against provocations, against South Korea, against Japan, against the United States, are a clear and blatant violation of all UN Security Council resolutions. It is time for all forces both within and outside the UN Security Council to come together. The S&D Group welcomes your efforts, Ms Mogherini, to have a concentrated approach but regrets the reluctance of the UN Security Council to adopt yesterday heavier sanctions, including a ban on oil imports.

The EU must make use of its diplomacy, as you rightly mention, to add additional economic pressure and autonomous sanctions against the regime in North Korea. At the same time, it is necessary to have a firm and convincing stance by regional actors like China and Russia, which are aware of the consequences they would face in the event of nuclear escalation, which obviously knows no borders. We have the positive example of the cooperation on the Iranian nuclear deal, which was reached in different circumstances but which shows that by acting seriously and all together, denuclearisation of the Korean peninsula can become a reality.

Finally, let me add that today the priority is to solve the crisis but immediately after that it will be to analyse how they managed in two years to advance technologically in that way.

 
  
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  Nirj Deva, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Madam President, we sit today in a post—conflict Parliament. Decades ago we sat down, talked and found a way to peace and reconciliation in Europe. This is what the EU is about.

In Asia, astonishingly, the Korean War is not over. For the last 64 years we have failed to get out of a state of war and sign a peace regime. Because security and prosperity in the EU is closely linked to peace in Asia, together we urgently need to bring the Korean Peninsula from an armistice into a post—conflict phase through a peace regime. Nuclear weapons are now a part of the Korean regime’s self-identity. It considers them as essential to its survival, not only as deterrent weapons – it has learned a lesson from Gaddafi and Hussein – but also as legitimacy weapons. This must be made a transitional position, and denuclearisation must remain our medium-term objective.

Violations of the UN Security Council resolutions inevitably lead to sanctions: that is a given. Yet sanctions alone will not lead to denuclearisation nor to peace. Sanctions must come with optimistic diplomacy. Optimistic diplomacy believes that we all want – including the North Koreans – to live in peaceful coexistence. I am now happy that President Moon, Chancellor Merkel and many European leaders recognise the importance of diplomacy, a course of action I have been urging for the past three years, having had 42 meetings with North Koreans, South Koreans, Chinese, Americans and Japanese. I congratulate Mrs Mogherini on what she has been doing recently in Asia.

My intention now is to go to North Korea in my private capacity to listen in the pursuit of a peace regime to help the EU. Colleagues, I need your support and your blessings. It is our public duty as public servants to ensure global peace. United we must act.

 
  
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  Hilde Vautmans, namens de ALDE-Fractie. – We weten allemaal reeds jaar en dag dat Noord-Korea onze internationale gemeenschap provoceert. We weten dat ze atoomwapens voor alles zetten en dat ze nu nog enorme sprongen voorwaarts hebben gemaakt met hun recente testen van een atoombom, die zelfs aan de overkant kan geraken, die zelfs de Amerikanen kan raken. Hierdoor loopt het conflict tussen Noord-Korea en de Verenigde Staten van Amerika alleen maar hoger op. Natuurlijk, als je dan de karakters van die twee leiders ziet, met de ene dit op Twitter en de andere dat op sociale media, ja, dan krijg je een spierballengerol dat ons helemaal niet geruststelt. Elke week krijg ik vragen van gewone burgers, mevrouw Mogherini, die echt ongerust zijn, die vragen of er opnieuw een atoomoorlog komt en of we een Derde Wereldoorlog krijgen, die vragen wat wij daar in Europa gaan doen om het conflict tussen die twee heren die we vaak horen, maar ook andere landen spelen natuurlijk een rol, op te lossen. En het is zoals u zegt: we zijn blij met de resolutie van de VN-Veiligheidsraad. Nu hangt natuurlijk alles ervan af in hoeverre het zal geïmplementeerd worden, hoe snel het zal geïmplementeerd worden. Daar staat of valt natuurlijk heel dit akkoord mee. Maar we hebben u bezig gezien en ik heb u dat al gezegd met Iran: politieke wil, geduld, vastberadenheid. Met Iran is het gelukt. Ik hoop dat Europa nu ook de moed heeft, de vastberadenheid, het geduld om ook dit conflict zo nauw aan te pakken. Mevrouw Mogherini, als we terugkijken in de tijd, dan herinnert iedereen zich nog het beeld van het naakte meisje vluchtend voor een atoombom. Ik heb de tentoonstellingen daar bezocht. We hebben gezien wat dat kan teweegbrengen. Laten we nu alles op alles zetten om toch te vermijden dat er opnieuw ergens zo'n wapen zou afgaan.

 
  
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  Javier Couso Permuy, en nombre del Grupo GUE/NGL. – Señora presidenta, nuestra condena más absoluta ante la escalada nuclear en la península de Corea. Siempre ha sido así; independientemente del actor, condenamos y deploramos cualquier prueba que contribuya a aumentar el armamento nuclear en el mundo.

En nuestro ADN está la lucha por la paz y el desarme. De hecho, trabajamos permanentemente no solo por el desarme convencional, sino por la no proliferación y el desarme nuclear global, ya que estos ingenios amenazan el existir de la humanidad en su conjunto.

Lo que tenemos claro es que no puede haber una solución militar para esta grave crisis. La sombra de un conflicto nuclear en Asia no es una opción. Tampoco creemos en las sanciones como instrumento en política internacional: no solucionan nada y afectan a los menos culpables.

La Unión Europea debe contribuir a bajar la tensión, deplorar las salidas de tono y amenazas de las dos partes. Hay demasiada bravuconería sobre una bomba a la que solo le falta la mecha. Esa rebaja de la tensión debe preparar las condiciones para un diálogo sincero y sosegado en el marco del sistema de las Naciones Unidas. Cualquier otra respuesta es una gran irresponsabilidad.

(El orador acepta responder a una pregunta formulada con arreglo al procedimiento de la «tarjeta azul» (artículo 162, apartado 8, del Reglamento interno))

 
  
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  Marek Jurek (ECR), pytanie zadane przez podniesienie niebieskiej kartki. – Panie Pośle! Pan mówił o rzeczach, których pan nie chce. No nikt nie chce wojny w Korei. Mówił Pan, że nie chce sankcji, ale właściwie, jakimi środkami chciałby Pan nakłonić komunistyczny reżim Korei do pozbycia się broni nuklearnej, o której Pan mówi. No przecież jakąś presję trzeba wywierać. Jakimi instrumentami Pan dysponuje? Czy to mają być argumenty, rozmowy? Bo to nie wydają się środki właściwie dla presji na ten reżim.

 
  
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  Javier Couso Permuy (GUE/NGL), respuesta de «tarjeta azul». – Muchas gracias por la pregunta. Nosotros hemos comprobado —y la historia está ahí— que las sanciones no han servido en ningún caso en ningún conflicto para solucionar. Solo le pongo un ejemplo: las sanciones contra Irak, que provocaron la muerte de medio millón de niños.

Lo que sí hay que hacer es no romper la Carta de las Naciones Unidas, como por ejemplo hizo Estados Unidos en Irak. Por eso hablábamos de ese sosiego, de esa falta de amenaza también contra la República de Corea. Solo así podemos ir a un cambio en la actitud de este país, porque quien tiene mucho que ver es quien ha contribuido a romper la soberanía y la no injerencia de la Carta de las Naciones Unidas.

 
  
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  Barbara Lochbihler, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin, Hohe Vertreterin Mogherini, sehr geehrte Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Der jüngste einstimmige Beschluss im UN-Sicherheitsrat über weitere Sanktionen gegen Nordkorea ist eine gute Nachricht, denn er zeigt Nordkorea, dass die drei relevanten Akteure – USA, Russland und China – sich einigen können. Zudem signalisiert der Beschluss den USA, dass sie sich mit Russland und vor allem mit China verständigen müssen. Allerdings lösen die Sanktionen allein den brandgefährlichen Konflikt nicht. Um eine militärische Eskalation zu vermeiden, ist es zwingend notwendig, dass die Regierungen Nordkoreas und der USA wieder miteinander ins Gespräch kommen, und dass unter Führung der Vereinten Nationen nach einer tragfähigen politischen Lösung gesucht wird.

Des Weiteren sollte man versuchen, die Sechs-Parteien-Gespräche zwischen Nordkorea, Südkorea, China, Russland sowie Japan und den USA wieder zu beleben. Denn langfristig kann es nur Stabilität auf der koreanischen Halbinsel geben, wenn beide Staaten Verhandlungen aufnehmen, um friedlich in Nachbarschaft miteinander zu leben.

Die EU sollte alle ihr zur Verfügung stehenden Kanäle nutzen, um diese diplomatischen Bemühungen auf den Weg zu bringen. Es ist gut, dass Sie, Frau Mogherini, eine Verantwortung der EU sehen, den gefährlichen Konflikt zu entschärfen, und sich dann aber auch letztendlich für eine dauerhafte politische Lösung einsetzen.

 
  
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  Fabio Massimo Castaldo, a nome del gruppo EFDD. –Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, gentile Alto rappresentante, l'ultimo test nucleare condotto dalla Corea del Nord ha dimostrato l'inefficacia delle misure fino ad ora adottate contro il regime di Kim Jong-un. Il leader nordcoreano continua imperterrito a sviluppare il suo programma missilistico e nucleare, perseguendo una logica politica e militare da inquadrare in una più ampia e complessa strategia di regime, la cui principale preoccupazione è da sempre la sua stessa sopravvivenza.

Attraverso il suo programma nucleare, Pyongyang cerca di bilanciare la superiorità tecnologica dei suoi principali avversari, evitando possibili tentativi di regime change e, allo stesso tempo, tentando di imporre alla comunità internazionale il suo status di potenza nucleare.

Difficilmente un inasprimento delle sanzioni basterà a piegare tale strategia. Riconoscere che l'atteggiamento provocatorio di Kim Jong-un sia folle ma non sia sciocco non fa che confermare la portata della minaccia a livello regionale e internazionale. Ma cedere alla tentazione di un'opzione militare, vorrebbe dire trascinare l'intera regione in un vortice di violenza, le cui conseguenze sarebbero a dir poco tragiche.

Mai come oggi è fondamentale creare un tavolo negoziale simile a quello con l'Iran, con l'Unione nelle vesti di mediatore. Mai come ora è necessario coinvolgere costruttivamente la Russia e soprattutto la Cina, l'unica in grado di influenzare Pyongyang, utilizzando al contempo la nostra influenza per evitare che Pechino manipoli la crisi a proprio vantaggio.

Possiamo e dobbiamo trovare un accordo prima che siano gli eventi a decidere per noi.

 
  
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  Marie-Christine Arnautu, au nom du groupe ENF. – Madame la Présidente, tout régime marxiste est, par définition, criminel, liberticide et pervers. Kim Jong-un est donc certes dangereux mais est-il pour autant complètement fou?

Depuis trente ans, la plupart des régimes opposés au nouvel ordre mondial ont été renversés, soit par des interventions militaires extérieures, comme en Iraq ou en Libye, soit par des manœuvres de subversion intérieure, comme lors des révolutions de couleur.

La déjà très paranoïaque Corée du Nord, qui bâillonne son peuple, l’endoctrine et le prive de toute liberté de pensée ou d’expression, en a conclu que seule l’arme nucléaire pouvait être dissuasive face aux États-Unis, qui disposent, eux, de forces militaires colossales. L’attitude belliciste des pays de l’OTAN est la principale cause du développement du programme militaire coréen nucléaire.

Pour assurer la sécurité du monde, commençons donc par dénoncer tout impérialisme, notamment celui qui s’exerce sous prétexte de démocratie. Rappelons enfin que ce n’est pas sous le coup de la force armée que l’Union soviétique s’est effondrée, mais bien sous le poids de son impéritie économique.

 
  
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  Bruno Gollnisch (NI). – Madame la Présidente, la situation actuelle en Corée me fait irrésistiblement penser à celle de juillet 1914, quand l’Allemagne entra en guerre par crainte d’être attaquée en premier par la Russie et par la France.

Il est fort possible que, comme l’a dit récemment le président Poutine et comme l’a dit l’oratrice précédente, le régime nord-coréen soit beaucoup plus rationnel qu’on ne le croit en général.

M. Kim Jong-un a dû certainement méditer les exemples de l’Iraq et de la Libye qui, après avoir été désarmés à la demande des occidentaux, ont été agressés par eux. Peut-être pense-t-il que l’arme nucléaire est en conséquence son assurance-vie.

Dans ce contexte de méfiance réciproque, nous devrions soutenir la proposition du ministre chinois des affaires étrangères, M. Wang Yi, qui suggérait en mars dernier que la Corée du Nord suspende son programme nucléaire en échange de l’arrêt des manœuvres militaires américaines en Corée du Sud, dont je ne vois pas très bien l’intérêt stratégique.

Il est regrettable que cette suggestion ait été refusée par Mme Nikki Haley, représentante permanente des États-Unis auprès de l’ONU, et par le porte-parole du département d’État. Elle devrait être reprise avec le concours de l’Union européenne, de la Chine et de la Russie.

Voilà, Madame la Commissaire une proposition de…

(La Présidente retire la parole à l’orateur)

 
  
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  Cristian Dan Preda (PPE). – Madame la Présidente, je souhaite tout d’abord saluer l’adoption de nouvelles sanctions par le Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies, car je trouve qu’il est primordial d’envoyer un message fort au régime nord-coréen.

Une des mesures importantes est l’interdiction de l’embauche de travailleurs détachés nord-coréens. Je regrette toutefois l’opposition de la Chine et de la Russie à des sanctions plus sévères, telles qu’une interdiction totale des exportations de pétrole vers le pays et le gel des avoirs du leader nord-coréen et de ses proches.

Après six essais nucléaires et des dizaines de tirs de missiles, il est frappant de voir que Kim Jong-un a beaucoup d’assurance et ne craint pas les conséquences de ses actes. Cette assurance lui vient de son puissant allié chinois, qui fait tout pour maintenir l’économie nord-coréenne à flot et donc assurer la survie du régime. On voit à cet égard le double jeu de la Chine, qui, en paroles, condamne ce que fait Kim Jong-un, alors que c’est elle qui en quelque sorte le stimule.

Le conflit dans la péninsule coréenne se résoudra – je crois – grâce à un mélange de sanctions et de négociations. Les sanctions ne permettront pas d’amener la Corée du Nord à la table des négociations tant qu’un accord entre la Chine et les autres membres du Conseil de sécurité n’aura pas été trouvé. Seul un front uni face à Kim Jong-un fera la différence.

 
  
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  Eugen Freund (S&D). –Madam President, let me just say that I am very pleased with the resolution by the Security Council. It is a compromise, admittedly, but none of us would have liked the alternative and that is ratcheting up the warmongering from both sides. We remember that Donald Trump threatened fire and fury.

What is in it for us, then? I think we must grab the opportunity swiftly and offer a mediating role which the European Union can so uniquely play. We would be able to talk to all sides, to deflate the tension, pointing to our expertise as a valuable negotiator in the Iran nuclear crisis. So I appreciate the High Representative taking up the issue. I know you have a lot on your plate, Madam, but this is about as urgent as it gets.

 
  
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  Anna Elżbieta Fotyga (ECR). – Mr President, North Korea is an island of its own making: self-isolated by internal atrocities and threats posed to the international community. I welcome further sanctions, although I regret that they are at a lower level than initially proposed by the US. Accepting non-invasive means of coercion, we have to ensure their effectiveness and make it effective quickly to avoid darker scenarios.

 
  
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  Urmas Paet (ALDE). – ÜRO poolt uute sanktsioonide kehtestamine Põhja-Koreale on äärmiselt vajalik, samas ma nõustun nendega, kes ütlevad, et tegelikult oleksid need sanktsioonid pidanud olema veelgi tugevamad, ja seetõttu ma toetan ka, et Euroopa Liit lisab omalt poolt nendesse sanktsioonidesse veel midagi, sest me peame saama Korea poolsaare tuumavabaks. Samas, selles tuumarelva arutelus ei tohi me jätta tähelepanuta neid inimesi, kes Põhja-Koreas selle juhtkonna tegevuse tagajärjel kannatavad.

Inimsusevastased kuriteod, sunnitöölaagrid, inimeste hukkamised, piinamised, kadumised, toidupuudus, kehvad tervishoiuteenused ja üleüldine liikumis- ja väljendusvabaduse piiramine on meie teadvuses olnud juba aastaid. Liiga kaua, et seda lihtsalt pealt vaadata.

Samuti on murettekitav Hiina käitumine, kes saadab Hiinast tagasi Põhja-Korea pagulasi, kes suure tõenäosusega seal tapetakse või vangistatakse. Seega rahvusvaheline üldsus peab võtma meetmeid ka selles osas, nii et Põhja-Korea juhtide ilmselt õige paik oleks Rahvusvahelise Kriminaalkohtu ees.

 
  
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  James Carver (EFDD). – Madam President, the pace of the development of the situation on the Korean Peninsula precisely underlines how quickly serious security threats can form, underlining the importance of a well-funded and properly manned and equipped defence capability. As my country moves towards full independence from the European Union, we must ensure that we have a robust, flexible and well-funded defence capability that can fulfil our defence obligations, whilst being in a good enough position to respond to the full spectrum of likely potential future threats.

I welcome yesterday’s unanimous vote by the UN Security Council to impose further sanctions on North Korea, and must say that I fear that it will be impossible to seriously negotiate with a regime that is headed by someone who is reputed to have overseen the deaths of his own brother and uncle.

With respect to the earlier speaker, does this Parliament really believe that the European Union has a diplomatic role to play here, beyond supporting the United States? There are reports of Germany acting as an intermediary, and if that is so, it is clearly a matter for Germany and it would be immoral of the European Union to try to take some of their credit were a mutually acceptable result to be achieved.

 
  
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  Janice Atkinson (ENF). – Madam President, sanctions against North Korea are just a public relations exercise to show that you are actually doing something. Sanctions hurt the ordinary people. Kim Jong-un will let his people eat grass, but they will not turn away from him because they know that he provides security for them. Sanctions imposed on North Korea just make Pyongyang’s tin—pot tyrant more angry and isolated.

As you know, North Korea will continue to export via front companies in China and Malaysia, so what can you do? It is China that holds the key to North Korea. North Korea is a client state, so penalising China, imposing sanctions and restricting access to Western markets is really the key to the denuclearisation of North Korea. At the same time, the West can protect itself against unfair trade, competition and dumping. As you know, that is the view in the White House and I think it is shared by Russia as well, so you should be listening to what those two states have to say on this.

 
  
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  José Ignacio Salafranca Sánchez-Neyra (PPE). – Señora presidenta, señora alta representante, Señorías, dotarse de un arsenal, de misiles de largo alcance con cabezas nucleares diez veces más potentes que la bomba de Hiroshima, no es una broma. Es una amenaza muy seria a la paz y a la seguridad internacional.

Yo creo que esta no es ocasión de preguntarnos cómo hemos llegado a esta situación, sino cómo desactivar esta amenaza. El señor McAllister ha hecho una propuesta muy interesante sobre la base de la experiencia negociadora del conflicto con Irán. Creo que Corea del Norte es un régimen impermeable a las sanciones económicas, habida cuenta de la insensibilidad que tiene la nomenklatura con el sufrimiento del pueblo, como quedó demostrado en la hambruna de los años 90, donde murieron tres millones de personas. Además, el régimen norcoreano, paradójicamente, hace de la proliferación la garantía de su supervivencia.

El problema es que en esta ocasión ha llegado demasiado lejos y está poniendo en entredicho la credibilidad de su principal interlocutor, China, y la relación de China con los Estados Unidos. Coincido con el diagnóstico de la alta representante: hay que evitar a cualquier precio una escalada nuclear y convencional en la península de Corea. Creo también que es importante contribuir a estabilizar la situación en la región, que las sanciones económicas sean eficaces y, al mismo tiempo, buscar una solución permanente sobre la base de un diálogo que pueda permitir que se produzcan resultados.

Invito a la alta representante, que ya tiene experiencia en estas negociaciones, a explorar esta vía de Irán.

 
  
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  Andi Cristea (S&D). – Madam President, as many colleagues have underlined, with its latest decision, the UN Security Council has voted with unanimity for the strongest sanctions ever imposed on North Korea. I will focus on three elements, which I believe are of even higher relevance than the sanctions themselves.

Firstly, the decision and unanimity reached in New York is even more important than the content of the decision. It is in itself a win for diplomatic multilateral efforts and international unity in the face of the North Korean threat. Secondly, the latest efforts showed that the military option is not and should not be on the table and that there is international commitment to find a peaceful collective solution. Thirdly, we are facing not a regional but a global threat – an immediate threat not only for Asia, but also for Europe – and this is why I am happy that the EU and the High Representative is fully engaged in this process.

 
  
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  Monica Macovei (ECR). – Doamnă președintă, doar în 2017, anul acesta, Coreea de Nord a făcut mai multe teste nucleare decât în ultimii douăzeci de ani. Ultimul test nuclear este un mesaj pentru toți oamenii, pentru lumea occidentală, pentru Europa, pentru America, dar, mai ales, pentru China. China să nu își mai țină mâinile legate la spate, atunci când vine vorba de implementat sancțiunile împotriva Coreei de Nord, împotriva Rusiei și împotriva altor dictaturi. Dacă Phenianul va dispune de arme nucleare, căci pe acest drum arată că se îndreaptă, la fel vor face și alte dictaturi din lume și toată lumea va fi distrusă.

 
  
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  Mario Borghezio (ENF). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, il ruolo della Cina, richiamato in alcuni interventi, è stato totalmente ignorato nella relazione dell'Alto rappresentante e questo ci induce a pensare che il ruolo debole, normalmente, dell'attività estera dell'Unione europea si sia rivelato in questa occasione ancora più debole, nel momento in cui tutti gli osservatori ritengono, fin dall'inizio, centrale il ruolo, anche solo di convitato di pietra, della Cina in questa crisi, che poteva avere e potrebbe avere in futuro delle conseguenze irreparabili.

E tra l'altro, i fatti hanno dimostrato che la Cina si rivela persino come una possibile vittima delle iniziative nucleari e delle minacce di Kim, nel momento in cui, proprio quando si stava per tenersi in Cina un'importante riunione dei BRICS per lanciare al mondo questa grande offensiva, non solo diplomatica, ma commerciale ed economica, la grande prospettiva della "via della seta", interviene la provocazione di Kim, che tra l'altro ha come conseguenza anche di indebolire tutte quelle che sono le aspettative della Cina nei confronti del contenimento della presenza americana nel Pacifico.

Grave il silenzio dell'Europa su questi aspetti.

 
  
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  Tunne Kelam (PPE). – Madam President, I address my comments to Madam Mogherini. The fact we have to face is that the North Korean regime has now a nuclear bomb in a stage to be carried by a ballistic missile. Consequently, the reaction could not be any more business as usual – that is, sanctions with loopholes and hesitations.

I fully support the approach that we need additional sanctions, and as has been mentioned today, a total ban on oil exports to North Korea and freezing the assets of the North Korean leadership. They would have some effect. But I think we need to pay attention to the loopholes. The first problem is China, which takes in more than 90% of North Korea’s exports and which has interest in keeping the regime going, seeing it as a useful tool to push America out of China’s sphere of influence.

The second problem is Iran. North Korea is not alone. In fact, we face two extreme fanatic dictatorships that are complementary. They collaborate, supporting each other. Iran is boosting its missile programme and supplying Kim Jong-un with military know-how.

Some years ago it was the opposite. So we have to address both challenges.

 
  
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  Juan Fernando López Aguilar (S&D). – Señora presidenta, comisaria Mogherini, desde la crisis de los misiles cubanos en 1962, el mundo no se había asomado nunca a una perspectiva tan verosímil de que pueda desencadenarse el escenario apocalíptico de una tercera guerra mundial como consecuencia del programa nuclear de un solo país.

Hubo una guerra en la península de Corea en los años cincuenta, de 1950 a 1953, con cuatro millones de muertos. Pero en aquel momento y en aquel escenario la guerra pudo ser contenida regionalmente. Ahora sería sin duda ninguna un escenario global y requiere de actores globales.

El Consejo de Seguridad de Naciones Unidas resuelve sanciones con las dificultades impuestas por tres actores globalmente relevantes: Estados Unidos y su entendimiento o desentendimiento con China y Rusia. Pero la Unión Europea no puede confiarse a los dos Estados europeos que tienen asiento permanente en el Consejo de Seguridad, ni a quienes lo tengan electivo. Tiene que contar como un actor global, porque de otro modo esta discusión en el Parlamento Europeo no tendría ningún sentido.

Solo si la Unión Europea quiere imponer sanciones eficaces y ordenarlas eficazmente, y teniendo en cuenta además que hay una asimetría entre la Unión Europea, los Estados Unidos y Corea del Norte —y es que nos encontramos ante un actor que no se sujeta a las reglas del Derecho y que por tanto constituye una amenaza a la estabilidad—...

(La presidenta retira la palabra al orador)

 
  
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  Brando Benifei (S&D). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, con l'escalation delle dichiarazioni tra Pyongyang e Washington cresce il pericolo per la sicurezza mondiale. Abbiamo sottovalutato la minaccia quando il paese si ritirò dal trattato di non proliferazione nel 2003.

Ora il tema torna attuale ma poco si parla del fatto che, proprio quest'estate, è stato approvato presso le Nazioni Unite un trattato che proibisce le armi nucleari, votato da 122 paesi. Nella risoluzione dello scorso ottobre questo Parlamento si è espresso in suo favore, per un ruolo attivo dell'Unione, per un mondo libero da armi nucleari pericolose, in primis per chi le detiene: gli strumenti ci sono ma manca ancora la volontà politica per realizzarlo.

Ci auguriamo che, anche con il contributo dell'UE, si apra un tavolo di negoziato per una soluzione diplomatica, riprendendo il modello dell'Iran. Ma forse è venuto il momento di andare oltre con coraggio e proporre un percorso per la denuclearizzazione regionale e globale, unica prospettiva a lungo termine per garantire davvero la sicurezza del genere umano.

 
  
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  Boris Zala (S&D). – Madam President, the EU plays no meaningful role in the North Korean crisis at the moment but escalation of the crisis would damage European economies and our maritime trade. Europe needs to raise its diplomatic game in the region. We have a successful template, the EU’s role in the multilateral format that produced the Iran nuclear deal. As in Iran, the EU could be the missing piece that keeps the process alive. None of the other players – China, the US or Russia – have that combination of distance and credibility, and what is more, there is a new momentum in EU-Chinese relations to create a new international architecture, but it could spill over into security affairs in East Asia too.

Trump’s belligerence and domestic weakness limit American engagement in the diplomatic track on North Korea and this creates a vacuum. We should aspire to fill it.

 
  
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  Neena Gill (S&D). – Madam President, the whole world is quivering as we find ourselves caught between North Korean President Kim Jong-un playing boys’ games with nuclear weapons and a US President more eager to have a macho standoff than diffuse tensions. This is a lethal combination.

Yesterday the UN Security Council adopted the toughest sanctions on North Korea so far, and EU Foreign Affairs Ministers consider adopting additional restrictive measures. What we have to recognise is that, when you have a president with nuclear weapons who would rather let his people wither than commit to peace, sanctions alone will not cut it. The US, China and Russia are now leading the dance, but the EU could do so too. We have proved under the Vienna deal on Iran’s nuclear programme how our involvement and leadership can be crucial in turning around a situation of potentially devastating conflict and achieving peace and security for our citizens.

High Representative, I call upon you to listen to the citizens. They do not want fury and fire like the world has never seen, which was promised by the US President. That is why I call on you to go further than imposing sanctions and adopt a clear plan of action to be backed by the EU.

(The President cut off the speaker)

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 162(8))

 
  
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  Marek Jurek (ECR), pytanie zadane przez podniesienie niebieskiej kartki. – Pani Poseł! Krytykowała pani rząd Stanów Zjednoczonych, ale chciałbym wiedzieć czy naprawdę jest pani przekonana, że jeżeli Amerykanie zrezygnują, z góry wykluczą możliwość reakcji militarnej, czy to zwiększy bezpieczeństwo regionalnych sąsiadów komunistycznej Korei? Czy to zwiększy bezpieczeństwo Republiki Korei? Czy to zwiększy bezpieczeństwo Japonii? Nikt nie chce tam wojny, ale propozycja rezygnacji z możliwości reakcji militarnej, to jest naprawdę nawiązywanie do (...).

(Przewodnicząca odebrała posłowi głos)

 
  
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  Neena Gill (S&D), blue-card answer. – I think what we have to recognise is the we have a US President who does not appear to have the wit or the diplomatic skills to be able to defuse the situation, and that’s why I am calling on Federica Mogherini to try and step in. We have done this before. I did not say who has nuclear weapons or not; all I am saying is that there is very dangerous rhetoric out there, and we cannot just stand off and say that none of this matters. I think the European Union could be the leading [...]

(The President cut off the speaker)

 
  
 

Interventions à la demande

 
  
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  Michaela Šojdrová (PPE). – Paní předsedající, současné rozhodnutí Rady bezpečnosti Organizace spojených národů přichází ve správnou chvíli, protože pouze jednotný a tvrdý tlak může přivést Severní Koreu k jednání. Když jsem před dvanácti lety navštívila Severní Koreu, tak jsem viděla zemi chudých a nesvobodných lidí. Kim Čong-il, otec dnešního prezidenta, byl již tehdy bez ochoty k jednání o zastavení vývoje jaderných zbraní.

Korejská lidově demokratická republika je dnes modernější a ekonomicky silnější a mladý vůdce umí využívat moderní technologie ve svůj prospěch. V Evropě máme zkušenosti z boje s diktaturou a propagandou z dob studené války a my bychom tedy měli využít maximum našich zkušeností a diplomatických a historických potenciálů a přimět severokorejský režim k okamžitému ukončení provokací a zkoušek a pokusit se o diplomatické vyjednávání. Dnes existuje globální vůle k zastavení této jaderné krize a tu musíme využít.

 
  
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  Γεώργιος Επιτήδειος (NI). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση ορθώς στήριξε τις κυρώσεις που επέβαλε ο ΟΗΕ στη Βόρειο Κορέα. Αποτελεί όμως ουτοπία το να πιστεύουμε πως αυτές οι κυρώσεις θα οδηγήσουν τη Βόρειο Κορέα να εγκαταλείψει το πυρηνικό της πρόγραμμα. Εδώ και αρκετά χρόνια η Βόρειος Κορέα με αργά, σταθερά, αποφασιστικά και αποτελεσματικά βήματα έχει δημιουργήσει πυρηνικές δυνατότητες. Ο πρόεδρός της, ο Κιμ Γιονγκ Ουν, δεν είναι ανόητος για να πιστεύει ότι μπορεί να κηρύξει πυρηνικό πόλεμο κατά των ΗΠΑ αλλά και κατά της διεθνούς κοινότητας.

Η τύχη όμως του Σαντάμ αλλά και του Καντάφι τον έχει πείσει ότι για να διασωθεί ο ίδιος ως άτομο, ως καθεστώς, και ως χώρα πρέπει να στηριχθεί στην πυρηνική του δύναμη και να εκβιάσει, να απειλήσει, και να επιδιώξει να έρθει σε συνομιλίες με την διεθνή κοινότητα. Στο σημείο αυτό η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση μπορεί να συμβάλει αποφασιστικά στη δρομολόγηση αυτού του διαλόγου και στην εκτόνωση της κρίσεως.

 
  
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  Csaba Sógor (PPE). – Elnök Asszony, Észak-Korea kapcsán oly sokszor elhangzott már, hogy meg kell fékezni a diktátort és nem szabad megengedni a fékevesztett provokatív lépéseket. A gond csak azzal van, hogy láthatóan nem csupán az Unió tehetetlen, hanem az Egyesült Államok is. Egy közvetlen konfliktusnak beláthatatlan következményei lennének elsősorban a térségben élő lakosságra nézve, egy hagyományos háború a világon évtizedek óta nem látott pusztítással járna. Eközben nincsenek arra utaló jelek, hogy a rendszernek belülről lenne cselekvőképes ellenzéke, a már így is sokat szenvedett és megfélemlített észak-koreai néptől nem várható ellenállás. Gazdasági szankciók szigorítása persze csak fokozná az emberek szenvedéseit, ám érdemes lenne eldönteni: asszisztál-e a világ a tényleg embertelen rendszer fennmaradásához vagy megpróbálja a szankciók és tárgyalások kombinációjával elérni a változást. Az észak-koreai vezetésben a jelek ellenére van racionalitás és minden hatalom elsősorban a saját túlélését tartja szem előtt, ezért ha azt veszélyben látja, hajlandó lehet a változtatásra. A kérdés az, hogy milyen árat kell ezért fizetnie a lakosságnak.

(A felszólaló hozzájárul egy, az eljárási szabályzat 162. cikkének (8) bekezdése értelmében feltett kék kártyás kérdés megválaszolásához).

 
  
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  Nirj Deva (ECR), blue-card question. – I wanted to ask Mr Sógor a very simple question which has not been asked during this debate. Why is Kim Jong-un making nuclear weapons? For what end? To have himself destroyed? So what is the purpose of all this? I know the answer. He wants to sit at a negotiating table and discuss a peace treaty. But I wanted Mr Sógor to answer the question.

 
  
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  Csaba Sógor (PPE), blue-card answer. – He has got the answer. He wants to speak. But I think it is more that: he has some other problems, but I do not want to enter into the details.

 
  
 

(Fin des interventions à la demande)

 
  
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  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Madam President, I am happy to see that there is broad support in this Hemicycle for the approach the European Union has taken and again here I have to say, the European Union approach that brings together our diplomatic service, the work we have been doing with the Member States in the relevant countries, in New York and we will continue to do that.

First of all, increasing the economic pressure. I have seen that all of you are very much aware of the fact that when you do not have a situation where political will is expressed in a credible manner, or in any way at all, there is the need for more pressure to be put on the economic and political side, and here the key is the unity of the international community.

This is why the vote in the UN Security Council yesterday night was so important because it sent a message to North Korea that the unity of the international community – from China that, yes indeed, plays a crucial role, to the Russian Federation, to the United States, to the European Union, to all the other members of the UN Security Council, so the entire international community – is strongly invested in this path.

More pressure to open diplomatic channels: North Korea has to feel the diplomatic pressure of a united international community.

The European Union will now do two things. On the economic path we will implement the UN Security Council resolutions, as we have always done, in the most strict and complete manner. We will also do a second thing that is very important because, as you know very well, the economic relations between the European Union and its Member States on one side, and the DPRK on the other, are not so relevant that they will have an economic impact that is, let us say, particularly impacting on the regime.

So we will work to make sure that others implement the UN Security Council resolutions, because some of you asked the crucial question that would probably come for later but it is also useful to put it on the table now: how come we are today in the situation where we are, in terms of developments in the DPRK’s nuclear programme, under what is quite a severe regime of sanctions from the UN system?

Here we have, together with our partners in the international community, a responsibility to work towards all third parties to make sure that the UN-based decisions, the UN Security Council sanctions, are implemented by all on the international scene.

And third, as many of you supported, work will go on in defining together in the European Union additional sanctions or additional autonomous measures that could complement the ones adopted by the Security Council.

But I think that the message the UN Security Council sent powerfully yesterday night was also the choice of diplomacy and of the political way rather than that of military escalation. And on this too the international community was united. And on this too, the European Union brought its weight, its proposal, to bear; this was our line from the beginning: economic pressure also as a way to prevent the risk of a military spiral.

On the diplomatic side then, what are we going to do as the European Union from today onwards?

First of all, work to keep international unity. This is essential. Many of you referred to the risk of having to face a third world war. Well, the unity of the international community, the unity of the P5, the unity of the UN Security Council is somehow the best guarantee we can have that that tension, that crisis, will not develop in that direction. The UN system is our point of reference; we have to prove that we trust the UN system to prevent too major wars from happening.

So first, we will continue to work with all – with all – to keep the unity of the international community. And again, when I say all, I mention the United States, I mention Russia, I mention China – with whom we have been working very well in the past and with whom we have constantly in these months worked at my level with their foreign ministers in New York, and locally – to think together about how to open diplomatic channels.

Not diplomatic channels – because diplomatic channels, including with the DPRK, are open; we have seven Member States that have embassies in Pyongyang. We have humanitarian programmes run by some Member States in Pyongyang and in the DPRK. When I say diplomatic channels, I mean a system of mediation of diplomatic talks that can guarantee a credible engagement, because talks for talks are not necessarily a good idea.

What we need is to create the conditions in the international community with all our partners, including with the European Union, for credible and meaningful diplomatic negotiations.

This is the second thing we will do. Coordinate with our partners, starting with China, Russia, the United States and our regional partners – the Republic of Korea needs to feel ownership and to lead the way somehow; the President has shown wisdom and determination, and I think we have somehow a privileged access and channel of exchange, we have regular contact with the foreign minister and again we will continue this very frequently – and with Japan, to make sure that there is a concerted, united understanding of how best to open this credible diplomatic path.

Many of you referred to the experience, the knowledge that the European Union has in this kind of a situation. We have obviously quite a deep knowledge and know-how and experience when it comes to nuclear negotiations, nuclear negotiations linked to sanction regimes. We have been running the Iran negotiations for quite some years with a successful result.

There the unity of the international community was key. But there was another element there that was essential and that we do not have at the moment in the situation of the DPRK, which is the political will. You cannot mediate or offer the goodwill of an honest broker unless you see real determination, a real political will to engage in negotiations. That door, that little space still needs to be opened and this is where we need the unity of the international community to push for that little space to be opened, then we can definitely work for a diplomatic negotiation that might take a lot of time, but is always possible.

Again I do not particularly like the parallels between the situation in Iran and in the DPRK. The political systems are very different, their histories are very different. The two countries are completely different and I do not think it is a good service to the reality of history and of the current situation to make a parallel between the two, but yes, the confidence, the know-how, the skills, the experience of the European Union in this field are ready to be used to accompany such a process, provided we start to see an opening in the political will to engage seriously to find a peaceful solution to this tension.

(Applause)

 
  
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  La Présidente. – Le débat est clos.

Déclarations écrites (article 162)

 
  
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  Jonás Fernández (S&D), por escrito. – Los últimos ensayos balísticos de Corea del Norte, incluyendo el lanzamiento de misiles intercontinentales sobre Japón y una bomba de hidrógeno varias veces más potente que las lanzadas en Hiroshima y Nagasaki, son hechos inaceptables que ponen en riesgo la seguridad de toda la región, y suponen una manifiesta violación del derecho internacional y de las resoluciones del Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas. Es por tanto urgente redoblar todos los esfuerzos concertados de la comunidad internacional con el fin de conseguir la desnuclearización de la península coreana por medios pacíficos. Desde el grupo socialista nos oponemos firmemente a una solución militar de esta crisis. Por ello, reclamamos mayor presión diplomática y económica sobre el régimen de Pyongyang, con la adopción de sanciones más duras si fuera necesario, incluyendo medidas autónomas por parte de la Unión que vayan más allá de lo acordado en el Consejo de Seguridad. Necesitamos que Europa ejerza, de forma unida y coordinada, todo su peso diplomático y por ello apoyamos los esfuerzos de la Alta Representante Mogherini para conseguir que actores clave para una resolución pacífica de la crisis como China y Rusia se impliquen también al máximo en la presión sobre Corea del Norte.

 
  
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  Enrique Guerrero Salom (S&D), por escrito. – Los últimos ensayos balísticos de Corea del Norte, incluyendo el lanzamiento de misiles intercontinentales sobre Japón y una bomba de hidrógeno varias veces más potente que las lanzadas en Hiroshima y Nagasaki, son hechos inaceptables que ponen en riesgo la seguridad de toda la región, y suponen una manifiesta violación del derecho internacional y de las resoluciones del Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas. Es por tanto urgente redoblar todos los esfuerzos concertados de la comunidad internacional con el fin de conseguir la desnuclearización de la península coreana por medios pacíficos. Desde el grupo socialista nos oponemos firmemente a una solución militar de esta crisis. Por ello, reclamamos mayor presión diplomática y económica sobre el régimen de Pyongyang, con la adopción de sanciones más duras si fuera necesario, incluyendo medidas autónomas por parte de la Unión que vayan más allá de lo acordado en el Consejo de Seguridad. Necesitamos que Europa ejerza, de forma unida y coordinada, todo su peso diplomático y por ello apoyamos los esfuerzos de la Alta Representante Mogherini para conseguir que actores clave para una resolución pacífica de la crisis como China y Rusia se impliquen también al máximo en la presión sobre Corea del Norte.

 
  
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  Kati Piri (S&D), schriftelijk. – Mogelijk staan we aan de vooravond van een nucleaire oorlog met honderdduizenden doden tot gevolg. President Trump en de Noord-Koreaanse leider Kim Jong-un proberen elkaar vanuit retorisch oogpunt te overtreffen en herhaaldelijke pogingen van de internationale gemeenschap om de landen aan de onderhandelingstafel te krijgen hebben vooralsnog niets opgeleverd, terwijl diplomatie de enige optie is. Elke vorm van militaire inmenging zal catastrofale gevolgen hebben. Allereerst voor de Koreanen, maar ook voor de regio en mogelijk de hele wereld. Het is goed dat de VN-Veiligheidsraad deze week strengere sancties heeft aangenomen. De uitvoering ervan zal essentieel zijn om Pyongyang aan de onderhandelingstafel te dwingen. De Europese Unie heeft een instrument achter de hand om de dreiging af te wenden: soft power. Met een indrukwekkende staat van dienst op het vlak van diplomatie kan en moet zij optreden als neutrale bemiddelaar om hiermee een nieuwe kernoorlog af te wenden. Want niemand, daadwerkelijk niemand is gebaat bij een escalatie.

 
  
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  Inmaculada Rodríguez-Piñero Fernández (S&D), por escrito. – Los últimos ensayos balísticos de Corea del Norte, incluyendo el lanzamiento de misiles intercontinentales sobre Japón y una bomba de hidrógeno varias veces más potente que las lanzadas en Hiroshima y Nagasaki, son hechos inaceptables que ponen en riesgo la seguridad de toda la región, y suponen una manifiesta violación del derecho internacional y de las resoluciones del Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas. Es por tanto urgente redoblar todos los esfuerzos concertados de la comunidad internacional con el fin de conseguir la desnuclearización de la península coreana por medios pacíficos. Desde el grupo socialista nos oponemos firmemente a una solución militar de esta crisis. Por ello, reclamamos mayor presión diplomática y económica sobre el régimen de Pyongyang, con la adopción de sanciones más duras si fuera necesario, incluyendo medidas autónomas por parte de la Unión que vayan más allá de lo acordado en el Consejo de Seguridad. Necesitamos que Europa ejerza, de forma unida y coordinada, todo su peso diplomático y por ello apoyamos los esfuerzos de la Alta Representante Mogherini para conseguir que actores clave para una resolución pacífica de la crisis como China y Rusia se impliquen también al máximo en la presión sobre Corea del Norte.

 
  
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  Elena Valenciano (S&D), por escrito. – Los últimos ensayos balísticos de Corea del Norte, incluyendo el lanzamiento de misiles intercontinentales sobre Japón y una bomba de hidrógeno varias veces más potente que las lanzadas en Hiroshima y Nagasaki, son hechos inaceptables que ponen en riesgo la seguridad de toda la región, y suponen una manifiesta violación del derecho internacional y de las resoluciones del Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas. Es por tanto urgente redoblar todos los esfuerzos concertados de la comunidad internacional con el fin de conseguir la desnuclearización de la península coreana por medios pacíficos. Desde el grupo socialista nos oponemos firmemente a una solución militar de esta crisis. Por ello, reclamamos mayor presión diplomática y económica sobre el régimen de Pyongyang, con la adopción de sanciones más duras si fuera necesario, incluyendo medidas autónomas por parte de la Unión que vayan más allá de lo acordado en el Consejo de Seguridad. Necesitamos que Europa ejerza, de forma unida y coordinada, todo su peso diplomático y por ello apoyamos los esfuerzos de la Alta Representante Mogherini para conseguir que actores clave para una resolución pacífica de la crisis como China y Rusia se impliquen también al máximo en la presión sobre Corea del Norte.

 
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