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Kolmapäev, 25. oktoober 2017 - Strasbourg Uuendatud versioon

12. Võitlus ebaseadusliku sisserände ja inimkaubanduse vastu Vahemere piirkonnas (temaatiline arutelu)
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  Președinte. – Următorul punct de pe ordinea de zi este dezbaterea privind Lupta împotriva imigrației ilegale și a introducerii ilegale de persoane în zona Mării Mediterane. Dezbatere tematică (articolul 153a din regulamentul de procedură) (2017/2898(RSP))

Aș vrea să informez colegii deputați că, pentru această dezbatere, nu se aplică procedura „catch the eye” și nu se acceptă cartonașe albastre.

 
  
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  Matteo Salvini, autore. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, parlo alla Commissione, parlo a quest'Aula affollata: siamo in 26, non so se da casa ci stanno seguendo, quindi evidentemente il tema dell'immigrazione illegale scalda i cuori dei colleghi eurodeputati.

Proverò a ripetere quello che come Lega e come europarlamentari italiani ripetiamo da qualche anno, con scarso successo: queste politiche assenti e fallimentari sull'immigrazione clandestina stanno facendo il male dei popoli europei e il male dei popoli africani. Chi sta governando l'Europa, con la complicità di alcuni governi – fra cui quello italiano – sta facendo gli interessi delle mafie, degli scafisti, degli schiavisti e delle multinazionali dello sfruttamento.

Parliamo di numeri: negli ultimi tre anni nel Mediterraneo sono morte almeno 15 000 persone, solo in Italia sono sbarcati più di 600 000 presunti rifugiati, che rifugiati non sono, sono scomparsi 30 000 bambini che alimentano un mercato della prostituzione che ormai non conosce regole, e dopo tre anni ci ritroviamo a parlare di quello che dovremmo fare. Cosa dovremmo fare? Non lo fa l'Europa, lo faranno i governi nazionali, compreso quello italiano, se la Lega vincerà le elezioni: proteggere i confini; interrompere i contatti fra le navi delle ONG – che questa istituzione europea continua a finanziare – con gli scafisti; garantire quote di immigrazione legale e positiva per quegli uomini e quelle donne che portano realmente un valore aggiunto alle nostre società, come funziona in Canada, in Australia, in Svizzera e nei paesi evoluti.

Per il momento noi stiamo importando schiavi, fannulloni o delinquenti. In Tunisia nel 2017 sono usciti di galera più di 4 000 delinquenti grazie ai premi e agli indulti delle autorità tunisine. Ebbene, questi stanno arrivando tutti in Italia. L'Italia ha il record di detenuti tunisini: il 67 % dei detenuti tunisini di tutta Europa è in Italia. Quindi al di là del Mediterraneo aprono le galere e noi in Italia apriamo le porte di casa nostra.

Io spero che questa Commissione si svegli, non ne ho tanta convinzione, e a questo punto faremo noi, agevolando l'arrivo di donne e bambini che fuggono davvero dalla guerra – donne e bambini, che in giro per l'Italia e per l'Europa non si vedono, o si vedono troppo poco – e, soprattutto, agevolando l'arrivo di immigrazione legale dai paesi più vicini ai nostri valori, e penso ai paesi di cultura cristiana. Qua si garantiscono i diritti di chiunque, ancora oggi ci si è occupati dei diritti dei rom, perché se ogni mese a Strasburgo non ci si occupa dei diritti dei rom qualcuno non è felice.

Ricordo che i paesi islamici adottano una dichiarazione dei diritti islamici dell'uomo che prevede che la giustizia sia applicata solo in base a quello che prevede la legge islamica, che prevede che la libertà di pensiero sia applicata solo nei limiti di quanto previsto dalla legge islamica, che a proposito della parità di genere, su cui giustamente si scrive tanto, nel matrimonio, all'articolo 19 della dichiarazione islamica dei diritti dell'uomo, si dice che gli uomini hanno una certa supremazia sulle donne. E allora: ti metto in galera se me lo consente la legge islamica, puoi dire quello che vuoi se te lo consente la legge islamica, uomo e donna hanno gli stessi diritti ma l'uomo vale qualcosina in più.

Penso sia giunto il momento di rimettere delle regole per chi vuole entrare in Europa: lo deve fare legalmente, lo deve fare positivamente. Per il resto esiste la regola dell'espulsione, del respingimento, della difesa dei confini. Se non vogliono farlo la Commissione europea o l'Unione europea perché rispondono agli interessi e alle logiche delle multinazionali, lo faranno i popoli, che si svegliano e votano in Germania, in Olanda, in Francia, in Austria e presto anche in Italia.

 
  
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  Matti Maasikas, President-in-Office of the Council. – Mr President, speaking in this very room yesterday, the President of the European Council, President Tusk, said that protecting our external border is the cornerstone of resolving the migration crisis. There are many aspects to this, but the fight against irregular migration and people smuggling has been at the forefront of agendas of both the European Council and the Council for a while now.

It remains at the top of our agenda even though we have seen a dramatic reduction of almost 70% in the number of irregular migrants since spring 2016. Our aim is to ensure the effective control of our external borders and stem illegal flows into the EU. We are determined to break the business model of smugglers and reduce the high number of human beings losing their lives while crossing the Mediterranean Sea in unseaworthy boats and flimsy dinghies.

To achieve these aims, we reaffirm our commitment to strong cooperation with international partners, as well as with countries of origin, transit and destination. On both the central and the eastern Mediterranean migratory routes, the EU and its Member States have taken decisive action to reach these objectives.

Since spring 2016, we have implemented the EU—Turkey statement to address the flows from Turkey into Greece. We have taken a number of measures to reduce the irregular migratory flows, to break the business model of smugglers and human traffickers, and to advance the effectiveness of returns.

At the peak of the crisis, in October 2015, 216 000 arrivals from Turkey to the EU were registered over a period of one month. Subsequently, average monthly arrivals into the EU in the period from April 2016 to September 2017 were reduced to 2 465.

On the central Mediterranean route, we commend the significant contribution made by Italy, including on a bilateral level. Over the summer, a number of initiatives were taken by the Presidency, the Member States and the Commission to complement the bilateral actions taken by Italy. I refer here in particular to the Commission’s Action Plan of 4 July and the respective Presidency implementation plan.

Let me highlight some of the achievements so far. We have intensified efforts to train the Libyan coastguard so that the Government of National Accord can improve the control of its territorial waters. The extension of the mandate of EUNAVFOR MED operation Sophia until 31 August 2018 enables us to continue this task in a sustainable way. In the EUR 46 million EU Trust Fund programme for border and migration management in Libya, adopted in July this year, about EUR 30 million are dedicated to the training, equipment and maintenance needs of the coastguard.

We continue to promote the development of local communities across the migratory routes in Libya. Under the EU Emergency Trust Fund for Africa, projects worth EUR 42 million have been contracted for this purpose. Since last year, we have more than doubled our financial support for the work carried out by UNHCR and IOM to provide adequate reception conditions for migrants and persons falling under the international protection mandate in Libya, and to coordinate assisted voluntary returns from Libya and Niger to countries of origin.

We wish to reinforce our support to the most vulnerable groups by setting up a voluntary resettlement scheme, as presented by the Commission in September in its recommendation on enhancing legal pathways for persons in need of international protection.

Six countries along the central Mediterranean route are among priority countries for resettlement, including Libya. Some Member States have already submitted ambitious pledges. There are many more strands that we are working on. I think it is important to bear in mind that they are nearly all medium- to long—term measures, for which patience and resilience by the EU are required.

Another limitation we should take into account is the unstable political and security situation in Libya, preventing our full presence in the EU delegation and EU Border Assistance Mission in Tripoli and in the field. We are working very closely with our Libyan interlocutors to bring about change in this country. In addition, our aim is to intensify our cooperation and, based on the European Council conclusions from 19 October this year, to rapidly establish a permanent EU presence in Libya.

Let me mention some of the actions to fight people smuggling. In the framework of the Malta Declaration of 3 February 2017, we now have a very efficient system for the monitoring of departure points in third countries. Furthermore, the identification, detection and tracking of suspicious vessels has improved. Frontex complements the EUNAVFOR MED operation Sophia, to which it provides solid intelligence.

Europol’s European Migrant Smuggling Centre focuses its activities on the central Mediterranean route in order to target and disrupt supplies to smugglers. In an effort to further disrupt the business model of people smugglers and human traffickers, the Council introduced restrictions on the export and supply to Libya of inflatable boats, also known as dinghies, and outboard motors. Finally, the Council adopted the EU’s priorities for the fight against organised and serious international crime between 2018 and 2021. This was done in May 2017. They will include the fight against the facilitation of irregular immigration.

In conclusion, despite the encouraging developments mentioned, the EU remains vigilant on all migration routes and continues a comprehensive, pragmatic and resolute approach by using all the relevant EU policies, instruments and tools.

 
  
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  Valdis Dombrovskis, Vice-President of the Commission. – Mr President, the fight against illegal immigration and people smuggling is, and remains, one of the key features of our comprehensive migration policy. As outlined in the mid—term review of the European Agenda on Migration, the implementation of the Action Plan on Smuggling adopted in May 2015 and of the measures to address illegal immigration remains a priority.

We all know that while the irregular flows towards Europe are decreasing overall, we have to remain vigilant. This is why we will pursue our actions to build a proper management of migratory flows to the EU to prevent irregular immigration and fight smugglers. To tackle illegal immigration along the central Mediterranean, cooperation with the Libyan authorities remains an important element. The training and equipment of the Libyan coastguard prevents illegal immigration and helps save lives at sea. This year alone, the Libyan coastguard brought back to the Libyan shores more than 16 000 migrants.

The EU has also engaged with the Libyan authorities to allow international organisations, mainly the IOM and the UNHCR, to assist vulnerable migrants in Libya before they embark to Europe. As a result, this year the IOM has assisted 8438 migrants to return safely to their countries of origin. The Commission also supports the UNHCR’s plan to evacuate vulnerable migrants out of Libya for onward resettlement.

We also continue to help Sahel countries to better manage the borders and enforce their capacities in relation to the fight against migrant smuggling and trafficking of human beings. The Niger Project is very encouraging. More than 100 offenders have been arrested and brought to justice in the first half of 2017. More generally, in the first quarter of this year, we proposed a revision of Immigration Liaison Officers Regulation to support actions to counter migrant smuggling in third countries. This will allow exploiting the full potential of the network of European immigration liaison officers, who have been deployed in 12 priority countries to coordinate closely the work of Member States on the ground.

To prevent smuggling and illegal immigration, we also have to use all our leverage to improve the readmission rates of countries of origin and show more solidarity with Africa to address the root causes of migration. To this effect, EUR 2.85 billion has been made available by the EU Trust Fund for Africa. The refugees who need protection will be offered alternative solutions to smuggling. By enhancing safe and legal pathways, persons in need of protection will no longer have to rely on smugglers and risk their lives to find protection in the EU. This is why the Commission recommends that Member States increase their resettlement efforts by at least 50 000 persons over the next two years.

We are also exploring how we could enhance the legal pathways for migrants who are not in need of protection. The Commission is ready to coordinate pilot projects with select third countries in 2018.

Moreover, to clamp down on migrant smuggling networks, Member States need to increase their capacity to investigate this crime, for which timely and practical information sharing is key. National investigators must talk to each other and fully use the resources provided by the European Migrant Smuggling Centre at Europol. Indeed, the European Migrant Smuggling Centre at Europol, launched in 2016, has shown substantial added value in providing operational support to Member States in fighting smuggling. It has provided support and conducted proactive high—profile investigations against criminal networks, with 68 cases reported this year so far, and 93 cases in its first year of operation leading to 147 arrests in 2016, and over 167 so far.

Finally, we must address all the factors in our system that fuel irregular immigration, such as undeclared labour, by better enforcing the Employers Sanctions Directive.

To conclude, let me stress that we will continue to fight this ruthless business in order to save lives, to prevent irregular immigration, and to provide protection for those in need.

 
  
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  Ελισσάβετ Βόζεμπεργκ-Βρυωνίδη, εξ ονόματος της ομάδας PPE. – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, κύριε Αντιπρόεδρε, κύριοι συνάδελφοι, η λαθραία διακίνηση ανθρώπων στη Μεσόγειο συνεχίζει σήμερα να αποτελεί μια άκρως κερδοφόρα επιχείρηση του οργανωμένου εγκλήματος, με τζίρους που φτάνουν τα 5 και 6 δισεκατομμύρια ευρώ ετησίως, και να διαδραματίζει καταλυτικό ρόλο στην έξαρση της μεταναστευτικής κρίσης. Είναι τραγικό ότι η Μεσόγειος έχει μετατραπεί τα τελευταία χρόνια σε τόπο εκμετάλλευσης της ανθρώπινης δυστυχίας με τον χειρότερο τρόπο. Στους 22,5 χιλιάδες ανέρχονται οι θάνατοι και οι εξαφανίσεις μεταναστών παγκοσμίως από την αρχή του 2014 έως τον Ιούνιο του 2017, ενώ οι περισσότεροι θάνατοι καταγράφονται στη Μεσόγειο. Τον προηγούμενο χρόνο μάλιστα έφτασαν τους 5.143, ο μεγαλύτερος αριθμός που έχει καταγραφεί ετησίως από το 2000 μέχρι σήμερα. Η χώρα μου, η Ελλάδα, λόγω γεωγραφικής θέσης αποτελεί σταυροδρόμι στη λαθραία διακίνηση ανθρώπων και, παρά τις πρωτοβουλίες που έχουν αναληφθεί, οι οποίες είναι σημαντικές, δεν έχουμε καταφέρει ακόμη να ελέγξουμε το φαινόμενο. Μόνο τον Αύγουστο, Σεπτέμβριο και Οκτώβριο φέτος έφτασαν στα ελληνικά νησιά περισσότεροι από 10.000 άνθρωποι. Αξίζει να σημειωθεί ότι οι διακινητές αλλάζουν γρήγορα διαδρομές, ενώ οργανώνονται και διαφημίζονται μέσω του Διαδικτύου. Γι’ αυτό, η καταπολέμηση του εγκλήματος λαθρεμπορίας ανθρώπων επιτυγχάνεται κυρίως από τον περιορισμό της ζήτησης από τους ίδιους τους μετανάστες. Η ανάπτυξη νόμιμων οδών μετακίνησης προς την Ευρώπη είναι ο μόνος ενδεδειγμένος τρόπος για να το πετύχουμε και στηρίζουμε δυνατά αυτή την προσπάθεια. Η ενίσχυση της συνεργασίας με τρίτες χώρες καταγωγής και διέλευσης, η επαναδιαπραγμάτευση του Δουβλίνου και η προώθηση ευρωπαϊκού πλαισίου επανεγκατάστασης προσφύγων αποτελούν τον κεντρικό άξονα των προσπαθειών μας. Η αλληλεγγύη, η αμοιβαία εμπιστοσύνη στην ανταλλαγή πληροφοριών και στην αποτελεσματική συνεργασία μεταξύ των διωκτικών αρχών είναι το κλειδί για να θέσουμε υπό έλεγχο αυτό το εγκληματικό και αποκρουστικό φαινόμενο. Αρκεί να συμφωνήσουμε ότι η ευθύνη ανήκει σε όλους μας.

 
  
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  Elena Valenciano, en nombre del Grupo S&D. – Señor presidente, a veces la democracia tiene estas cosas. Con las reglas democráticas de este Parlamento, el Grupo proponente de este debate, que se sienta aquí fundamentalmente para intentar acabar con la Unión Europea, tiene la posibilidad de proponer un debate cuyo enfoque es absolutamente lamentable, moralmente indigno, xenófobo, racista y profundamente antieuropeo. El propio título del debate destila ideología antiinmigración y trata de situar el marco de la discusión en términos que el Grupo socialista, desde luego, rechaza.

Algunos creen que llamándole a la inmigración «ilegal», están categorizando a los propios seres humanos, como si hubiera categorías de «personas legales» y «personas ilegales». Verán, señores proponentes, no se lucha contra la inmigración. La inmigración se regula, se gestiona, se ordena, y se lucha contra la injusticia; y se lucha por la dignidad de los seres humanos que se ven obligados a migrar. Digan ustedes la verdad. La inmigración no supone una crisis en este momento. La inmigración ha hecho este continente y muchos otros, es un fenómeno humano eterno, y lo que hay que hacer es ordenarlo, no luchar contra los seres humanos.

Nosotros, el Grupo Socialista, no nos vamos a dejar amedrentar por los debates que ustedes proponen, porque nos parecen la peor versión de la política, aquella que se alimenta de difundir falsedades, de extender el miedo para tratar de sacar algún rédito electoral. Nosotros estamos aquí para salvar los valores que ustedes combaten, los valores de la solidaridad, del Estado de Derecho, de la dignidad de las personas, de las convenciones internacionales, de las que somos firmantes todos nosotros. Europa no está siendo invadida. Europa necesita la inmigración, por más que ustedes no quieran comprenderlo.

 
  
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  Edouard Ferrand (ENF). – Monsieur le Président, mes chers collègues, c’est certainement l’un des débats les plus importants de la mandature. À quoi sert un tel débat si nous ne pouvons pas apporter la contradiction? J’ai voulu poser une question «carton bleu», ce qui m’a été interdit. Donc, finalement, vous restez entre vous. Nous ne sommes pas ici en démocratie. Vous restez sur des clichés.

Je crois qu’il faut défendre aujourd’hui les nations contre ce problème de l’immigration et je suis vraiment révolté que nous ne puissions pas intervenir.

 
  
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  Președinte. – Pentru informarea dumneavoastră, domnule Ferrand, această decizie prin care această dezbatere - ieri a fost o altă dezbatere unde s-a aplicat același lucru - se desfășoară fără „catch the eye” și fără cartonașe albastre este o decizie luată în unanimitate de conducerile tuturor grupurilor politice, iar eu am primit această înștiințare, pe care am obligația să v-o aduc la cunoștință la începutul dezbaterii, ca să știe toată lumea care sunt regulile jocului astăzi.

 
  
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  Helga Stevens, namens de ECR-Fractie. – Voorzitter, collega's, de N—VA pleit al geruime tijd voor push—backs op zee. Wij willen niet dat bootvluchtelingen automatisch naar de EU worden gebracht. Wij willen niet dat illegaal Europa bereiken wordt beloond met een verblijfsrecht en allerlei voordelen. Trouwens, push—backs waren vóór 2012 mogelijk in de Middellandse Zee, maar in 2012 maakte het Europees Hof voor de Rechten van de Mens daar een einde aan. Zo ontstond het dogma van het recht op asiel in Europa. Zo wordt het Frontex bijna onmogelijk gemaakt om de Europese grenzen te bewaken en de instroom te stoppen.

Daarenboven besloot het Europees Parlement onlangs om de lidstaten te verplichten om per jaar tweehonderdduizend vluchtelingen over te brengen uit het Midden-Oosten. Ook werd beslist dat in ruil geen druk mag worden gezet om een terugnameakkoord af te sluiten. Dat betekent dat illegalen en/of criminelen ook niet terug kunnen worden gestuurd. De stemming hierover in de Commissie binnenlandse zaken verliep niet helemaal volgens de regels – met dank aan links, dat anders altijd zo hamert op respect voor die regels. En dat terwijl er in Duitsland en Oostenrijk stemmen opgaan om een absolute maximumlimiet op de opvang van vluchtelingen in te stellen – iets waarvoor de N—VA al jaren pleit en ook zo'n idee dat steevast wordt weggezet als onmogelijk door linkse politici, maar nu toch zijn intrede doet, zij het voorlopig enkel in de nationale politiek. Gelukkig kunnen we nog rekenen op de lidstaten voor meer realiteitszin.

 
  
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  Cecilia Wikström, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Mr President, let us be very clear on a number of points. First of all, despite all problems and challenges in Europe, we are on the best continent – one of the best places – on the planet in which to live. This is naturally why a lot of people from all around the world would like to make our continent their home, in order to enjoy the freedom and prosperity that we all enjoy and that exist here. Let us also be clear that this has not always been the situation. From the mid-1800s until 1920, about 1.5 million people from my country, Sweden, or at that time one third of the population, left for the USA in order to escape difficulties such as religious persecution and poverty.

Secondly, human beings are migratory to the very core of our nature. If we see no prospect for the future where we are, we move. Nevertheless, in the EU, we must obviously have a policy of regulated migration for the foreseeable future. Anything else would be irresponsible, but it would be equally irresponsible to cut ourselves off from the rest of the world: we all live in a globalised village today.

The right to asylum and international protection is an individual human right that every Member State of the Union has signed up to defend. The only way to find out if a person qualifies for international protection is for them to go through the asylum process. Everyone that asks for asylum has the right to apply, but not everyone has the right to obtain international protection (asylum).

Public support for the asylum system will depend on our ability to complete the ongoing work on the common European asylum system, so as to put the EU’s house in order and make sure that the procedures are fair and efficient throughout all the Member States. We must also do much better in returning those who do not qualify for international protection in a dignified manner. That would restore the credibility of the system.

The most important measure to discourage people from dangerous trips across the Mediterranean would be to say that it is difficult to obtain international protection.

There are no shortcuts here: only hard work. We need to put a resilient common European asylum system in place, and once again to deserve the respect – and live up to the expectations – of the citizens out there.

 
  
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  Barbara Spinelli, a nome del gruppo GUE/NGL. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, vorrei rivolgere alla Commissione e al Consiglio tre domande sulla battaglia per bloccare l'arrivo di migranti forzati in Europa.

La prima riguarda la lotta prioritaria agli smuggler, concordata con Libia, Niger e Ciad. Cominciamo a conoscerne l'esito: impauriti dalle autorità nigerine, gli smuggler mollano i migranti nel deserto o li conducono su strade dove manca l'acqua. Il risultato è che i morti nel deserto aumentano esponenzialmente, non arrivano al Mediterraneo. Secondo Danziger, responsabile OIM per l'Africa centroccidentale, sono ormai il doppio dei morti in mare, circa 30 000 in quattro anni.

La seconda domanda concerne le coste libiche, dove regna una guerra tra bande. Come distinguere lo smuggler dalle milizie o dalle guardie costiere che Unione e Italia formano e pagano? Secondo l'Alto commissariato ONU, gli abusi nei centri di detenzione sono spaventosi.

La terza domanda riguarda le garanzie sull'assistenza UNHCR in Libia. Secondo l'Alto commissario a Tripoli è un'assistenza più che precaria. La Libia non ha firmato la convenzione di Ginevra, né ha un memorandum con l'UNHCR.

Di questa Africa, trasformata in nostra prigione, di questi morti, l'Unione è responsabile. Penso che un giorno pagheremo le colpe di cui ci stiamo macchiando. All'onorevole Salvini vorrei dire una cosa che Lei sa: nell'UE avete più sostegno di quel che dite di avere.

 
  
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  Judith Sargentini, namens de Verts/ALE-Fractie. – Voorzitter, met uw welnemen wil ik het woord richten aan meneer Salvini, een collega die hier het debat gestart is. Meneer Salvini, uw land is een groot exporteur van tomaten en wij in de rest van Europa, wij koken met die tomaten. Ik heb het net nog even nagekeken: in een supermarkt in Nederland kost een blik gepelde tomaten 39 cent. Maar het kan nog goedkoper. Zo'n klein blikje tomatenpuree om de saus echt lekker te maken, kost 18 cent.

En waarom vertel ik u dit? Omdat de afgelopen week een officier van justitie in Italië een boer in het zuiden van Italië veroordeeld heeft tot schuld aan doodslag op een migrantenarbeider, een man uit Sudan, meneer Abdullah Mohammed, die een hartaanval kreeg bij het plukken van tomaten. Hij plukte die tomaten onder verschrikkelijke omstandigheden, zeven dagen per week, twaalf uur per dag, in de zon. Als u dat weet en u weet dat er geen echte arbeidsinspectie plaatsvindt in de landbouw in Italië, en wij allemaal maar 39 cent per blik tomaten betalen, dan is volgens mij het echte probleem bij het tegengaan van irreguliere migratie en smokkelen het feit dat wij niet willen betalen voor onze producten, dat wij de controle hier niet op uitvoeren. De enige manier om die producten zo goedkoop te houden is mensen uitbuiten.

En u knikt. Ik ben daar blij om. Maar het is úw winst en het zijn úw arbeidsinspecteurs die er niet komen kijken. Willen wij wat doen aan irreguliere migratie, dan zullen wij mensen netjes moeten betalen en de controle moeten opvoeren. Zolang dat niet gebeurt, is er een enorme pullfactor die niet weggaat.

 
  
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  Kristina Winberg, för EFDD-gruppen. – Herr talman! I Sverige kallar vi dem papperslösa. Personer som har fått avslag på avslag på sin asylansökan och skulle ha lämnat vårt land, helst i förrgår. Ordet papperslösa kan lätt förvirra, de har ju fått papper efter papper om att de har fått avslag på sin asylansökan.

Dessa personer som borde lämnat våra länder får, hör och häpna, tillgång till vår välfärd såsom sjukvård, tandvård och i vissa fall försörjningsstöd, många gånger mer fördelaktigt än våra stackars pensionärer som har det tungt. En reform som vi i Sverigedemokraterna är ensamma om att vilja upphäva.

Att dessa personer går under jorden och många gånger är omöjliga att utvisa vet vi. De lever i ett skuggsamhälle där vi vet att många av dem jobbar svart, begår brott och utför terror. Titta bara på vem det var som utförde terrordådet i Stockholm i våras där fem personer miste livet. Personen levde illegalt i Sverige och blev radikaliserad. Myndigheterna hade ingen som helst koll på personen i fråga.

Varje medlemsstat måste påskynda utvisningarna för annars ökar riskerna som jag nämnde tidigare. Vi måste också bli bättre att hålla dem som fått avslag på sin asylansökan i förvar. Sverige kan och bör inte vara en bankomat för all världens lycksökare. Den svenska regeringen bör agera mycket hårdare omedelbart, annars byter vi i Sverigedemokraterna ut dem nästa år och gör jobbet själva!

 
  
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  Nicolas Bay, au nom du groupe ENF. – Monsieur le Président, jeudi dernier, la commission LIBE a adopté un dangereux rapport de Mme Wikström, qui sera prochainement débattu en plénière.

Ce texte a pour objet de modifier le fameux règlement Dublin, actuellement «Dublin III», qui prévoit notamment la prise en charge du demandeur d’asile par le premier pays dans lequel il arrive. Ainsi, aujourd’hui, si un clandestin arrive, par exemple, en Italie, c’est l’Italie qui traite sa demande. Si le même clandestin arrive ensuite en France, celle-ci a le droit de demander son expulsion vers l’Italie.

Avec ce rapport, le règlement se transformerait en un mécanisme automatique de répartition des clandestins. Ce «Dublin IV» prévoirait ainsi que l’on propose à un candidat au droit d’asile quatre pays dans lesquels il pourrait s’installer en attendant le traitement de sa demande. Le simple fait que les demandeurs d’asile puissent choisir l’État dans lequel leur demande sera traitée est à proprement parler grotesque. Fuient-ils réellement la guerre de façon transitoire comme on le prétend ou veulent-ils simplement choisir le système social le plus avantageux?

Le rapport de Mme Wikström vise au final à instaurer un véritable droit d’asile à la carte. L’asile a été dévoyé, il est totalement dénaturé par des critères de plus en plus souples et laxistes, et est malheureusement devenu une filière à part entière de l’immigration illégale.

Je voudrais terminer en répondant brièvement à Mme Valenciano. Par vos propos, vous avez apporté la démonstration que votre approche est purement idéologique, que le simple fait de décrire la réalité vous est absolument insupportable et que, vous et le groupe que vous représentez, n’avez aucune solution pour régler le problème de l’immigration illégale en Europe.

 
  
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  Președinte. – Fac un apel la toți colegii să încercăm să rămânem concentrați pe problemele de substanță din dezbaterea noastră și să evităm cât mai mult adresările către ceilalți colegi.

 
  
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  Krisztina Morvai (NI). – Elnök úr! A témából adódik, hogy nem tudunk teljesen eleget tenni az elnök úr kérésének, hiszen itt most a múlt és a jövő csatázik. A múlt, amikor is a magukat baloldalinak és liberálisnak valló politikusok és úgymond értelmiségiek megszokták azt, hogy az ő megmondó embereik, az ő észosztóik tematizálják a közbeszédet a migráció kérdésében. A jövő viszont az, ami ma is történik, hogy őszintén, az európai lakosság többségének a tapasztalatait visszatükrözve és véleményét kimondva beszéltek itt olasz képviselőtársaink, hozzájuk csatlakoztak svédek és mások. Itt vannak a visegrádi négyek, itt van az én hazám, Magyarország.

Kimondjuk azt, hogy igenis, Európa külső határait meg kell védeni, igenis a migrációt a gyökérokoknál kell kezelni, és ott, helyben. Köszönjük azt a rengeteg támogatást, amit magyarként kapunk azért, hogy a hazánkat és Európát megvédjük, és örülünk, hogy egyre több szövetségesünk van.

 
  
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  Barbara Kudrycka (PPE). – Panie Przewodniczący! Rozmawiamy dzisiaj o walce z przemytnikami, o niszczeniu łodzi, rozbijaniu siatek przemytników. Po ponad półtora roku działalności Europejskiego Centrum Zwalczania Przemytu Migrantów możemy pogratulować Europolowi, Frontexowi i narodowym służbom granicznym rezultatów wspólnej pracy.

Jednak przemyt nie jest źródłem problemu, a rezultatem wcześniejszego braku całościowego podejścia do problematyki migracji, szczególnie w zakresie skutecznego leczenia przyczyn masowych wyjazdów z kraju pochodzenia. Dlatego dobrze, że w tej sprawie dużo zaczęło się zmieniać. Nie ulega wątpliwości też, że presja migracyjna uległa znacznemu zmniejszeniu w ostatnim roku. Widać więc wyraźnie, że europejskie zarządzanie w zakresie migracji zaczyna przynosić sukcesy. To dobry znak. Najważniejsze jest jednak, abyśmy kontynuowali wspólne wysiłki w tych dziedzinach, w których jesteśmy wszyscy zgodni – to jest w zakresie skutecznej ochrony zewnętrznych granic Unii: wsparcia zarówno finansowego, jak i osobowego i profesjonalnego dla krajów granicznych, realizacji programów powrotowych oraz europejskiej strategii dla Afryki. Ta ostatnia jest szczególnie ważna.

Według UNHCR wiele osób z Afryki subsaharyjskiej nie podjęłoby skrajnie niebezpiecznej wędrówki do Libii, a dalej do Europy, gdyby znana im była skala ryzyka i dostępne programy ochrony. Dlatego tak bardzo potrzebne są wszelkie działania oparte na funduszu powierniczym dla Afryki. Fundusz powierniczy dla Afryki powinien przede wszystkim także pomóc w poprawie warunków w obozach libijskich, które rzeczywiście są dramatyczne. Nie możemy być głusi na raportowane przypadki przemocy, gwałtów, tortur, notorycznego łamania praw człowieka. Dlatego należy wspierać działania międzynarodowych organizacji pozarządowych na terenie tych obozów. Skoro robimy dla zażegnania kryzysu imigracyjnego tak wiele, stać nas również na to.

 
  
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  Knut Fleckenstein (S&D). – Herr Präsident, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Gemeinsam wollen wir doch irreguläre Migration in der EU einschränken, bestenfalls verhindern. Deshalb brauchen wir neben einer gemeinsamen Asylpolitik eine Migrationspolitik, die legale Einwanderung zulässt. Das ist gut für beide Seiten. Es ermöglicht uns eine Steuerung und zeigt den Menschen, die bei uns eine bessere Zukunft für sich und ihre Kinder suchen, einen möglichen Weg auf.

Dieser Weg klappt nicht immer – vielleicht nicht beim ersten Anlauf –, aber er ist eine Alternative zu dem oft aussichtslosen Versuch, Asyl zu erschleichen oder vor allem auf der Flucht das eigene Leben aufs Spiel setzen.

Wir brauchen eine Politik, die die Ursachen für Flucht und Migration bekämpft. Die nachhaltige Bekämpfung von Fluchtursachen wie Klimakatastrophen, Instabilität und kriegsbedingter Armut muss durch ein vernetztes Denken von Entwicklungszusammenarbeit, humanitärer Hilfe und gemeinsamer Sicherheitspolitik erfolgen. Dazu gehört auch, dass wir unsere eigene Handelspolitik, unsere eigenen Subventionen radikal dahingehend überprüfen, inwieweit sie zu Armut und Ungleichheit beitragen.

Vor allem müssen wir glaubwürdig bleiben. Wir haben einen Africa TrustFund, der sollte am Anfang zweimal 1,8 Mrd. Euro haben. Das Ergebnis ist für uns, die EU, ganz in Ordnung: über 2,5 Mrd. sind drin. Die Mitgliedstaaten haben –aber auch nur mit Hilfe der Schweiz und Norwegens – gerade einmal 176 Mio. eingezahlt. Ich frage mich: Wie viele Millionen Flüchtlinge müssen noch nach Europa kommen, damit diejenigen in den Mitgliedstaaten aufhören zu schwatzen und endlich handeln? Es wird höchste Zeit.

 
  
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  Jussi Halla-aho (ECR). – Mr President, there will be smuggling in the Mediterranean for as long as illegal crossing is rewarded. The demographic and socioeconomic trends in Africa and the Middle East guarantee that people will keep coming indefinitely and in large numbers. We have the tools to manage the influx: the problem is that we do not have a political decision on what we want to achieve.

Europe cannot afford this kind of immigration, socially or economically. We have failed in integrating the immigrants that we already have, and that failure will become catastrophic as the numbers grow. So, we must stop the flow. Migrants who are rescued at sea must be returned to the port of departure, and not brought to European ports. This will also stop smuggling, because nobody wants to pay for nothing, and it will stop the tragedies at sea.

 
  
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  Angelika Mlinar (ALDE). – Herr Präsident! Wie schon mehrmals an dieser Stelle erwähnt, ist das beste Rezept gegen unkontrollierte und illegale Zuwanderung ein System, das legale Migration ermöglicht und gleichzeitig die davon zu trennenden Flüchtlingsströme koordiniert. In der Debatte werden diese beiden unterschiedlichen Phänomene permanent und leider viel zu oft vermischt.

In der Reform des Dublin-Abkommens ist eine gemeinsame europäische Asylpolitik auf dem Weg. Was aber noch unbedingt notwendig ist, ist eine gemeinsame europäische Migrationspolitik, die auch diesen Namen verdient. Nur wenn wir uns weiter in diese Richtung bewegen, können wir den Menschenschmuggel beenden, Leben retten und von den wirtschaftlichen Vorteilen profitieren, die die koordinierte und kontrollierte Einwanderung für unsere Volkswirtschaften mit sich bringt.

Das Europäische Parlament ist bereit dazu. Und ich appelliere hier und an dieser Stelle an die Regierungen und auch an die Ratspräsidentschaft, die nötigen Schritte zu setzen und gemeinsam mit dem Europäischen Parlament und der Europäischen Kommission ein europäisches Migrationssystem zu beschließen. Das ist nämlich das, was die Menschen von der Europäischen Union und von uns allen erwarten.

 
  
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  Marina Albiol Guzmán (GUE/NGL). – Señor presidente, este es un debate propuesto por el grupo de extrema derecha con el título de «Lucha contra la inmigración ilegal».

Ilegales pueden ser las armas, la violencia, las cosas, pero no las personas. Y si ustedes llaman ilegales a las personas que vienen a buscar una vida mejor a Europa es porque nuestros Gobiernos se han otorgado la potestad de decidir quién puede salvarse o quién debe morir, negándoles la ciudadanía a millones de personas.

Son ilegales para que así, cuando interese, se les cierren las puertas y mueran en el Mediterráneo, sean encerrados en un CIE o sean devueltos en caliente en una valla. Son ilegales también para que, cuando interese, se les abran las puertas y puedan ser explotados sexualmente o trabajar en condiciones de semiesclavitud.

Pero a quien habría que encerrar en un CIE es a personajes como la señora Le Pen o a todas aquellas personas que piensan que por haber nacido en Europa o ser blancos tenemos más derecho a comer que el resto. Y el muro lo vamos a construir —claro que sí—, un muro por el que ustedes no pasarán, un muro de solidaridad antifascista.

 
  
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  James Carver (EFDD). – Mr President, the issue of people smuggling and illegal immigration in the Mediterranean is, in essence, a simple one. The first step that we must undertake is to ask why this happens. Firstly, we must acknowledge the phenomenon of economic migration. European nations are wealthier and generally more stable and enjoy greater social benefits.

By contrast, many African nations are poor, some politically unstable, many with lower health-care standards, and little chance of social benefits. Secondly, there are vast amounts of money to be made by people smuggling. Indeed, the last Europol report estimated that turnover in this area was between EUR three and six billion per annum. This has led to an increase in modern slavery.

Something has to be done. With no effective control over our borders we remain vulnerable to terrorism. Also, we must address the increasing detrimental health issues, such as the fact that in 2014, 80% of tuberculosis sufferers in London were born abroad and a third of London boroughs were in that year’s World Health Organisation high incidence threshold. This necessarily contributes to the greater pressure on our own health services.

Secondly, we must ensure that people smuggling is halted, the perpetrators’ vehicles confiscated and destroyed, and any NGOs found to have assisted in this despicable trade must lose all public funding and, like the people caught people smuggling, also face prosecution.

Illegal immigrants are something very different to refugees. They should be turned away at the borders as a measure to send a message back to their homeland that such a journey will not be rewarded. Only by taking such a stance will we then be able to address the issue of support for genuine refugees.

 
  
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  Auke Zijlstra (ENF). – Voorzitter, minder dan drie procent van de migranten kreeg in Italië de vluchtelingenstatus, maar van 14 000 afgewezen migranten werden er maar 120 uitgezet. Zonder een effectief uitzetbeleid blijven mensen op bootjes stappen met een grote kans op de verdrinkingsdood.

Voorzitter, we moeten mensensmokkelaars vervolgen. We moeten illegaliteit strafbaar stellen. We moeten iedereen die op zee gered wordt, terugbrengen, onmiddellijk, en zeker niet toelaten tot de Europese Unie. Maar vooral moeten wij meer en sneller en onverbiddelijk uitzetten. De EU—wetgeving zit ons daarbij al in de weg, maar nu heeft dit Parlement vorige week voorgesteld om iedereen die arriveert automatisch toe te wijzen aan een land.

Een dergelijke lokroep is bijna kwaadaardig. Geen enkel beleid werkt nog als het Parlement dit soort dingen gaat doen. Voorzitter, hoeveel levens mag dit nog kosten?

 
  
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  Κωνσταντίνος Παπαδάκης (NI). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, οι πολεμικές συγκρούσεις ουδέποτε σταμάτησαν· το αντίθετο. Γι’ αυτό ενισχύονται και πάλι τα κύματα προσφύγων, ενώ διαιωνίζεται ο εγκλωβισμός στους στα ελληνικά νησιά σε απάνθρωπες συνθήκες τύπου Μόριας στη Λέσβο. Ακέραιες και μεγάλες οι ευθύνες της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης και της ελληνικής κυβέρνησης. Οι δε κατευθύνσεις της τελευταίας συνόδου κορυφής συμπυκνώνονται στη θέση «κρατήστε με κάθε τρόπο τους πρόσφυγες εκτός της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης». Τις «fast track» απελάσεις τις ονομάζετε κομψά «επιστροφές» που θρέφουν τα δίκτυα των διακινητών που κατά τα άλλα πολεμάτε και ενθαρρύνουν τους φασίστες. Ενισχύετε το σύστημα φακελώματος Σένγκεν εισόδου-εξόδου, το επερχόμενο νέο σιδερόφρακτο Δουβλίνο και νέο σύστημα ασύλου. Από τη μία, επιλεγμένοι πάμφθηνοι εργαζόμενοι που θα γίνονται δεκτοί και, από την άλλη, στο όνομα της πρόληψης μετανάστευσης, μεγάλες «μπίζνες» σε Αφρική και Μέση Ανατολή. Μονά-ζυγά δηλαδή στην υπηρεσία των μονοπωλίων. Είναι αναγκαίο να δυναμώσει η αλληλεγγύη των λαών για να φτάσουν οι πρόσφυγες μετανάστες στη χώρα τελικού προορισμού τους, παλεύοντας κατά των ιμπεριαλιστικών πολέμων, του ΝΑΤΟ, της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης και της εκμετάλλευσης.

 
  
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  Cristian Dan Preda (PPE). – Monsieur le Président, l'immigration clandestine est tout d'abord un drame humain. Il s'agit d'un geste de désespoir, qui est exploité par des trafiquants de toutes sortes. La situation des réfugiés et des migrants détenus actuellement par des passeurs dans la ville de Sabratha en Libye en est l'illustration.

La lutte contre l'immigration illégale en Méditerranée doit se faire sur deux fronts. Il s'agit d'abord de stopper les trafiquants, non seulement en les arrêtant en mer, mais surtout en adoptant des sanctions contre les chefs de ces régions. Les stopper signifie également soutenir le processus de paix en Libye, car les passeurs font fortune et opèrent grâce au vide politique et sécuritaire. Le nouveau plan de paix proposé par l'envoyé spécial des Nations unies va dans le bon sens. Il faut que nous aidions ce pays à sortir du blocage.

Le deuxième front est celui de la solidarité, qui n'est pas une option mais un devoir. Malheureusement, les chiffres parlent d'eux-mêmes. Nos États membres ne remplissent pas leurs obligations dans le cadre du mécanisme de relocalisation des réfugiés se trouvant en Italie et en Grèce, pourtant adopté en septembre 2015. La Hongrie et la Pologne n’ont accueilli aucun réfugié, la République tchèque en a accueilli 12, la Slovaquie 16 et l'Autriche 15.

La solidarité est également quasi inexistante lorsqu'il s'agit du Fonds d'urgence pour l'Afrique. Celui-ci a atteint ses limites et, si les États membres ne contribuent pas davantage, nous ne pourrons plus poursuivre nos politiques de retour volontaire, de sécurité aux frontières, d'éducation, de formation professionnelle. Comment proposer une alternative à ces candidats à la migration sans moyens financiers?

Nous sommes face à une vision très court-termiste alors que l'Union européenne a besoin d'une vision stratégique pour faire la différence et résoudre ce problème.

 
  
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  Tanja Fajon (S&D). – Mr President, it is a very important debate, but look around the room: there are, what, 50 colleagues here? The European governments are focusing on pushbacks to the Mediterranean. We are not seriously addressing the despair of thousands of migrants that are crossing the Mediterranean. Almost half of them do not get international protection in Europe – that is what really worries me. Thank you, Mr Salvini, for stressing the importance of opening safer and legal ways to Europe for people that are in need for international protection. But your Group, which bases itself on anti-immigrant and xenophobic rhetoric, does not match your words with actions. You constantly vote against the European solutions that we are working on in this House too.

It is clear that Italy cannot handle the situation alone. It is clear that we need a true European asylum system. We did our job here in the Parliament, and I blame the European governments for not moving forward. Yes, we have to improve our policy of return, but it can only be successful if we also establish efficient resettlement schemes. What about the fund for Africa? Members States promised the money, but where is this money today? What about the smugglers? We have the measures to fight against human trafficking. Where their smuggling profits going to? The Mediterranean remains a deadly sea, and I have to say, seriously, that I am ashamed of that.

 
  
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  Monica Macovei (ECR). – Domnule președinte, salvarea de vieți pe mare și combaterea traficului cu ființe umane trebuie să fie în continuare prioritățile în actuala criză a migrației din Mediterană. Cei traficați sunt adesea supuși riscului de a fi torturați, de a fi omorâți. De asemenea, la baza traficului cu ființe umane stă întotdeauna corupția. Unii pot să nu mai ajungă, practic, de cealaltă parte a continentului, acolo unde vor să ajungă. Și atunci, practic, traficul cu migranți nu pune în pericol numai viața lor, ci sprijină și actele teroriste, pentru că, prin traficul de migranți, de exemplu, se finanțează terorismul. Deci, trebuie să oprim acest trafic, să-i ajutăm pe cei care au nevoie de protecție să ajungă în Europa și, repet, să oprim traficul de ființe umane, inclusiv tăierea fondurilor teroriste.

Aș mai spune un singur lucru: ceea ce am decis să adoptăm în Parlament, după cotele obligatorii, a fost totuși procedura de relocare, care înseamnă că ne ducem acolo și îi alegem noi pe cei pe care îi aducem, așa cum face și Canada și cum fac alte țări, după ce verificăm aspecte de securitate, sănătate și trecutul penal, dacă există sau nu.

 
  
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  Malin Björk (GUE/NGL). – Mr President, I am sorry, ENF Group, but this is neo-fascism and racism dressed up in suits. You should not be able to set the agenda or frame our political responses, let alone frame our future. You should stop putting people against each other and stop lying about migrants and refugees, and you should stop confusing migrants and terrorists. It is beyond all dignity and sense.

Smugglers exist because there is a lack of legal pathways. To externalise borders – in the way that some people here want to do – is not to save people. It increases death in the Mediterranean and in the Sahara. Yes, the left wants other responses. We want to close detention centres, we want to stop chasing people who are in an irregular situation and to stop the obsession with deportations. We want to open more legal pathways.

We have had two votes in Parliament that point to the possibility of humanitarian resettlement and the shared responsibility for receiving more refugees in Europe. Now it is up to the Council to deliver.

To flee is not a choice. Nobody is illegal.

 
  
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  Maite Pagazaurtundúa Ruiz (ALDE). – Señor presidente, cada día cuenta y a día de hoy, 25 de octubre de 2017, la gran vergüenza de Europa sigue siendo la falta de vías seguras de entrada para los refugiados, pero también de un sistema ordenado para la entrada de la migración. Voy a poner un ejemplo: hay 5 000 refugiados que malviven en Moria, en Lesbos, y sufren de depresiones, intentos de suicidio, conflictos por las condiciones inhumanas. Los que llegaron a las islas griegas tras el 20 de marzo de 2016 están excluidos del plan de reubicación. Están atrapados sin esperanza.

Y muchos Estados miembros no están a la altura ni del desafío histórico —porque este es uno de los desafíos del siglo— ni de sus compromisos políticos. Cuando los principios y valores de la Unión se tambalean, nos queda aferrarnos al Estado de Derecho y, si este se vulnera, aplicar sanciones. Esta, señorías, es una de las razones del fracaso que tenemos. No hay mecanismos de sanción a los Estados, que sí pueden hacer más esfuerzos, que pueden hacerlos también por otros medios (visados de estudio, visados de trabajo, procedimientos rápidos de reagrupación familiar), pero miran a otro lado cobardemente.

 
  
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  Laura Ferrara (EFDD). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, l'immigrazione illegale e il traffico di esseri umani nel Mediterraneo sono soprattutto un gigantesco business, che inizia nei paesi di origine dei flussi migratori e che continua nei paesi europei di destinazione, in quei centri di accoglienza troppo spesso oggetto di mala gestione e di speculazione sui fondi pubblici. Un fenomeno che finisce con l'alimentare lo sfruttamento sessuale, il caporalato, oscuri interessi e attività illecite gestite da gruppi criminali.

È per questo che riteniamo fondamentale avere delle vie legali e sicure di accesso all'Unione europea, la quale deve essere coinvolta nel riconoscere già nei paesi di origine o di transito chi ha diritto a forme di protezione internazionale.

Istituire delle vie legali di accesso all'Unione europea significa avere un'alternativa legale, significa che coloro che scappano da guerre e persecuzioni avrebbero la possibilità di non mettere la propria vita nelle mani di criminali senza scrupoli, significa contrastare il traffico di esseri umani, le traversate e i morti in mare e la pressione dei flussi migratori sulle frontiere esterne.

 
  
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  Marie-Christine Arnautu (ENF). – Monsieur le Président, du détroit de Gibraltar aux îles grecques, de Lampedusa aux rivages de Calabre, l’Europe subit une déferlante migratoire et, depuis plusieurs années, pour des raisons bassement économiques, l’oligarchie européenne organise sciemment cette invasion.

Mais pourquoi vous obstinez-vous donc à ne pas reconnaître que les milliers de clandestins qui meurent chaque année en tentant la traversée sont victimes de vos propres politiques? Il y a 100 ans, la funeste révolution bolchévique plongeait la Russie dans un régime totalitaire, violent et liberticide. Plusieurs pays ont suivi cette terrible voie. Celle choisie par l’Union européenne est aussi néfaste que celle prise par l’ex-Union soviétique. Les peuples de l’Est qui ont subi le joug communiste ne s’y trompent pas, eux.

Finissons-en avec ces politiques d’immigration sapant la cohésion de nos peuples et mettant gravement en péril notre civilisation. Ayez enfin le courage de prendre des mesures dissuasives, de mettre fin à la collusion entre trafiquants et ONG pseudo-humanitaires et de renvoyer les embarcations clandestines. Bref, ayez le courage d’avoir du courage.

 
  
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  Γεώργιος Επιτήδειος (NI). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η αντιμετώπιση του μεταναστευτικού αποτελεί τη μεγαλύτερη διαχρονικά αποτυχία της Ευρωπαϊκής Ενώσεως. Μία αποτυχία τις συνέπειες της οποίας υφίστανται οι σημερινές γενεές και δεν ξέρουμε πόσες ακόμη στο μέλλον. Από τη στιγμή κατά την οποία η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση έπεσε θύμα του λαϊκιστικού συνθήματος «δεν θα κάνουμε την Ευρώπη φρούριο» και αφαίρεσε από τις χώρες υποδοχής και των εξωτερικών συνόρων, δηλαδή την Ιταλία και την Ελλάδα, το δικαίωμα να προστατεύσουν τα σύνορά τους, προέκυψε αυτή η πλημμυρίδα, αυτή η εισβολή των παρανόμων μεταναστών, η οποία δημιουργεί τα προβλήματα που αναφέραμε. Κατ’ αυτόν τον τρόπο, οι άνθρωποι αυτοί ζουν κάτω από άθλιες συνθήκες και στην Ελλάδα και στην Ιταλία. Έτσι, οι λαϊκιστές πέτυχαν μια μεγάλη νίκη. Δεν έγινε η Ευρώπη φρούριο, έγινε όμως ένα τεράστιο στρατόπεδο συγκεντρώσεως εξαθλιωμένων και δυστυχών ανθρώπων που ζουν κάτω από άθλιες συνθήκες. Όμως, οι λαϊκιστές της αριστεράς δεν φιλοξενούν τους ανθρώπους αυτούς στα σπίτια τους, ούτε τους τροφοδοτούν. Αυτό το κάνουμε εμείς, οι οποίοι αγαπούμε με την πατρίδα μας και οι οποίοι θα τη σώσουμε την πατρίδα μας διότι έχουμε αποτελεσματικό και ορθό τρόπο αντιμετωπίσεως...

(Ο Πρόεδρος διακόπτει τον ομιλητή)

 
  
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  Kinga Gál (PPE). – Elnök Úr! Az embercsempészet felszámolásához az illegális migrációt az Unió határain kívül kell megállítani. Csak olyan menekültügyi rendszer lehet hatékony, amely szét tudja választani az illegális gazdasági bevándorlókat a valóban menekültstátuszra jogosultaktól még az Unión kívül.

Kristálytisztává kell tenni, hogy csak a valódi menekültek léphetnek, vagy kaphatnak menekültügyi státuszt az Unió területén. Minden más megoldást az Unióba való meghívásként értelmeznek az illegális migránsok ezrei. Ennek elérése céljából a menekült központokat az Unió határain kívül kell felállítani, ahol lehetővé kell tenni a menedékjog iránti kérelmek feldolgozását. Közben pedig mindenek fölött védenünk kell az Unió külső határait. Ebben segítenünk kell pénzügyileg is a külső határokat védő tagállamokat, különben további emberéletek lesznek a tenger vagy a sivatag áldozatai, mert mára köztudott: az embercsempészet még a drogkereskedelemnél nagyobb biznisszé nőtte ki magát az elmúlt években. Csak így zúzhatjuk szét a migrációs válságból egyre többet profitáló embercsempészek üzleti modelljét és növekvő befolyását.

 
  
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  Péter Niedermüller (S&D). – Elnök Úr! Nem szeretünk erről beszélni, de mindannyian tudjuk, hogy a Földközi-tenger az elmúlt évek során menekültek tízezreinek a tömegsírjává vált. Néha fölkapjuk a fejünket egy-egy borzalmas tragédia kapcsán, de aztán minden megy tovább úgy, mint azelőtt ment. Mára világosan kell látni, hogy zsákutcába jutottunk. Nyilvánvaló, hogy az embercsempészet ellen minden rendelkezésünkre álló eszközzel harcolni kell. De azt is világosan kell látni, hogy sem a legelrettentőbb határvédelem, sem a menekülteket segítő NGO-k elleni indokolatlan vádaskodás nem fogja ezt a helyzetet föl- vagy megoldani. Azt kellene végre megértenünk, hogy pusztán a határok lezárásával, a minél szigorúbb ellenőrzéssel nem fogjuk tudni megoldani ezt a helyzetet.

A közös európai menekültügyi politika csak akkor lesz képes működni, ha a tagállamok végre félreteszik az önös szempontjaikat, és valóban közös politikát akarnak. Amíg egyszerűen tudomásul vesszük azt, hogy vannak tagállamok, amelyek minden következmény nélkül megtagadhatják a közös politikában való részvételt, addig nem fog történni az égvilágon semmi. Tusk úrnak a visegrádi országok elutasító menekültügyi politikájával kapcsolatos megértő megjegyzései pedig csak a közös európai politikai ellenzőit segítik.

Az Európai Parlament az elmúlt másfél év során számos jelentést, indítványt terjesztett elő, készített elő, amelyeknek az implementálása megteremthetné a szabályozott legális utakat kínáló bevándorlás és menekültügyi politika kereteit. Hogy nem történik semmiféle-fajta előrelépés, annak egyetlen oka van, nevezetesen, hogy a Tanács semmiféle hajlandóságot sem mutat komoly tárgyalásokra, képtelen egységes álláspontot kialakítani. Pedig minden további késedelem az embercsempészek malmára hajtja a vizet, és tudnunk kell, hogy senki, de senki sem bújhat ki a közös felelősség alól, még a Tanács sem.

 
  
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  Anna Elżbieta Fotyga (ECR). – Mr President, Mr Preda is mistaken. Poland has accepted around one million migrants without relying on the EU mechanism. On the eve of the EU-Africa summit, I acknowledged the heart-breaking poverty and the huge violence on the continent. I therefore welcome the Trust Fund for Africa and other endeavours to diminish both disasters.

Based on said experience, I pay tribute to Europol, Frontex, EUNAVFOR MED operation SOPHIA, NATO and EU Member States, such as Italy and Greece, for their endeavours to manage the migration problem and to eradicate both illegal migration and the criminal activity associated with it.

 
  
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  Νεοκλής Συλικιώτης (GUE/NGL). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, όσο συνεχίζονται με ευθύνη της Ένωσης οι πόλεμοι, οι ιμπεριαλιστικές επεμβατικές πολιτικές, η φτώχεια, η καταπάτηση του δικαιώματος των λαών για κυριαρχία επί των φυσικών τους πόρων και οι επιπτώσεις από τις κλιματικές αλλαγές, όλο και περισσότεροι άνθρωποι θα αναγκάζονται να μεταναστεύουν. Αυτοί που αποκαλείτε παράνομους μετανάστες είναι οι άνθρωποι που εξαναγκάστηκαν να αφήσουν τα σπίτια τους για να γίνουν θύματα των διακινητών στη Μεσόγειο, για να σώσουν τα παιδιά τους. Όσο η Ένωση συνεχίζει να τους αντιμετωπίζει ως εγκληματίες, το μόνο που θα κατορθώνει είναι να ενισχύονται τα ακροδεξιά κινήματα και να αυξάνονται τα κυκλώματα των διακινητών. Πόσοι ακόμα πρόσφυγες πρέπει να πεθάνουν αβοήθητοι για να πάψουν οι ξενοφοβικές ρατσιστικές προσεγγίσεις της Ένωσης; Η συνεχιζόμενη τραγωδία θέτει όλο και πιο επιτακτικά την ανάγκη η Ένωση να προχωρήσει σε μια ριζική αναθεώρηση της μεταναστευτικής πολιτικής, να καταπολεμηθούν δηλαδή οι αιτίες που δημιουργούν τη μετανάστευση και το προσφυγικό. Για μας πρέπει να καταργηθεί ή να αρθεί άμεσα η απαράδεκτη συμφωνία ανταλλαγής προσφύγων με την Τουρκία, να ενισχυθεί η ανθρωπιστική βοήθεια, να καταργηθεί το Δουβλίνο ΙΙ, να δημιουργηθούν ασφαλείς και νόμιμες οδοί και να υπάρξει ένα δίκτυο ανακατανομής και μετεγκατάστασης των προσφύγων.

 
  
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  Patrick O’Flynn (EFDD). – Mr President, irregular or illegal immigration is a political disaster. It undermines the positive case for controlled immigration, it is corrosive of public trust and it rewards law-breakers, as opposed to honest applicants who have stuck to the rules. It follows that facilitating or encouraging, even indirectly, the flow of irregular migration is the height of political irresponsibility.

Yet this is what many senior European politicians have done: from Mrs Merkel inviting everyone to Germany and then seeking to strong-arm her neighbours into bailing her out, to those campaigning against the Dublin rules that quite reasonably expect asylum applicants to lodge their claims in the first safe country they reach.

The answer to the Mediterranean migration crisis is not to force other EU countries to take in those being sheltered by Italy or Greece. That will merely add to the pull factors which already lure so many young men from Africa and the Middle East to Europe. No, the solution is to intercept the boats coming from Libya and elsewhere, and to escort them back to their points of embarkation.

Irregular migrants need to be seen to be losers – not losers of their lives, like so many have been in recent years – but losers in their battle to circumvent the rule of law. Only that way will public confidence be restored.

 
  
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  Angelo Ciocca (ENF). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, negli ultimi tre anni l'Europa ha speso, ha buttato, qualcosa come oltre 20 miliardi di euro di faticose tasse dei cittadini europei in politiche folli di accoglienza.

Allora è doveroso chiedersi: quali sono stati gli effetti? Le risposte sono sotto gli occhi di tutti: più povertà, più insicurezza, più delinquenza, più attentati. Allora serve riflettere se i 20 miliardi spesi in questi tre anni sono stati una cura o hanno alimentato la malattia del problema. Bisogna riflettere se i 20 miliardi di un bottino così ricco sono stati un elemento che ha alimentato il business dell'accoglienza, che ha determinato gli effetti negativi di questa accoglienza.

E direi che sbagliare è umano ma perseverare è diabolico, quindi è fondamentale smettere di buttare denaro pubblico nell'accoglienza criminale e continua e cambiare politiche. Dico "sì" a tendere la mano, a investire in aiuto a 2 euro al giorno nei paesi di provenienza; dico "no" a buttare 40 euro al giorno in accoglienza folle in questo paese.

 
  
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  Janusz Korwin-Mikke (NI). – Panie Przewodniczący! Sprawa jest poważna, słucham tego z rozbawieniem. Po pierwsze, chciałbym wyjaśnić lewicy, że nielegalny imigrant nie ma nic wspólnego z rasizmem. To jest po prostu człowiek, który nie ma ważnego paszportu i wizy. Sam byłem kilka razy nielegalnie w jakimś kraju. W Stanach Zjednoczonych jest kilkaset tysięcy nielegalnych imigrantów z Polski i nie ma w tym oczywiście żadnego rasizmu.

Po drugie, odnoszę wrażenie, że lewica tak nienawidzi przedsiębiorczości, że bardziej martwi ich fakt, że przemytnicy zarabiają na tym procederze, niż interesuje ich problem imigrantów. Nawet pan Preda wyraził się, że nienawidzi przemytników, którzy na tym procederze zarabiają pieniądze. Po prostu nienawidzi kapitalizmu.

A teraz pomówmy o sprawie poważnie. Przyczyną zła są zasiłki. Socjalizm jest to ustrój, w którym bohatersko pokonuje się trudności nieznane w żadnym innym ustroju. Gdyby nie było zasiłków socjalnych, nie byłoby imigrantów. Nie byłoby również demoralizacji Europejczyków, którzy pobierają te same zasiłki. Czas zlikwidować zasiłki socjalne i problem imigrantów zostanie sprowadzony do normalnych rozmiarów: będą przyjeżdżali tylko ci imigranci, którzy chcą uczciwie pracować

 
  
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  President. – If only it were so simple.

 
  
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  Barbara Matera (PPE). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, l'invasione a cui abbiamo assistito negli scorsi anni ha reso il dibattito infuocato e ci ha diviso immensamente. Il valore aggiunto di un accordo di compromesso, basato su una condivisione delle responsabilità, era e resta l'unica soluzione possibile.

L'Italia come territorio di confine ha messo in gioco la propria stabilità interna per arginare i flussi. Abbiamo più volte richiesto l'intervento della comunità internazionale e dell'Unione per aiutarci a fronteggiare questa emergenza. Sono convinta che il vero fenomeno da contrastare è la criminalità organizzata, che lucra sul traffico e finanzia il terrorismo.

Secondo dati forniti dalla Commissione europea il 79 % delle vittime di traffico sono destinate a prostituzione e sfruttamento sessuale, ma se da un lato dobbiamo con forza condannare i trafficanti e proteggere le vittime, dall'altro se non ci fosse la domanda non ci sarebbe mercato. E allora, in questo caso, sono sempre stata una fan e ho sempre apprezzato il modello nordico e, soprattutto, la criminalizzazione del cliente: più siamo rigidi e con noi stessi e meno interessi ci saranno in gioco.

 
  
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  Pier Antonio Panzeri (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, l'Unione europea negli ultimi anni ha dimostrato tutta la propria fragilità politica nel fronteggiare più che una crisi migratoria una crisi che definirei istituzionale nella gestione del flusso dei migranti. Non si risponde al tema dell'immigrazione illegale pensando a politiche di chiusura e di esternalizzazione del controllo delle frontiere nei confronti di chi fugge da guerra e miseria.

Il Consiglio, nel recente summit, ha dichiarato di essere pronto a vigilare su tutte le rotte migratorie, ma si continua a sottovalutare il fatto che le nuove rotte verso l'Europa potrebbero rivelarsi più pericolose delle precedenti e soprattutto si continua a non vedere che, nel frattempo, a fare le spese di una politica non all'altezza sono decine di migliaia di migranti vittime di stupri, detenzioni illegali e abusi di ogni sorta.

Ora appare evidente, a differenza di ciò che immagina nella sua complessa attività onirica l'onorevole Salvini, la necessità di un cambiamento di approccio, che affronti le sfide strutturali che sono alla radice di questo processo, quali il sottosviluppo, la crescita demografica, le disuguaglianze, l'assenza di opportunità, i cambiamenti climatici, e la necessità di governare tale processo attraverso il rafforzamento della legislazione comune in materia di asilo e immigrazione.

Solo un approccio coordinato, basato sui principi di solidarietà, condivisione equa delle responsabilità e forti investimenti finanziari, potrà fornire risultati tangibili in questa sfida decisiva per la stessa Europa.

 
  
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  Bernd Lucke (ECR). – Herr Präsident! Wir sprechen hier über Menschenschmuggel. Wir sprechen über das Schlepperwesen.

Die Regelverstöße, die Gesetzesverstöße, die hier so viele Redner beklagt haben, das ist ja nur eine Seite der Medaille. Die andere und viel fürchterlichere Seite der Medaille ist der Verlust an menschlichem Leben, den wir sehen: wenn Menschen von Schleppern in Boote geschickt werden, die nicht seetüchtig sind, wenn sie zum Teil bewusst in den Tod getrieben werden, weil das Steuer festgestellt wird, wenn zu wenig Trinkwasser an Bord ist und ähnliche Dinge mehr.

Gegen dieses Schlepperunwesen, gegen diese Kriminellen, gegen diese Mörder muss man etwas tun. Da vermisse ich die Initiativen. Warum gehen wir nicht so vor, wie wir auch mit der Ergreifung von Mördern in der Europäischen Union umgehen, indem wir Belohnungen aussetzen für diejenigen, die zur Ergreifung dieser Mörder beitragen? Warum loben wir nicht Geld – viel Geld –für all diejenigen Flüchtlinge aus, die, bevor sie ein solches Boot betreten, Anzeige erstatten und sagen: Da sind die Schlepper – nehmt diese Leute fest.

Warum kooperieren wir in den entsprechenden Ländern nicht mit den Polizeibehörden, indem wir sagen: Wir loben das Geld aus, ihr nehmt die Leute fest, und dann führen wir sie der Gerechtigkeit zu?

 
  
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  Miguel Urbán Crespo (GUE/NGL). – Señor presidente, la inmigración podrá darse por vía legal o por vía irregular, pero nunca jamás un ser humano puede ser considerado ilegal. Estas categorías solo generan peligrosos muros invisibles construidos sobre la estigmatización de la población migrante, como, por ejemplo, el vergonzante título de este debate, que destila la xenofobia propia de los fascistas con corbata. Esto también lo hace la Unión Europea, que constantemente habla también de migrantes ilegales.

La solución es dar un giro de 180 grados a la política exterior migratoria y de fronteras de la «Europa fortaleza», que es la que realmente estimula el negocio del tráfico de personas en el Mediterráneo. Las mafias son el incendio que tenemos que apagar, pero las políticas migratorias de la «Europa fortaleza» son las gasolinas que mantienen vivo ese incendio.

 
  
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  Elmar Brok (PPE). – Herr Präsident, Herr Vizepräsident, meine Damen und Herren! Zuerst einmal müssen wir eine gemeinsame Definition haben, und deswegen ist es wirklich an der Zeit, ein gemeinsames europäisches Asylrecht zu schaffen und auf diese Art und Weise eine gemeinsame Definition zu haben und dies möglicherweise auch mit einem Einwanderungsgesetz zu verbinden.

Zweitens möchte ich sagen: Frau Merkel hat nicht alle eingeladen, sie lässt aber auch Menschen nicht sterben. In Polen sind eine Million Arbeitsmigranten aus der Ukraine, so wie Hunderttausende von Arbeitsmigranten aus Polen in Deutschland sind – bitte das nicht anrechnen.

Zu den Fragen selbst möchte ich noch einmal sagen: Wir müssen deutlich machen, dass diejenigen, die vor Krieg flüchten, und diejenigen, die im klassischen Asylsinne um ihr Leben fürchten müssen, Schutz haben. Das ist menschliche und rechtliche Verpflichtung! Wir müssen sehen, ob das an anderer Stelle gemacht werden kann als auf unserem Boden. Aber wir haben hier einen grundsätzlichen Anspruch, den man nicht leugnen kann und bei dem man nicht alles unter ein Dach bringen kann.

Wir müssen feststellen, dass wir bei einem illegalen Eintritt natürlich die Außengrenzen schützen müssen, was wir in diesem Europäischen Parlament seit Jahren fordern, seit 15 Jahren bereits, schon im Verfassungskonvent – es haben damals Mitgliedstaaten nicht mitgemacht wegen Kompetenzwut Europas – ein Scheitern der Mitgliedstaaten in dieser Frage, und zwar aller miteinander – und wir müssen sehen, dass wir besser die Ursachen bekämpfen. Besser, um fähiger zu sein, Kriege zu beenden und eine anständige Afrikapolitik zu machen und nicht eine solche lausige wie bisher.

Und wir müssen mit den Küstenländern kooperieren. Wir haben mit der Türkei eine Vereinbarung, und die Türkei geht gegen die Menschenhändler vor. Deswegen gibt es aus der Türkei heute 92 % weniger Flüchtlinge als vor drei Jahren. Gleichzeitig unterstützen wir die Flüchtlinge in der Türkei. Das ist der richtige Weg, und hier haben wir erste Ansätze in Bezug auf Afrika; mit Libyen ist es unter Umständen sehr viel schwerer, aber hier sind Fortschritte vorhanden, die sich sehen lassen. In diesem Sommer waren es 81 % weniger Flüchtlinge aus Afrika als im Sommer zuvor, aber wir können auch Griechenland und Italien nicht ohne Solidarität lassen.

 
  
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  Patrizia Toia (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, l'Europa, dopo una latitanza molto lunga, sta ora facendo alcuni progressi e noi chiediamo che gli Stati membri, la Commissione e il Consiglio si impegnino molto rapidamente a mantenere le promesse.

Ma per molto tempo, dicevo, il mio paese, l'Italia, è stato lasciato solo, quel paese qui criticato per un misero ed evidente scampolo di campagna elettorale, qui in Europa, per l'Italia.

Soli abbiamo fatto la ricerca, l'accoglienza, il salvataggio. Altro che parlare di business: si offendono quelle migliaia di cittadini, quelle associazioni, quel volontariato, anche cattolico in gran parte, quegli enti locali che hanno saputo accogliere. Abbiamo fatto tutto il lavoro anche sui paesi di transito e di origine, con faticosi accordi; abbiamo orgogliosamente dettato l'agenda in Europa per la politica della migrazione, affrontando l'emergenza e risalendo alle cause. Il Migration Compact, il piano per l'Africa e il piano Juncker ci sono perché qualche paese li ha chiesti; abbiamo lavorato per la riforma di Dublino, altro che fare qualche sparata e poi andarsene. Qui, giorno per giorno, nelle commissioni e nel rapporto quotidiano con i colleghi, abbiamo ottenuto alcune cose.

E mi lasci dire un'ultima parola, Presidente, con un po' di generosità come ha fatto con il collega Brok. Ho sentito evocare persino i valori cristiani per selezionare chi far entrare e chi no. Ora, io sono cristiana, e a me la religione ha insegnato l'apertura e l'accoglienza, non il rifiuto e magari l'odio per il diverso.

 
  
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  President. – One word about timing. When you are in a position such as this, you are above all a timekeeper. But we are in a parliament in which communication is the most important thing, so we must strike a balance between keeping to the time and permitting and facilitating communication.

That is why I am trying not to stop immediately when the time is over, and to let the person finish the ideas, because in the end the communication amongst ourselves is the most important thing. If I don’t manage to keep that balance all the time, well, it happens and I apologise for that. But this is my philosophy, so you should know that and we should all contribute towards making this work.

 
  
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  Roberts Zīle (ECR). – Mr President, I will try to keep this communication in order.

Vicepriekšsēdētāja kungs! Diemžēl tik daudz laika vajadzēja, lai vairāk Eiropas līderiem 2015. gada migrācijas krīze liktu saprast, ka tā lielā mērā ir krimināla biznesa organizēta krīze, un saprast to, kādi soļi būtu jāsper. Risinājumi, kas tika piedāvāti, manuprāt, neiztur kritiku, kaut vai piemērs ar pārvietošanas shēmu. Mana valsts, Latvija, kvotu ietvaros pieņēma samērā daudz migrantu, bet neviens no viņiem nav palicis Latvijā, jo viņi, protams, aizbrauca uz tām dalībvalstīm, par kurām bija samaksāts kriminālajiem noziedzniekiem un kurās viņi vēlas dzīvot, visbiežāk — uz Vāciju.

Tātad šāda sistēma neder, un tā tikai radīja spriedzi daudzu Eiropas dalībvalstu starpā. Par šeit dzirdēto jauno piedāvājumu — par legālo imigrāciju. Vai mēs padomājam — ja mēs paņemsim labākos cilvēkus no Āfrikas valstīm, tad ko mēs atstājam tajās valstīs? Kas paliks? Mēs īstenībā ciniski iztukšosim Āfrikas valstu nākotni, ja mēs tādā veidā rīkosimies.

 
  
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  President. – Perfect timing!

 
  
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  Milan Zver (PPE). – Migracije so poleg terorizma najbolj pereče vprašanje evropske javnosti. To moramo razumeti kot naročilo politiki, da naredi vse, kar je mogoče, da se nezakonite migracije zajezi.

Statistike kažejo, da smo v zadnjem letu in pol nekoliko uspešnejši v boju proti ilegalnim migrantom ter zlasti tihotapcem. Mnogi se skrivajo za nevladnimi organizacijami in rekrutirajo migrante za donosen posel. Učinkovit nadzor zunanje meje postaja eksistencialno vprašanje Evropske unije. V zadnjem času sprejemamo vrsto ukrepov kot na primer paket pametnih meja, reformiramo azilni sistem, krepimo, čeprav počasi, evropsko mejno in obalno stražo. Vsekakor moramo povečati odpornost Unije in držav članic na prihodnje krize.

Obstaja realna možnost, da se bo spet odprla balkanska pot. Sistem vračanja iz Grčije v Turčijo ne deluje dobro, ker grški organi niso sposobni procesirati drugostopenjskih pritožb glede prošenj za mednarodno zaščito. Zato se kapacitete na otokih nevarno krčijo. Posledično se ponovno odpira verjetnost selitve na grško kopno in potem seveda nadalje na sever. Tihotapci, ki rekrutirajo v Turčiji, so spet dejavnejši. Kako nestabilni odnosi so s turško vlado pa tako ali tako vemo. Zato bi morali opozoriti balkanske države na nevarnost novih valov ilegalnih migracij.

Upam, da se bo Unija in njene države članice tokrat drugače odzvale na ta posel, od katerega imajo koristi le tihotapci in države, ki že dalj časa destabilizirajo Evropsko unijo.

 
  
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  Enrique Guerrero Salom (S&D). – Señor presidente, como ponente permanente de ayuda humanitaria de este Parlamento, rechazo el enfoque que ha dado quien ha propuesto este debate. Un enfoque de xenofobia cultural envuelto en algunas pinceladas de cristianismo farisaico. Este es un asunto complejo y no puede abordarse simplemente tratando los síntomas de uno de sus componentes.

Necesitamos una respuesta global que aborde las causas con inversiones potentes en los países de origen y tránsito; que abra vías para el acceso humanitario y también para la inmigración ordenada; que combata a los traficantes y los persiga; que respete los derechos humanos de quienes llegan a nuestras fronteras y que promueva políticas de integración en los países donde esos emigrantes se establezcan. Ese es un enfoque global y es un compromiso para toda la Unión Europea.

 
  
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  Ангел Джамбазки (ECR). – Г-н Председател, уважаеми колеги, нелегалната миграция е заплаха. Заплаха е за правовия ред, за сигурността на държавите членки на Европейския съюз. Тези, които подкрепят нелегална имиграция, те вършат престъпления. Незаконното, нелегално минаване на граници на всяка една държава навсякъде по света е престъпление и това би трябвало да го знаят добре културните марксисти и болшевиките от другата страна на залата. Нещо повече, те го знаят, но се правят, че не разбират.

Когато една неправителствена организация подпомага нелегалната емиграция, подпомага незаконното преминаване на граници, тя също извършва престъпление. И тук идва и другия въпрос: Къде е отговорността на така наречените лидери на Европейските държави? Отговорността на г-жа Меркел, която като истински популист първо покани всички, след това се отрече от думите си. Къде е отговорността на тези, които казват, че някой насила трябва да приеме някого в дома си? Нима тези наши колеги, днеска в залата, са приели поне един нелегален имигрант в техния дом? Не, не са. Затова говоренето по този начин е лъжа и лицемерие, и на това трябва да се сложи край.

 
  
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  Jeroen Lenaers (PPE). – Voorzitter, het is niet de eerste keer dat we dit debat voeren en het zal ook niet de laatste keer zijn. De strijd tegen illegale migratie, het aanpakken van mensensmokkel en het beschermen van onze buitengrenzen blijft onverminderd belangrijk, ook nu de instroom de laatste maanden sterk is afgenomen. Want die instroom ís afgenomen, en dat komt ook door de inspanningen hier op Europees niveau, inspanningen die in de toekomst broodnodig blijven.

Maar inspanningen is misschien een beetje een lastig woord voor de aanvragers van dit debat. Het is ook veel aantrekkelijker om vanuit het extreemrechtse hoekje daar in het Parlement een beetje boos te doen, kritiek te leveren en vooral voor veel belastinggeld lucht te verplaatsen tussen Brussel en Straatsburg. Maar de Europese burger schiet daar niks mee op. Verbeterde registratie van asielzoekers: u stemt daartegen. Buitengrenzen beter beschermen: u stemt daartegen. Reisdocumenten voor de terugkeer van illegale migranten: tegen. Een PNR—richtlijn voor onze veiligheid: tegen. Politiesamenwerking versterken: tegen. Een inreis-uitreissysteem, vuurwapenrichtlijn, EU-terreurrichtlijn: tegen, tegen, tegen. En weet u wat het ergste is? Als we dit soort wetgeving in onze parlementaire vergaderruimtes bespreken, dan komt u over het algemeen niet eens opdagen. Óf u vindt het eigenlijk niet belangrijk genoeg, óf u bent gewoon te lui om te werken. Een beetje roepen langs de zijlijn zonder ooit ook maar iets bij te dragen, daar bent u heel goed in. Maar het is gelukkig een politiek businessmodel dat z'n beste tijd gehad heeft. Onze burgers verdienen beter.

 
  
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  Elly Schlein (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, volete davvero combattere il traffico di esseri umani ed evitare lo sfruttamento? C'è solo un modo per farlo: aprire vie legali e sicure per l'accesso all'Unione e a tutti gli Stati membri. Solo così si eviterà che l'unico punto di accesso all'UE siano Italia e Grecia su rotte pericolosissime affidate ai trafficanti.

È molto ipocrita parlare di immigrazione irregolare quando né per chi chiede asilo né per chi cerca di sopravvivere alla fame ci sono modi di venire legalmente, perché le politiche di immigrazione degli Stati membri sono del tutto inadeguate, compresa quella italiana, che l'on. Salvini conosce bene perché si chiama Bossi-Fini.

La destra è regina d'ipocrisia, perché quando votiamo soluzioni di equa condivisione delle responsabilità sull'accoglienza, che renderebbero il fenomeno facilmente gestibile per tutti, come su Dublino, non partecipa al negoziato e poi vota contro. Ecco, fa la voce grossa contro gli irregolari, ma non contro chi li impiega nelle proprie aziende, dice "aiutiamoli a casa loro" e poi vota contro gli aiuti allo sviluppo. Se cercate le ragioni per cui le persone scappano le troverete molto più vicino a voi di quanto pensiate. Ad esempio, lo sapete che i paesi africani negli ultimi cinquant'anni hanno perso mille miliardi di dollari di evasione ed elusione fiscale delle multinazionali?

Servono politiche europee coerenti in materia di sviluppo e commercio. Ecco, c'è molto da fare in casa nostra per affrontare le ragioni delle partenze.

 
  
  

PRZEWODNICTWO: RYSZARD CZARNECKI
Wiceprzewodniczący

 
  
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  Zdzisław Krasnodębski (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Słuchając wystąpień przedstawiciela Rady i Komisji, Pana Komisarza zastanawiałem się, dlaczego niektóre tak oczywiste środki zostały zaproponowane i są stosowane tak późno. Wszyscy pamiętamy rok 2015, w którym usłyszeliśmy od bardzo ważnej polityk europejskiej, że nie da się chronić granic jej kraju, granic zewnętrznych Unii. Od tego czasu wiele się zmieniło. To efekt oporu społeczeństw krajów członkowskich i ostatnich wyborów w wielu tych krajach. Nie da się lekceważyć głosu narodu w tak fundamentalnej sprawie. Pozostaje tylko mieć nadzieję, że także z propozycji reformy konwencji dublińskiej znikną oderwane od życia utopijne treści, gdyż nie możemy zaprosić do Unii Europejskiej milionów ludzi, by potem sprawdzać indywidualnie ich uprawnienia do uzyskania azylu. Przypomnę jeszcze, że sprawy związane z legalną imigracją należą do kompetencji państw członkowskich, a nie Unii Europejskiej.

 
  
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  Carlos Coelho (PPE). – Senhor Presidente, Senhor Presidente do Conselho, Senhor Vice-Presidente da Comissão, caras e caros Colegas, lutar contra a imigração ilegal e o tráfico de seres humanos tem de ser uma prioridade. E não apenas no Mediterrâneo. Mas o grande desafio do Mediterrâneo está no fluxo de refugiados que fogem da guerra e sobre os quais nós temos um dever de proteção.

Infelizmente, dezenas de milhares de pessoas morreram, nos últimos anos, ao procurar refúgio no nosso Continente.

O verdadeiro debate, a discussão honesta sobre o Mediterrâneo, tem de centrar-se na resposta à crise humanitária, na luta contra o tráfico de seres humanos e na criação de vias legais de acesso.

Foi por isso que, logo em 2013, impusemos que Busca e Salvamento fossem prioridades nas operações da Frontex. Foi por isso que capacitámos melhor esta agência e a Europol para o combate ao tráfico. E também foi por isso que, recentemente, este Parlamento aprovou a sua posição para um mecanismo de reinstalação de refugiados de países terceiros e para o novo regulamento de Dublin.

O Parlamento teve razão quando insistiu numa abordagem holística e não unissectorial com o relatório das colegas Metsola e Kyenge. Salvar vidas, vias legais de acesso e luta contra o crime: estas têm de ser todas, sem exceção, as nossas prioridades.

 
  
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  Tonino Picula (S&D). – Gospodine predsjedniče, oko sto tisuća migranata stiglo je samo ove godine u Italiju, a libijska obalna straža presrela je 16,5 tisuća migranata. Uvjeti života onih koji stignu u Europu već su dovoljno teški, a dolazi zima. Prije dva tjedna, samo u jednoj akciji spašeno je preko 600 migranata, od čega 200 djece. Svi su oni povjerili svoje živote i živote svojih obitelji krijumčarima ljudi. Ove godine čak 2 500 migranata smrtno je stradalo u Sredozemnom moru, koje već dugo predstavlja najsmrtonosnije more na svijetu.

Istodobno, jedino konkretno oko čega se Vijeće usuglasilo su mehanizmi za jaču kontrolu vanjskih granica. Prošlotjedni zaključci o sredozemnoj ruti prepuni deklaracija to najbolje dokazuju. Krajnje je vrijeme za konkretnu solidarnost među članicama, ali i konkretne mehanizme jačanja europske zajedničke i sigurnosne politike. Europska unija treba evoluirati od donatora do kreatora međunarodne politike – from payer to player. Mora osnažiti svoju prisutnost na razorenim područjima. Dugoročno rješenje uvijek je tamo gdje problem nastaje.

 
  
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  Frank Engel (PPE). – Monsieur le Président, je commencerai par dire que j’ai déjà entendu des discours plus désagréables de notre collègue Salvini. Il a eu la bonté, aujourd’hui, de nous dire que, désormais, il est en faveur de la migration légale, ce qui est mieux que d’être en défaveur de toute forme de migration, et qu’il accepte l’existence de femmes et d’enfants, au moins, qui, véritablement, fuient guerre, misère, menaces, mort et absence de perspectives, et que ceux-là ont besoin de la protection que nous avons le droit et le devoir de leur conférer. C’est un progrès, pour la Lega Nord, ce n’est pas mal!

Je dois quand même dire que nous continuerons probablement encore pendant très longtemps à nous pencher sur les prétendues causes profondes de la migration, alors que nous semblons passer à côté de quelques aspects essentiels de cette affaire.

Avec tous les fonds que nous avons mis en œuvre et que nous mettons actuellement en œuvre en Afrique, nous avons levé actuellement, si tout va bien, 5 milliards qui, nous l’espérons, vont se multiplier pour constituer 40-45 milliards à l’horizon 2020, pour être investis en faveur du développement de l’Afrique.

La Chine, à elle seule, a investi en 2016 plus de 40 milliards en Afrique, et continuera, bien évidemment, de le faire de plus belle en 2017, en 2018, en 2019, en 2020. Ce n’est pas un hasard si les Africains regardent vers nous avec plus de scepticisme, sur le plan du développement, que vers la Chine, à l’heure actuelle. Ce n’est pas bon pour nous et ce n’est pas bon pour nos desseins en ce qui concerne la migration en Afrique. Il faudra revoir notre copie.

 
  
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  Miriam Dalli (S&D). – Sur President, fil-fatt illum qegħdin nitkellmu dwar il-ġlieda kontra t-traffikar tal-persuni, u ġlieda bħal din trid tibda minn fuq l-art u mhux tiffoka biss fuq il-baħar. Għalfejn qed ngħid hekk? Għax l-Unjoni Ewropea kkonċentrat ħafna drabi, u wisq, l-isforzi tagħha fuq missjonijiet navali imma r-riżultat li dawn l-operazzjonijiet ħallew ma kienx dak mistenni.

Pereżempju Operation Sophia ġiet maħluqa biex tkisser il-mudell kummerċjali tat-traffikanti tal-persuni. Iżda t-traffikar ta’ nies qed ikompli bla xkiel fil-baħar Mediterranju. Jidher bl-aktar mod ċar li t-traffikanti tal-persuni qed ibiddlu l-pjan kummerċjali tagħhom skont kif l-Unjoni Ewropea tkun qed twieġeb għall-kriżi tal-immigrazzjoni. Agħar minn hekk, ifisser ukoll li l-kriminali wara dawn iċ-ċrieki tat-traffikar ta’ persuni, li huma mifruxa u pankontinentali, qegħdin dejjem ikunu pass ’il quddiem.

Aħna nistgħu u għandna l-obbligu li nkissru dan il-mudell kummerċjali ta’ kriminali li qed jagħmlu tant flus minn fuq it-traffikar ta’ persuni. U allura, huwa proprju għal din ir-raġuni li nemmen li l-Unjoni Ewropea trid tiffoka l-isforzi tagħha fuq il-Libja u fuq l-Istati Membri billi tinvestiga, jekk hemm bżonn anke bl-għajnuna ta’ forzi internazzjonali, dawn iċ-ċrieki kriminali.

 
  
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  Jaromír Štětina (PPE). – Pane předsedající, návrhy na řešení migrační krize se množí jako houby po dešti. Na jedno však všechny tyto diskuse zapomněly. Je to potřeba osobní empatie politiků. Obávám se, že nedostatek osobního cítění a autopsie brzdí i řešení takových problémů, jako je migrace.

Jsou to novináři, kteří se objeví v místě vznikajícího konfliktu během několika hodin či dní, zatímco politici se odhodlají ke zkoumání vzniklého problému na místě často, až když se požár rozhořel. Dovolte mi příklad. Kocem svého předsednictví zakázal Martin Schulz odjezd delegace poslanců Evropského parlamentu do ukrajinského Donbasu. Odvolával se na obavu o jejich bezpečnost. Jakoby v té době na Donbase nepracovaly stovky novinářů, jakoby tam nežily stovky tisíc lidí včetně žen a dětí. Předseda Evropského parlamentu zabránil poslancům EP, aby si empatii uprostřed tak zásadního konfliktu uvědomili.

Totéž uprchlíci ve Středomoří. Naprostá většina migrantů je pašována z Libye. Jen v centru pašeráků v přístavu Sabratha čeká dnes na přepravu na dvacet tisíc lidí. V západní Libyi včetně Sabrathy přitom operují desítky novinářů. A já se ptám: Jak je to možné, že delegace Evropského parlamentu v Libyi, de facto velvyslanectví Evropského parlamentu v Libyi, nemá stálé zastoupení na území Libye, nýbrž v Tunisu? Odpovědí mi může být: V Tripolisu není bezpečno. Pravda.

Odvahu, dámy a pánové! Odvahu vyžaduje i politika řešení migrační krize, včetně té ve Středozemním moři.

 
  
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  Tomáš Zdechovský (PPE). – Pane předsedající, já myslím, že kolega Štětina mi tak trochu nahrál, protože já jsem na rozdíl od mnohých po řadě uprchlických táborů skutečně jezdil. A skutečně jsem tyto uprchlické tábory navštívil a měl jsem možnost se setkat i s lidmi, kteří byli obětí různých pašeráků. A většinou to byli lidé, kteří byli nevzdělaní, velmi chudí a kteří toužili vlastně přijít do Evropy a žít jako jejich příbuzní, kteří sdíleli třeba i záměrně nebo omylem fotografie nebo nějaká videa, která ukazovala, že v Evropě je skvělý život. Tito lidé většinou naletěli. Naletěli nejdřív slibu nějakých pašeráků, pak svým domněnkám a své nevzdělanosti a svým pocitů, že někde se budou mít lépe.

Já si myslím, že tak jako dneska se podařilo v některých členských státech vytvořit weby, které informují o tom, jaká je skutečná situace v Evropské unii, tak bychom měli i jako Evropská unie se snažit působit na lidi, kteří jsou obětmi pašeráků, aby nechodili do evropských států a nedávali peníze těmto organizovaným skupinám, protože ty neustále rostou. Když se podíváme na satelitní snímky v Libyi, kde, jak říkal kolega, je velice nebezpečno, tak můžeme vidět, jak domy některých pašeráků neustále rostou.

 
  
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  Valdis Dombrovskis, Vice-President of the Commission. – Mr President, thank you for this debate. There seems to be a broad consensus on the need to step up the fight against smugglers and irregular migration. We are on the right track, but we have to remain vigilant and implement all actions to stem irregular migratory flow towards Europe.

We can assure that the Commission will continue its work to save lives, to put in place safe and legal pathways, to fight smuggling and to protect our external borders and return irregular migrants. To that end, we will strengthen our cooperation with key third countries.

At the same time, let me stress that we also need to make progress on managing migration within Europe. In this respect, Member States will have to notably streamline their return procedure, in line with the Return Directive. We also have to work on the reform of common European asylum system. As you know, there is no single, no simple solution. We have to work on all sides.

 
  
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  Matti Maasikas, President-in-Office of the Council. – Mr President, the EU migration policy needs to be sustainable. Our challenges are manifold but our goals are clear: to gradually put in place a proper asylum and migration policy with effective control of our external borders. We will pursue the work already underway, bearing in mind that, in order to be successful, all elements must be pursued jointly and all must deliver on their commitments. Greece and Italy, in particular, are very much on the frontline, with thousands of irregular migrants arriving every month. That requires the continued expression of solidarity from all stakeholders.

 
  
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  Przewodniczący. – Zamykam debatę.

Oświadczenia pisemne (art. 162)

 
  
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  Caterina Chinnici (S&D), per iscritto. – Dopo anni di emergenza in Italia sembra delinearsi una significativa riduzione degli sbarchi, segno che la nuova via di apertura e dialogo con la Libia sta portando alcuni risultati e pertanto rappresenta uno strumento politico idoneo per gestire le cause della migrazione alla fonte. Lo stesso Consiglio europeo di pochi giorni fa ha dichiarato piena condivisione all'azione del mio Paese, riconoscendo il significativo contributo apportato dall'Italia nella gestione del fenomeno migratorio.

Tuttavia, è necessario che l'Unione elabori presto una strategia di lungo termine, tra l'altro più volte richiesta da quest'Aula, nella quale lo sviluppo e la crescita economica degli Stati africani siano finalmente posti al centro dell'azione politica, perché la gestione sostenibile della migrazione di certo non può più basarsi esclusivamente su iniziative di natura emergenziale.

La politica migratoria dell'Unione, e dei suoi Paesi membri, non dovrà però, in alcun modo, comportare il rischio di una compressione dei diritti fondamentali di tutte quelle persone, e fra questi molti minori, che cercano di arrivare sulle coste europee per sfuggire a gravi conflitti, persecuzioni o discriminazioni, ma anzi, al contrario, dovrà essere rivolta a contrastare sempre più efficacemente il traffico di esseri umani e le organizzazioni criminali che lo gestiscono.

 
  
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  Ilhan Kyuchyuk (ALDE), in writing. – Unfortunately, recent reports from international organisations and NGOs have stressed the unpleasant fact that African migrants who are trying to reach Europe through the Mediterranean are being sold like commodities by militants/smugglers in modern-day slave markets in Libya. Victims of human trafficking note that first their captors beat them and then force them to call their families and ask for a ransom. Those who cannot pay their captors are reportedly killed, left to starve to death, forced to work or are sold as slaves for up to USD 500. Many women and even children have been exposed to sexual exploitation.

I strongly condemn people smuggling in the Mediterranean. It is despicable and shameful for the EU to look on as humans are sold as a commodity just few hundred kilometres from the European shore. In this context, I believe that the fight against networks of migrant smugglers and human traffickers needs to be stepped up through a stronger focus on measures aimed at tackling these crimes, including cross-border cooperation between Member States, institutional reforms and capacity building. In addition, the EU should facilitate its cooperation with its neighbours in order to address the priorities of the Joint Valetta Action Plan.

 
  
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  Νότης Μαριάς (ECR), γραπτώς. – Η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση πρέπει να στρέψει το βλέμμα της και την προσοχή της στα νησιά του Αιγαίου, τα οποία απειλεί καθημερινά ο Erdoğan να γεμίσει ξανά με πρόσφυγες και κυρίως με παράνομους μετανάστες, στα νησιά του Αιγαίου όπου έχουν εγκλωβιστεί χιλιάδες πρόσφυγες και κυρίως παράνομοι μετανάστες και των οποίων οι κάτοικοι δεν αντέχουν πλέον αυτή την κατάσταση. Εάν επισκεφθεί κανείς αυτά τα νησιά, οι κάτοικοι θα του πουν ότι η κατάσταση έχει φτάσει στο απροχώρητο. Στη Σάμο, η κατάσταση είναι εκρηκτική. Το ίδιο συμβαίνει και στη Λέσβο, το ίδιο και στη Χίο. Και εκεί οι κάτοικοι αντιδρούν. Δεν αντέχουν πλέον άλλους παράνομους μετανάστες, διότι οι περισσότεροι που συγκεντρώνονται εκεί είναι παράνομοι μετανάστες. Γι’ αυτό απαιτείται η λήψη μέτρων και η βαριά τιμωρία όσον εμπλέκονται σε δουλεμπορικά κυκλώματα και δίκτυα τα οποία μεταφέρουν κατά εκατοντάδες τους παράνομες μετανάστες στα νησιά του Αιγαίου.

 
  
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  Artis Pabriks (PPE), in writing. – The situation in the Mediterranean has showed that unfortunately people smugglers are often a few steps ahead of the EU. It has turned the migration crisis into a very profitable business. The migratory pressure on the EU external borders is constant and will continue in the foreseeable future as there are considerable economic and political differences between the EU and its neighbourhood. In order to curb, manage illegal migration we need to, first of all, strengthen the EU external border. It is our duty to our citizens to keep our border safe. Second, we need to focus our efforts to restore and strengthen state structures in countries like Libya. Third, we must strengthen the cooperation with African countries, provide our assistance but also ask them to take back their nationals who travelled to EU illegally and do not qualify for asylum. Fourth, we need to give the possibility for people who are in need for international protection to apply for asylum outside the EU, to avoid their dangerous journey to Europe in the hands of people smugglers. Until we have fulfilled these preconditions, it will be very difficult to agree on any relocation schemes across the Member States.

 
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