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Procedura : 2017/2861(RSP)
Ciclo di vita in Aula
Ciclo del documento : B8-0593/2017

Testi presentati :

B8-0593/2017

Discussioni :

PV 14/11/2017 - 12
CRE 14/11/2017 - 12

Votazioni :

PV 15/11/2017 - 13.13
Dichiarazioni di voto

Testi approvati :

P8_TA(2017)0439

Discussioni
Martedì 14 novembre 2017 - Strasburgo Edizione rivista

12. Negoziati multilaterali in vista dell'undicesima conferenza ministeriale dell'OMC (discussione)
Video degli interventi
PV
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  President. – The next item is the debate on the Commission statement on Multilateral negotiations in view of the 11th WTO Ministerial Conference (2017/2861(RSP)).

 
  
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  Cecilia Malmström, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, there is only one month remaining until the WTO member states will be in Buenos Aires for the 11th Ministerial Conference of the WTO. It is a critical moment for WTO. A strong, multilateral trading system with the WTO at its centre is very much in the interests of the EU and the world. It is the best way to deal with international trade issues and it is now being seriously challenged. Both central features of the WTO; its negotiating and its dispute settlement, are under severe pressure for the moment. A month from MC  11??, the prospects of a negotiated outcome still remain highly uncertain, although some elements are becoming clearer. We will see a difficult process of negotiations regarding a possible ministerial declaration where the questions of how to prioritise work for the future will be key.

Preparations for the conference are significantly affected by the situation surrounding the ?? body where the unprecedented decision of the United States to block the appointment of new members put at risk the functioning of one of the most important and well-functioning elements of the WTO. We are, of course, ready to discuss possible concerns regarding the ?? body but we cannot and we will not accept measures which weakens it or puts its independence into question. Today, it is more important than ever that the EU shows its strong support for the work of the organisation. Following the success of the last two conferences in Bali and Nairobi – notably they accepted the adoption of the trade facilitation agreement – and an agreement on agriculture export competition, it is important that the positive momentum is maintained and that concrete outcomes are agreed.

The European Union is working very hard in Geneva with other countries and we have taken the leadership in preparing such outcomes by tabling texts in several key areas. Unfortunately, the divergences among the members are still strong. Despite our efforts to build convergence among members, there is a huge uncertainty. The WTO members are pursuing the objective of reaching agreement on public stock-holding for food security and fishery subsidies. We support this; this would be good, but we strongly believe that it would not be enough; it has to be part of a broader package, in particular, including e-commerce, domestic regulation in services and new transparency rules benefiting SMEs. In this context it is necessary to accelerate the work towards a balanced package.

Let me just give you a few details on where we are. Firstly, public stock holdings for food security purposes and fisheries subsidies have garnered support of most of the membership in terms of aspiration for outcomes. If this is not sufficient in terms of the outcome, we will continue to work in these areas, but also it has to be accompanied by progress in other areas.

We have tabled together with Brazil and other WTO members a former current proposal for a comprehensive solution addressing domestic support in agriculture and public stock-holdings, and we really think this is a realistic proposal. However, there are other proposals on the table reflecting unrealistic ideas that are not boding well for a substantial outcome in agriculture. Regarding fishery subsidies, the political commitment to implement the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals on marine resources has contributed to advance work here, but it remains doubtful whether we can be able to achieve an ambitious outcome.

Secondly, we also believe that other issues that are of relevance to many WTO members and relevant to today’s global trade should be addressed. As I mentioned, domestic regulation of these services, e-commerce, transparency of regulatory measures; these issues are right for the MC 11. Moreover, it would be important to agree on a strong future-orientated element which would set the stage for the post-Buenos Aires work avoiding contentious and sterile debates about Doha Joe and non-Doha work.

Thirdly, there has been call by some members, notably the United States, to reform the WTO. We are ready to engage in discussions on this, but we need to see concrete proposals on what precisely such reforms would entail. We are also finally committed to work on trade and gender, and we support the declaration on trade and women’s economic empowerment, and that will be adopted in the margins of the conference.

Mr President, Honourable Members, this is an up-coming conference which is of utmost importance. We need to make sure that we can defend a strong, functioning WTO with concrete outcomes because it has to be at the centre of the multilateral trading system. I very much appreciate the support of the European Parliament and I am looking forward to seeing the big delegation that you will send to Buenos Aires in four weeks. Thank you very much.

 
  
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  Paul Rübig, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, sehr geehrte Kommissarin Malmström! Ich bedanke mich für Ihr Engagement, und ich glaube, dass es für uns wichtig ist – und da spreche ich, glaube ich, auch für Herrn Kollegen Lange –, dass wir die Agenda weiterbringen. Wenn wir davon ausgehen, dass die WTO erst 1995 mit dem Auftrag gegründet wurde, multilaterale Handelsabkommen zu schließen und deshalb die Armut in der Welt zu bekämpfen, dann haben wir gesehen, dass es nicht so einfach ist, mit über 160 Ländern auf einen Nenner zu kommen. Ich kann mich noch gut erinnern an 1999, als wir in Seattle vor Riesendemonstrationen gestanden sind und versucht haben, hier vernünftige Argumente vorzubringen und letztlich dann auch 2001 das Abkommen von Doha mit der Handelshilfe für die Entwicklungsländer. Wir haben das jetzt von der UNO ergänzt bekommen mit den Zielen für eine nachhaltige Entwicklung.

Das sind große Schritte in die richtige Richtung auf der internationalen Ebene. Letztlich ist es uns auch gelungen, 2003 mit der Interparlamentarischen Union und dem Europäischen Parlament auf Augenhöhe eine Parlamentarische Versammlung für die WTO zu gründen, wo es vor allem darum geht, die Abgeordneten der am wenigsten entwickelten Länder aufzuklären und ihnen zu helfen, mit ihren Regierungen auf gleichem Niveau zu verhandeln. Wir haben 2015 dann auch Landwirtschaftsagenda letztlich noch durchgesetzt. Ich glaube, es ist für uns alle wichtig, dass die Agenda jetzt bei der elften Konferenz wieder einen großen Erfolg bringt. Das hilft den Menschen auf dieser Welt.

 
  
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  Bernd Lange, im Namen der S&D-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, Frau Kommissarin! Ja, wir unterstützen die Arbeit der Kommission, auch wenn wir das eine oder andere Mal Streitigkeiten haben.

Aber in diesem Fall hundertprozentige Unterstützung, weil wir in der Tat wollen, dass das multilaterale Handelssystem gestärkt wird. Nur dann, wenn es gelingt, auf einer regelbasierten Ebene weiterzuarbeiten, können wir auch garantieren, dass Handel für die Entwicklung dienlich ist. Deswegen sind wir so stark dahinterher, dass wir auch in Buenos Aires einen Erfolg haben werden.

Wir brauchen ein klares Signal, dass die Überfischung der Meere durch unerlaubte Subventionierung aufhört. Wir müssen auch ein klares Signal geben, dass Lebensmittellagerung, um Lebensmittelsicherheit zu garantieren, eine längerfristige Lösung bekommt. Wir müssen auch gucken, wie wir die Ziele für eine nachhaltige Entwicklung integrieren können, wie auch das Pariser Klimaschutzübereinkommen und auch die Frage von Handel und gender balance. Das sind drängendste Probleme, die wir multilateral anpacken müssen.

Deswegen kann es nicht sein, dass bei diesen 164 Ländern ein oder zwei Länder beigehen, dieses System zu sabotieren. Ich finde es skandalös, dass die Vereinigten Staaten versuchen, durch die Nichtnominierung von Richterinnen und Richtern beim Berufungsgremium das System infrage zu stellen. Ich finde es skandalös, dass die USA sich verweigern, über konkrete Fortschritte nachzudenken, und sich sogar verweigern, letztendlich überhaupt einen Text auf den Tisch zu legen.

Das ist natürlich eine Grundvoraussetzung, um sich aktiv beteiligen zu können, dass wir uns verständigen auf einen Text, auf konkrete Schritte, die vielleicht auch über Buenos Aires hinausgehen können. Das wird die zentrale Aufgabe sein, dass dieses eine Land nicht damit durchkommt, sondern dass wir gemeinsam Fortschritt nach vorne bringen können.

 
  
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  David Campbell Bannerman, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, having recently returned from an international trade mission to New Zealand, a country that is among the world’s greatest exporters, and now with no subsidies for its farmers, I reminded them of the importance of free trade and open markets through the World Trade Organization (WTO). The ECR Group is committed to the multilateral trade agenda and to a positive outcome at this biannual WTO ministerial conference this December. I will do my part working together with the world’s trade ministers to champion the central role of the WTO as a global rules-based organisation.

The WTO is quite simply the spring that flows into the rivers of trade agreements around the world, including all EU trade deals and amongst the WTO’s 164 members. We support the outstanding items of the Doha Development Agenda, but where progress is not possible, the WTO should not stay stuck but advance in areas where it can progress, for example, e-commerce, investment facilitation, and in services by seeking to unlock the Trade in Services Agreement (TiSA) on top of GATS. Trade liberalisation has shown huge benefits for developing countries, but trade facilitation and market opening must be accompanied by appropriate flanking measures covering, say, education, equality, infrastructure development and good governance. The work of the WTO and a commitment to multilateralism are absolutely essential to this aim.

 
  
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  Hannu Takkula, ALDE-ryhmän puolesta. – Arvoisa puhemies, arvoisa komissaari, hyvät kollegat, multilateraalinen kauppa elää tällä hetkellä vaikeita aikoja, sillä WTOssa on muutamia jäseniä, jotka eivät ole vahvasti sitoutuneet yhteiseen agendaan. Me kuitenkin tarvitsemme multilateraaleja sääntöjä globaalille kaupalle, eikä ainoastaan muutaman maan sitoutuminen yhteisiin päätöksiin riitä. Kestävien ratkaisujen saavuttaminen edellyttää sitä, että kaikki pelaavat samoilla sovituilla säännöillä.

Buenos Airesissa meidän tulee keskustella vahvasti myös substanssikysymyksistä. On ehdottoman tärkeää, että EU ottaa aktiivisen roolin seuraavassa ministerikonferenssissa, jotta voimme taata rakentavia tuloksia.

Maatalous ja sähköinen kaupankäynti ovat teemoja, joissa meillä on paljon keskusteltavaa. Erityisesti näillä sektoreilla yhteiset säännöt ovat ehdottoman tärkeitä, ja maatalouden osalta meillä on vielä mahdollisuuksia konkreettisiin tuloksiin ministerikonferenssissa.

Kuten tiedämme, meillä on jäseniä, jotka eivät ole halukkaita sitoutumaan mihinkään konkreettiseen tällä hetkellä, mutta aina tulee myös muistaa, miltä tilanne näytti ennen Nairobia, viime kokousta. Joten meillä on edelleen mahdollisuus saada rakentava tulos Buenos Airesissa, jos vain lähdemme sinne kunnianhimoisella agendalla. Ja uskon, että näin myös tulemme tekemään.

 
  
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  Helmut Scholz, im Namen der GUE/NGL-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, Frau Kommissarin! Die Welt verändert sich. Die WTO verändert sich. Der multilaterale Handel steht vor gewaltigen Herausforderungen.

Globale Wertschöpfungsprozesse, die Veränderung der traditionellen Warenproduktion, datenbasierte Produktion in Industrie und Landwirtschaft, Dienstleistungen und neue Regelsetzungen bestimmen zunehmend die Agenda der Handels- und wirtschaftlichen Zusammenarbeit aller Länder und regionalen Kooperationsstrukturen.

Die alten Handelsmächte – und die USA wurden schon genannt – wehren sich gegen neue Wettbewerber. Die Globalisierung der Produktivkräfte hat die Veränderung der Weltwirtschaft mit sich gebracht. Und zugleich müssen alle WTO-Mitgliedstaaten damit umgehen, dass sie sich im Rahmen der UNO den Nachhaltigkeitszielen der Agenda 2030 verpflichtet haben.

Stichwort: Armutsbekämpfung. Wie damit verantwortungsbewusst im Interesse der Bürger und Bürger auf allen Kontinenten umgehen? Das steht im Dezember in Buenos Aires auf der Tagesordnung – nicht mehr und nicht weniger. Diese WTO-Ministertagung wird nur vorankommen, wenn endlich die alten Verpflichtungen der Doha-Runde eingelöst werden. Vorher wird es kaum einen allseits akzeptablen Durchbruch, auch bei den bereits genannten anderen Fragen, geben können. Die EU muss liefern. Vielleicht kann die Parlamentarische Konferenz einen Beitrag dazu leisten.

 
  
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  Klaus Buchner, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, sehr geehrte Frau Kommissarin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Bei jeder Gelegenheit lassen wir verlauten, wie wichtig uns gemeinsame globale und multilaterale Handelsregeln sind. Gleichzeitig stürmt die EU doch vorwärts und beschließt Handelsverträge mit nur einem oder mit wenigen Handelspartnern. Auf diese Weise schwächt sie die Chancen für eine Einigung der Welthandelsorganisation und gleichzeitig für weltweite Übereinkommen, wo auch die Entwicklungsländer mitsprechen können. Bei diesen bilateralen Abkommen sind sie außen vor.

Jetzt aber zu meinem wichtigsten Anliegen: Bei der kommenden 11. Konferenz der Welthandelsorganisation ist der Abschluss der sogenannten Doha-Runde von besonderer Bedeutung. Hier geht es um eine Einigung zur Lebensmittelsicherheit und zum Abbau von unfairen Lebensmittel- und Fischereisubventionen, die arme Länder noch ärmer machen und die Umwelt zerstören. Wenn wir es nicht bald erreichen, das abzuschaffen und gerechte Regeln zu bekommen, dann schaffen wir noch mehr Flüchtlinge, noch mehr Armut in diesen Ländern.

Und deswegen, liebe Kolleginnen und liebe Kollegen, wäre es eine fatale Nachricht an diese Entwicklungsländer, wenn wir die Entschließung, über die morgen abgestimmt wird, so abstimmen, wie sie vorgeschlagen wird, nämlich dass wir die Verhandlungen über den elektronischen Handel sofort beginnen, ohne die Doha-Runde. Bitte denken Sie an die Entwicklungsländer!

 
  
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  Tiziana Beghin, a nome del gruppo EFDD. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signora Commissario, il mondo non è mai stato così interconnesso e tuttavia non è mai stato così iniquo. Per questo l'OMC deve funzionare e assicurare a tutti un commercio giusto e basato su regole chiare.

L'OMC necessita innegabilmente un rinnovo che metta al centro i cittadini, ma questo non può avvenire senza il contributo essenziale degli Stati Uniti, che invece stanno lavorando sistematicamente per indebolirlo o asservirlo ai loro interessi di parte. I diritti e il commercio corrono sullo stesso binario e, se l'OMC comincia a fare il lavoro sporco degli americani e a mettere in dubbio il pericolo di usare cadmio, glifosato e ormoni nei prodotti alimentari, allora resteremo immobili a guardare grandi paesi come Stati Uniti o Cina a distruggere le nostre leggi.

Dalla conferenza di Buenos Aires mi aspetto un impegno concreto per rilanciare finalmente l'OMC in questo senso, o tanto varrà dire addio a questa istituzione.

 
  
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  France Jamet, au nom du groupe ENF. – Monsieur le Président, mes chers collègues, 21 points divers et variés sont égrenés dans cette proposition de résolution. Et si, comme le reconnaît le directeur général Roberto Azevêdo, ces suggestions ne devraient sans doute avoir aucun impact – chaque État bénéficiant de facto d’un droit de veto –, il arrive malheureusement que ça fonctionne et, dans ces cas-là, c’est toujours à notre détriment.

Ainsi, en Occitanie, et plus particulièrement à Sète, nos producteurs de biodiesel de colza ont été contraints de réduire leurs activités et de licencier à la suite de la décision de l’Union européenne de favoriser l’importation de biodiesel de soja argentin. En effet, chaque fois, Bruxelles préfère sacrifier les intérêts des acteurs économiques des États membres sur l’autel de l’ultralibéralisme, que défend l’OMC, plutôt que de protéger nos entrepreneurs et nos producteurs du mondialisme et de la concurrence déloyale.

Nous, nous sommes résolus à défendre un autre choix: celui du protectionnisme intelligent et la défense de notre production et des emplois de nos compatriotes.

 
  
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  Diane Dodds (NI). – Mr President, after Brexit I am pleased that the United Kingdom will have its own functioning trade policy outside of the European Union. We should freely look to new global markets where 90% of the world’s growth will be seen in the next 15 years. Since December, the Government has been in discussions to reclaim our place as an independent member of the World Trade Organization (WTO). The final terms of our membership will depend on the deal struck between the United Kingdom and Brussels.

A comprehensive free trade agreement that retains cooperation with the European Union is the most preferable. However, the European Union’s block on opening talks on the future relations is preventing progress. A no-deal scenario would see us revert to trade on most-favoured nations tariffs. Research by the think-tank Civitas suggests that this would cost EU firms twice as much as those in the United Kingdom. UK exporters would face 5.2 billion in tariffs on goods being sold to the EU, while EU exporters would face 12.9 billion in the opposite direction. There would be 1.8 billion worth of tariffs on German car-related exports alone.

So consider, colleagues, while Brussels continues to preside over demands for the divorce bill, it should be aware that actions have consequences on both sides of the Channel.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 162(8))

 
  
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  Mairead McGuinness (PPE), blue-card question. – In 30 seconds I have many questions, and I accept your figures about the potential costs from a ‘no deal’. You and I share a boundary – it is called the border between the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland – and I hope and expect that both you and I understand the dire consequences for our citizens if there is no deal and should things go wrong.

I would ask you to reflect on your words about a divorce bill and, rather, frame it as a divorce settlement. For all divorces, if they are to be good ones, there is a cost, and I would ask the UK to meet its commitments so that we can move on.

 
  
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  Diane Dodds (NI), blue-card answer. – Of course, and I thank my colleague for the question.

In terms of the divorce bill we are an honourable people. We have said we will meet reasonable demands and I believe that that is right and proper, and I am happy to put that on the record. But what we should not meet is the exorbitant, ever-ongoing demands that seem to be now made, and we need to progress quite quickly.

In terms of Northern Ireland, I think that you and I would both agree that we do not want to see a hard border, but this will require cooperation from both governments, the Republic’s Government and the United Kingdom’s Government, and so far I think that the Republic has been lacking.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 162(8))

 
  
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  David Martin (S&D), blue-card question. – Mr President, I simply wanted to ask Ms Dodds if she would look at the screen, which says: ‘multilateral negotiations in view of the 11th WTO Ministerial Conference’ and tell us in her reply to my 30 seconds, what on earth her contribution had to do with the subject we are debating today?

 
  
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  Diane Dodds (NI), blue-card answer. – The World Trade Organization (WTO) will be an incredibly important organisation for the United Kingdom going forward. We seek individual membership of that organisation and we continue to support it as a rules-based organisation for international trade. However, what we should absolutely be clear about here is the consequences of not negotiating a free-trade agreement between the United Kingdom and the rest of the European Union, and sometimes this needs to be spelt out for our European partners and for the benefit of their constituents.

 
  
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  José Ignacio Salafranca Sánchez-Neyra (PPE). – Señor presidente, señora comisaria, señorías, la elección el año pasado del presidente de los Estados Unidos no solo ha cambiado la política exterior de este país ―hemos visto la reciente visita a Asia, o con China, Rusia, Irán o Cuba―, sino sobre todo y fundamentalmente la política comercial. Se han suspendido las negociaciones del TTIP, se ha decidido no ratificar el Acuerdo Transpacífico, se ha revisado el acuerdo NAFTA y se han adoptado sobre todo toda una serie de baterías de medidas proteccionistas.

Hay que decir, señora comisaria, que la Comisión ha reaccionado rápida y eficazmente, desplegando toda una serie de negociaciones muy importantes en el ámbito bilateral y regional. Es en este contexto donde se sitúa la reunión de la organización ministerial de la Organización Mundial del Comercio que la comisaria ha definido en su intervención inicial como crítica. Y aquí no se trata solamente de mantener la agenda, que es apoyada por la Resolución del Parlamento, sino sobre todo de intentar que los principios del multilateralismo que la Organización Mundial del Comercio representa sobrevivan. La no discriminación, la liberalización progresiva y recíproca de los intercambios a través del diálogo, la predictibilidad y seguridad jurídica y la resolución de las controversias.

Por eso, señora comisaria, esta reunión de Buenos Aires es muy importante. Confiamos en la Comisión y esperamos que la ronda multilateral y las negociaciones bilaterales en curso ―Japón, Mercosur, México y Chile― prosperen con éxito y en los tiempos previstos.

(El orador acepta responder a una pregunta formulada con arreglo al procedimiento de la «tarjeta azul» (artículo 162, apartado 8, del Reglamento interno))

 
  
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  Maria Grapini (S&D), Întrebare adresată conform procedurii „cartonaşului albastru”. – Stimate coleg, ați spus că, între altele, doamna comisar a afirmat aici că este o situație critică în întâlnirea de la Buenos Aires și ați amintit și viitoarele acorduri pe care noi trebuie să le facem: cu Japonia, cu Chile, Mercosur. Care credeți că sunt punctele critice în ceea ce privește viitoarele acorduri comerciale? Considerați că trebuie să facem acorduri comerciale și, dacă da, care sunt punctele critice pe care le vedeți?

 
  
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  José Ignacio Salafranca Sánchez-Neyra (PPE), respuesta de «tarjeta azul». – Creo que es una pregunta que va más dirigida a la Comisión que a mí. Ha sido la comisaria la que ha dicho que estamos viviendo una situación crítica. Yo comparto esa afirmación y creo que comercio es progreso, que comercio es paz, y creo que los muros, las murallas, hoy se sitúan en el paleolítico de la historia europea. Y precisamente lo que tenemos que construir, como dice muchas veces la comisaria Malmström, son puentes y no muros.

Es evidente que estas negociaciones son muy importantes. Tienen sus sensibilidades por ambas partes, pero creo que lógicamente debemos aspirar a construir y a concluir con éxito...

(El presidente interrumpe al orador)

 
  
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  Inmaculada Rodríguez-Piñero Fernández (S&D). – Señor presidente. Muchas gracias, señora comisaria por su trabajo y defensa del multilateralismo y de la OMC, y desde luego, también mi felicitación a los dos coponentes.

Todos conocemos la dificultad de alcanzar acuerdos internacionales, pero también que son imprescindibles en defensa de la paz y de la estabilidad mundial. Es verdad que es necesario reformar la OMC, pero, como usted acaba de decir, con propuestas concretas. No se pueden dinamitar las instancias multilaterales en una mal entendida defensa de los intereses nacionales ni bloquear cualquier avance en favor de la gobernanza mundial del comercio.

Estamos viendo cómo las amenazas proteccionistas de Trump se convierten en realidad mientras bloquea la elección de los miembros del Órgano de Apelación de la OMC, poniendo en riesgo la propia razón de ser de esta organización. Frente al «America first» de Trump, nosotros defendemos en la Unión Europea «Las personas primero».

Y por eso es tan importante el voto favorable de mañana. Para respaldar a la Comisión en sus negociaciones ante la próxima conferencia ministerial de Buenos Aires y desde luego, también, para que se tengan en cuenta las recomendaciones de este Parlamento, de forma que podamos avanzar y actualizar la agenda de Doha para el desarrollo, asegurar un comercio justo y sostenible de productos agrarios y pesqueros, alcanzar efectivamente una solución permanente para la reserva pública de seguridad alimentaria y afrontar nuevos desafíos.

También es importante en materia de comercio electrónico, en materia de pymes y desde luego, para incluir la dimensión de género en política comercial.

Termino, presidente. Pido, por favor, apoyo mayoritario a este informe.

(El presidente retira la palabra a la oradora)

 
  
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  Zbigniew Kuźmiuk (ECR). – Zabierając głos w debacie dotyczącej przygotowań do 11. Konferencji Ministerialnej Światowej Organizacji Handlu w Buenos Aires, chciałbym podkreślić, że to właśnie rolnictwo powinno być centralnym elementem deklaracji, która zostanie na niej podjęta. Moim zdaniem przyszłe zobowiązania unijne w ramach WTO nie powinny wymuszać zmiany obecnych mechanizmów wsparcia europejskich rolników i rolnictwa w ramach Wspólnej Polityki Rolnej. Zobowiązania te powinny także pozostawiać niezbędny margines swobody do kształtowania aktualnej WPR, również w przyszłości, w tym także możliwości stosowania instrumentów klasyfikowanych obecnie do tzw. bursztynowej skrzynki, a więc wsparcia zakłócającego handel międzynarodowy.

Europejskie rolnictwo zapewnia do tej pory skuteczne bezpieczeństwo żywnościowe Europejczykom, i dopiero gwałtowne zawirowania na niektórych rynkach rolnych unaoczniają nam, jak kształtują się ceny żywności, gdy zaczyna brakować niektórych produktów, jak obecnie na rynku masła czy jaj kurzych.

 
  
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  Marietje Schaake (ALDE). – Mr President, this debate could not be more timely. While the EU continues, and we should pursue an ambitious trade agenda with global rules, other parts of the world are also moving on. Last Saturday, 11 countries agreed, in principle, to move ahead with the Trans-Pacific Partnership, without the US. The Trump Administration seems to have no desire to advance a multilateral trading system either – how quickly times can change.

The blocking of judges on the World Trade Organization’s (WTO) Appellate Body is also a troubling case in point. More than ever, European leadership is needed to safeguard international trade based on rules. Only by thinking globally, but also joining forces with like-minded partners, can we advance the multilateral trading agenda. An agenda including modern 21st century principles, such as services and digital trade, but first and foremost an agenda that sets high standards and is based on the values that we here in Europe cherish.

 
  
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  Heidi Hautala (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, I would remind the Commissioner that Parliament, led by the rapporteur Ms Schaake, is now discussing the EU digital trade strategy and it is very important that the EU should manage to bring its values and norms in digital trade to multilateral bodies such as the World Trade Organization. However, I would like to issue a brief warning: in my view, this should not be done at the cost of unfinished negotiations in the WTO. I would like to know what you think about this, Commissioner.

There are challenges for the global south in including this very important new dimension in trade agreements at all, so I would suggest that before formally engaging in negotiations on new topics we should conclude the Doha Round. Let me also point out that the EU has a lot to do in terms of increasing the transparency of the WTO’s processes and introducing the Sustainable Development Goals to its work.

 
  
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  Laima Liucija Andrikienė (PPE). – Europai yra gyvybiškai svarbi stipri Pasaulio prekybos organizacija, kuri skatintų atviras rinkas bei laisvą ir sąžiningą prekybą pasaulyje. Dėl to labai svarbu, kad ministrų konferencijos Buenos Airėse sprendimai būtų subalansuoti Europos Sąjungos interesų požiūriu ir numatytų aiškias darbų programas ateičiai, mums svarbiausiose srityse, kaip horizontalios subsidijos, elektroninė prekyba, netarifinių kliūčių šalinimas, reguliarios PPO veiklos efektyvinimas, skaidrumo įsipareigojimų įgyvendinimas.

Atsižvelgiant į pasyvų JAV dalyvavimą ruošiantis artėjančiai ministrų konferencijai, vengimą skirti teisėjus, būtina ieškoti būdų, kaip konstruktyviai įtraukti į procesus JAV, kaip į darbotvarkę įtraukti Europos Sąjungai aktualius klausimus.

Susiduriame su naujais iššūkiais kaip perprodukcija. Problema yra didelė, su ženkliomis ekonominėmis pasekmėmis. Dėl to ES pastangos PPO, G20 ir kituose formatuose yra labai svarbios, siekiant išspręsti šią problemą, kurią sukelia nesąžiningai teikiamos subsidijos tam tikriems sektoriams. Pavyzdys – plieno sektorius, kuriame Kinijos vyriausybės subsidijos sukėlė krizę. Su tokiomis pat problemomis susiduria ir saulės energijos modulių ir baterijų sektorius. Tai tiesiogiai ir neigiamai veikia ir Lietuvos gamintojus.

Pabaigai pasakysiu, jog kartu svarbu užtikrinti, kad šioje konferencijoje priimti įsipareigojimai žemės ūkio vidaus paramos srityje niekaip nepaveiktų mūsų veiksmų laisvės reformuojant žemės ūkio politiką. „raudonosios linijos“ negali būti peržengtos.

 
  
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  David Martin (S&D). – Mr President, notwithstanding the Commission’s and the Commissioners’ Herculean efforts to keep the show on the road, it is, frankly, quite difficult to imagine a positive outcome to the 11th Ministerial Council. The agenda that the Commission are promoting on fishing subsidies, on food security, on transparency and on e—commerce is the right agenda.

But it is disappointing that, as other colleagues have said, historically, our biggest ally on many of these issues, the United States, will not be supporting us in Buenos Aires. It is sad that they have moved from a nation based on promoting a global rules—based system, to one that now seems to be more interested in protecting its own very narrow interests. The 2017 US Trade Representative (USTR) trade policy agenda, for example, states that the administration will not be bound by WTO rulings that undermine the ability of the United States to respond effectively to unfair trade practices. That does not inspire you as a nation that is committed to seeing the development of the WTO as a rules-based organisation.

Nevertheless, notwithstanding that, we should be prepared to listen to the United States’ proposals for reform, but that has to stop short of undermining in any way the developments that we have seen in terms of two thirds of the WTO membership now being from developing nations, and we should not undermine their role and their equality in the organisation. Reform, yes, but not back to a rich man’s club.

 
  
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  James Nicholson (ECR). – Mr President, there are many misconceptions about the attitude that EU producers have towards free trade. The truth is, all they want to be given is a level playing-field and it is an understanding from the sensitive sectors that they will be defended. All too often, there is a sense that agriculture is simply used as the last bargaining chip in the negotiations, so I do welcome the fact that the Committee on Agriculture (AGRI) will have a representative travelling to attend the meeting in Buenos Aires and this is particularly timely in respect of many of other things, and I have to say that this debate is extremely timely as well.

The truth is, I think we should go to Buenos Aires and the World Trade Organization (WTO) in a positive way because in Europe we don’t believe we have much to fear. I think we have got to be positive, we should not be negative. I posed the question on agriculture the other day about multilateral versus bilateral, and I think that when some of us look back to the past we are maybe sorry we didn’t get better deals under the multilateral system, and I am more worried about what the Commissioner is up to in the bilateral negotiations she is having in Mercosur at the moment than I am with the rest.

Trade is extremely important, we all know how important it is, so that is why I believe we must go positively forward. But we all know there is no such thing as a quick fix, and there is no such thing, above all else, as a quick trade deal. So from that point of view can I just say that compared to the last speaker I am not as confident that the UK will come out of the negotiations all that well.

 
  
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  Molly Scott Cato (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, the idealistic days when it was argued that trade could help to ‘make poverty history’ seem long ago now. The data are clear that trade has benefited a tiny elite and massively increased global inequality. The trade system we have now prioritises the interests of capital above those of people. We can change this and we must, if we are to defeat the forces of nationalism and reassure our citizens that globalisation can work for them.

Forgive me if I doubt the extent to which this concern was considered seriously at the recent WTO discussions. While Commissioner Malmström is developing plans for a Multilateral Investment Court to protect businesses from potential losses, the UN is debating an international binding treaty enforcing minimum human-rights standards on multinational corporations, who too often slip through national legal controls. Given the clear support by the European Parliament for such a charter, it was deeply disappointing that the EU chose to hold hands with the Trump administration in an attempt to block this process.

 
  
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  Czesław Adam Siekierski (PPE). – Panie Przewodniczący! Wydaje się, że pogłoski o zaniku, żeby nie powiedzieć o śmierci WTO, jakie pojawiły się w ostatnich latach na fali rosnącej popularności umów regionalnych, okazały się przedwczesne. Organizacja ta nadal stanowi najważniejsze forum negocjacji handlowych w skali globalnej. Agenda zbliżającej się 11. konferencji ministerialnej WTO w Buenos Aires jest zdominowana przez sprawy związane między innymi ze wspieraniem wewnętrznym rolnictwa na świecie. Dobrze, że Komisja Europejska przyjęła w kontekście tego spotkania podejście proaktywne, choć wspólna propozycja unijno-brazylijska nie wszystkich usatysfakcjonowała. Naczelnym celem Unii w obszarze handlu, w tym handlu rolnego powinno być ujednolicanie standardów oraz usuwanie barier technicznych, aby wyrównać warunki konkurencji na rynku światowym. W tym celu należy miedzy innymi pomagać krajom rozwijającym się w budowie systemów certyfikacyjnych. Równocześnie musimy oczywiście w pełni zabezpieczyć interesy naszego rolnictwa, zwłaszcza jeśli partner negocjacyjny jest znaczącym eksporterem produktów rolnych. Równocześnie nie można zaakceptować ustępstw w sektorze rolnictwa w zamian za korzyści w innych obszarach.

Komisja Europejska opublikowała niedawno analizę wpływu przyszłych umów handlowych na sektor rolny w Unii. Opracowanie to nie wzięło jednak pod uwagę pełnego zakresu produktów rolnych i pominęło produkty przetworzone. Brak tam również odniesień do barier pozataryfowych. Dlatego potrzebne jest uzupełnienie, by zwiększyć jego użyteczność.

(Przewodniczący odebrał posłowi głos)

 
  
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  Eric Andrieu (S&D).(Début d’intervention hors micro) ...plus dure sera au centre des discussions de cette conférence de Buenos Aires avec au menu la question du soutien aux agriculteurs.

Je fais partie de ceux qui pensent que la politique agricole commune doit être réformée en profondeur et il ne faudrait pas que les positions de l’Union européenne à l’OMC viennent préempter nos futurs débats.

Ne nous mettons pas de contraintes supplémentaires, Madame la Commissaire, je vous demande, en particulier, de nous permettre de continuer à apporter un soutien à nos filières en difficulté. De grâce, pas de plafonnement de la boîte bleue, il nous faut garder une marge de manœuvre dans la gestion des crises à venir.

L’Europe a déjà plusieurs fois modifié sa politique agricole pour se conformer à l’OMC avec les volets axés sur les marchés et les subventions à l’exportation. Ce qui n’est pas le cas des autres grandes puissances agricoles.

Il ne faudrait pas qu’une fois encore, l’Union se comporte naïvement comme le seul bon élève de l’OMC.

 
  
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  Ruža Tomašić (ECR). – Gospodine predsjedniče, u posljednje dvije godine došlo je do jačanja suverenističkih političkih opcija i pokreta u zapadnom svijetu. Na taj proces gledam s odobravanjem, ali on nažalost pokazuje i neke nuspojave, poput negativnih stavova prema slobodnoj međunarodnoj trgovini i otvorenoj ekonomskoj suradnji među državama. Na taj se način teško može stvoriti novo bogatstvo i osigurati stabilan rast.

Multinacionalni trgovinski okvir, ma koliko on danas bio nepopularan i na ljevici i na desnici, mora postojati kako bi se prema njemu odvijali bilateralni razgovori i dogovarali pošteni sporazumi.

Rezolucija ispravno prepoznaje potrebu za boljim okvirom za digitalnu trgovinu i lakše investiranje. Slažem se da u tom pogledu pravila WTO-a moraju biti unaprijeđena kako bi u potpunosti slijedila duh vremena u kojem živimo.

 
  
 

Διαδικασία «Catch-the-Eye»

 
  
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  Mairead McGuinness (PPE). – Mr President, the agenda for this ministerial conference is not overly ambitious and I am not so sure that our hopes are very high, but I think we will go there as the European Union in good faith. What strikes me is that, in the absence of a structure like the World Trade Organization that functions, there is a yawning gap, a vacuum. The real worry – and others have mentioned this – is that one of the main global players, the USA, is not participating fully in the WTO at the moment and is perhaps acting to weaken the structures that we all rely on.

It is also important to mention that, every time trade is discussed, agriculture is very high on the agenda, and there is no agreement as to how to deal with agriculture, save to say that it is a sector different from others. It is about rural areas, about people, about food and food security, and I hope the sensitivities of agriculture will be fully taken on board at our meeting.

 
  
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  Bogdan Andrzej Zdrojewski (PPE). – Wspieramy rozmaite porozumienia handlowe, które ułatwiają nabywanie usług, produktów, ale także obniżają ceny. To, na co chciałbym zwrócić dziś uwagę, to przede wszystkim, aby nie dążyć do kompromisów, lecz do rozwiązań optymalnych. W tych rozwiązaniach optymalnych kluczowe jest chronienie mniejszych podmiotów gospodarczych. Bardzo istotna jest elastyczność, szybsze reagowanie na zmieniający się rynek, zwłaszcza na handel, wymianę, usługi internetowe. Świat cyfrowy zmienił świat handlu. Natomiast to, co obecnie martwi, to przede wszystkim postawa Stanów Zjednoczonych wobec porozumień międzynarodowych. Rynek amerykański jest prawie samowystarczalny, ale poszczególne rynki państw słabszych od tych, które funkcjonują na obszarze Unii Europejskiej, już tak silne nie są.

 
  
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  Jean-Paul Denanot (S&D). – Monsieur le Président, je ne sais pas si la rencontre interministérielle de l’OMC à Buenos Aires sera celle de la dernière chance, mais ce que je sais, c’est qu’il est urgent d’agir si nous voulons sauver cette institution actuellement dans la difficulté devant la multitude d’accords bilatéraux et le peu d’enthousiasme – c’est le moins qu’on puisse dire – de certains pays installés ou émergents à respecter les règles communes. Des juges plus nombreux sont indispensables pour les faire respecter. L’Union européenne, qui est le bon élève de l’OMC, ne doit pas pâtir de cette absence de contrôle suffisant.

Je voudrais, pour ma part, spécifiquement intervenir sur la question des services publics qui, de mon point de vue, doivent être protégés afin de répondre aux besoins des citoyens et des territoires. Oui, à des règles internationales pour le commerce des services marchands, mais une exception pour les services publics librement mis en place par les autorités publiques.

 
  
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  Νότης Μαριάς (ECR). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η υπουργική σύνοδος του ΠΟΕ στο Μπουένος Άιρες μας δίνει την ευκαιρία για έναν γόνιμο προβληματισμό για το μέλλον του ΠΟΕ, που ενώ οφείλει να στηρίξει το δίκαιο εμπόριο και την ανάπτυξη, στην πράξη ενισχύει τις κοινωνικές ανισότητες, τη φτώχεια και το άνοιγμα των αγορών που διαλύουν τις τοπικές οικονομίες.

Η περίφημη λοιπόν διευκόλυνση του διεθνούς εμπορίου μέσω του ΠΟΕ διαλύει τον ευρωπαϊκό Νότο, τις μικρομεσαίες επιχειρήσεις, τον αγροτικό και κτηνοτροφικό τομέα της Ένωσης. Ο ΠΟΕ ενισχύει το outsourcing, τη μεταφορά βιομηχανιών στον αναπτυσσόμενο κόσμο και τις αθέμιτες εμπορικές πρακτικές, μια και οι βιομηχανίες αυτές των ευρωπαϊκών και άλλων πολυεθνικών που είναι εγκατεστημένες στο αναπτυσσόμενο κόσμο δεν τηρούν τους νόμους του Διεθνούς Γραφείου Εργασίας για τα εργασιακά, και ανθεί πλέον εκεί η παιδική εργασία. Παρά λοιπόν την ανάπτυξη του εμπορίου και την αύξηση των αποθεμάτων των τροφίμων, αυξάνεται η πείνα των πληθυσμών.

Αναμένουμε ακόμη μια μελέτη κοινωνικών επιπτώσεων της λειτουργίας του ΠΟΕ.

 
  
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  Τάκης Χατζηγεωργίου (GUE/NGL). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, τασσόμαστε καταρχήν ενάντια στις δημόσιες δηλώσεις και ενέργειες του προέδρου των ΗΠΑ, οι οποίες διασπούν και υποσκάπτουν την κατά το δυνατόν δίκαιη συνεργασία των κρατών.

Πρέπει άμεσα να γίνουν μερικά πράγματα. Να αυξηθεί η πίεση στις Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες για τη συμμόρφωσή τους με το πρωτόκολλο για τις κλιματικές αλλαγές και, δεύτερον, να εξεταστεί το ενδεχόμενο παραπομπής των ΗΠΑ στην επιτροπή διαιτητικών διακανονισμών, αφού η θέση των ΗΠΑ ισοδυναμεί με συγκαλυμμένη επιδότηση για την εγχώρια βιομηχανία τους, πράγμα που δεν συμβαδίζει με τους κανονισμούς του ΠΟΕ.

Τέλος, απαιτείται άμεση λύση στο θέμα της συμφωνίας για τα δικαιώματα πνευματικής ιδιοκτησίας. Το εμπόριο, αγαπητοί συνάδελφοι, πρέπει να υπηρετεί τους ανθρώπους και όχι να συμβαίνει το ανάποδο, δηλαδή οι άνθρωποι ή τα κράτη να υπηρετούν το εμπόριο. Αυτό που συμβαίνει σήμερα είναι ότι τα αδύνατα κράτη, προκειμένου να υπερασπιστούν τους εαυτούς τους, προτιμούν να προβαίνουν σε διμερείς συμφωνίες παρά να είναι μέσα στη συνεργασία του ΠΟΕ.

 
  
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  Ελευθέριος Συναδινός (NI). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η συμμετοχή της Ένωσης στην υπουργική διάσκεψη του Παγκόσμιου Οργανισμού Εμπορίου μπορεί να διαδραματίσει σπουδαίο ρόλο στην κανονικότητα ενός πολυμερούς εμπορικού συστήματος. Τα θέματα της συζήτησης, όπως οι στόχοι βιώσιμης ανάπτυξης και οι δεσμεύσεις της συμφωνίας του Παρισιού, δεν είναι ελάσσονος σημασίας σε σχέση με την προώθηση του εμπορίου και τη συνδεσιμότητα για βιώσιμη ανάπτυξη. Τα αποτελέσματα όμως της κοινής εμπορικής πολιτικής, παρά τις αρχικές καλές προθέσεις, δείχνουν ότι έχει αποσταθεροποιήσει τις αγορές των κρατών μελών, δεν διασφαλίζει πλήρως λογικές τιμές για τους ευρωπαίους καταναλωτές και δεν καταπολεμά τον αθέμιτο ανταγωνισμό.

Αυτό που πρωτίστως επηρεάζει τις ζωές ευρωπαίων παραγωγών και καταναλωτών είναι η νομιμότητα των δημόσιων προμηθειών, η επιβίωση των πολύ μικρών, μικρών και μεσαίων επιχειρήσεων, οι επιδοτήσεις, το ηλεκτρονικό εμπόριο, οι αναίτιες ποσοστώσεις και η βιωσιμότητα των εταιρειών τους. Ειδικά για τους έλληνες παραγωγούς και εμπόρους, που έχουν κυριολεκτικά καταστραφεί από τα μνημόνια, την ύφεση και τις αρρυθμίες της Κοινής Αγροτικής Πολιτικής.

 
  
 

(End of catch-the-eye procedure)

 
  
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  Cecilia Malmström, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, I really appreciate the support that you have given to the Commission and the EU negotiating tactics here, and the priorities.

Ideally we would depart from Buenos Aires just before Christmas with a balanced package of negotiated outcomes and an ambitious agenda of work going forward. It would show that the World Trade Organization (WTO) is still relevant, still alive and kicking, and that the multilateral global trading system is still there and is functioning.

Certain forces are putting that into question. I can tell you that it is not only the US, there are also other countries who are problematic in this regard, but we are really working towards that aim in the European Union. Our team in Geneva is doing a fantastic job to reach out to the different embassies and delegations there. I have personally spoken to a lot of different ministers, and our people around the world are trying their utmost to see if we can find compromises that are as broad as possible. As I told you, we have in the EU, sometimes together with other countries, put forward proposals that we think would bring the multilateral agenda forward. We always had the least—developed countries in mind at the centre of this, in order to see how we can help them to further integrate into the global trading system.

As for the proposals, you could say that they are not ambitious enough, but they would still move the global agenda forward in a way that is reasonable in 2017. Bilateral trade agreements are today necessary as a complement to that – the WTO cannot solve all the issues that ambitious trade agreements can do bilaterally, but the multilateral system is still key in this, together with its disputes system. That has been working very well and it has served us in the European Union well, but it has also served the United States very well – evidence shows that they very often come out winners of their procedures. We must really find a solution to the blockage of the Appellate Body.

I heard many concerns here about agriculture. There is a willingness to debate trade in more general terms. I am happy to do that on another occasion. I can assure you that we are very aware of the limits and the red lines when it comes to agriculture. So you can rest assured that we will not compromise on this, and I will also be going with Phil Hogan, we will be there together for the whole week.

We are not naive, we know that it is not easy to agree, it is difficult enough between 28 countries in this Union but in the WTO there are 164 Member States. So it is not easy, but when we do agree it is really powerful.

We are also willing to listen to calls for reform: an organisation always needs to reform, but it has to be in a way that strengthens and further develops the WTO; it cannot be a way to undermine or to weaken the WTO. That is why we need to listen to concrete proposals and bring that forward. That discussion cannot take hostage the actual agenda of the WTO Ministerial Conference.

I thank you for the resolution that I hope you will vote through tomorrow. It contains a lot of very important issues and I am happy that there will be such a knowledgeable and an engaged delegation in Buenos Aires from the European Parliament, and I look forward to cooperating with you there.

 
  
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  President. – Madam Commissioner, thank you. I appreciate the fact that this is a debate where you have responded to the question – I think the applause is a sign of that. This is not always the case with every Commissioner, so it is highly appreciated.

I have received one motion for a resolution tabled in accordance with Rule 123(2) of the Rules of Procedure.

The debate is closed.

The vote will take place on Wednesday, 15 November 2017.

Written statements (Rule 162)

 
  
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  Ilhan Kyuchyuk (ALDE), in writing. – The World Trade Organisation regulates international trade. All major decisions are made by member governments, either by ministers who usually meet at least once every two year. The forthcoming 11th WTO Ministerial Conference will be held in Buenos Aires (Argentina). In this context, I call on the Commission to be closely involved in the preparation of the WTO Ministerial Conference. The EU, as a world’s leading trading power, should persuade WTO Member States to further develop e-commerce and turn digital opportunities into trade realities. WTO Member States should acknowledge the fact that internet connectivity offers business opportunities like never before by making trade easier, cheaper and accessible.

 
  
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  Maria Lidia Senra Rodríguez (GUE/NGL), por escrito. – A OMC (Organização Mundial do Comércio) é um instrumento do neoliberalismo que promove a globalização dos mercados mediante a liberalização, a desregulamentação e as privatizações. A prosperidade económica que promete não existe, as regras que impõe e os acordos de livre comércio que promove consistem em dar facilidades às corporações transnacionais para continuarem a obter enormes benefícios à custa da exploração cada vez maior da classe trabalhadora, do campesinato, dos povos indígenas, da terra, dos territórios e dos recursos naturais.

Através da OMC e dos acordos de livre comércio, as grandes corporações estão a tentar usurpar a soberania dos povos, minando a capacidade dos governos democraticamente eleitos de tomar medidas legislativas que protejam os direitos da população e do meio ambiente contra os abusos das multinacionais. A agricultura, os serviços públicos, os medicamentos e os bens comuns devem estar fora das mãos da OMC.

 
Avviso legale