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Utorak, 12. prosinca 2017. - Strasbourg Revidirano izdanje

16. Položaj migranata u Libiji (rasprava)
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  Puhemies. – Esityslistalla on seuraavana komission varapuheenjohtajan ja unionin ulkoasioiden ja turvallisuuspolitiikan korkean edustajan julkilausuma maahanmuuttajien tilanteesta Libyassa

 
  
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  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Madam President, as you can see, for this debate I am pleased to be joined by Commissioner Avramopoulos as we were asked to cover both the external side of this situation and the internal work of the European Union. As Commissioner Avramopoulos is responsible for our internal work on migration, he will complement my introduction and will stay for the conclusions as well.

We have all seen the images on CNN of the detention centres in Libya. Unfortunately, what the media has reported is not new. We have discussed this in this Chamber several times and this is not the first time that I am telling you about it personally.

I first heard the stories about the detention centres and the unthinkable violations of human rights a few years ago in Lampedusa; I was surprised that the rest of the world was not strongly reacting to stories that had been well known, not just for a couple of weeks, but for years. I heard them from people who had been tortured or had lost their loved ones. I heard them from the NGOs, from doctors and humanitarian workers who had been in those centres. If any of you have seen the film ‘Fuocoammare’, which I believe was also shown in the European Parliament in Brussels, I have heard those stories because they are told and are shown just in a film. So unfortunately there is nothing new.

But let me tell what we did after we first heard those stories, which does not mean two weeks ago, but a few years ago. Personally, I would say that it was still too late because Europe and the European Union should have acted even earlier, but it is now two or three years since we decided to act in a situation that was not easy.

Well before the media started to report on the situation in Libya, the European Union started to act. How? We engaged with the United Nations and in particular with international organisations for migrants to provide an alternative to migrants stranded in the country. I have said many times that our goal is to close the detention centres and I remember very well saying this in this Chamber a couple of months ago. We have worked to do precisely this, but it cannot be done overnight.

We have now been working with the IOM and the UNHCR for a year, supporting their work inside Libya, which is the only way to address the situation. We need to give these people the opportunity to leave Libya safely, towards a better life, or I would rather say towards a life because in the detention centres you cannot call it life. Thanks to our work—the work of the European Union—just this year we have assisted over 15 000 migrants who were trapped in Libya and who now have been able, not only to go home with assisted voluntary returns supported by us and practically and operationally done by the IOM, but to start a new life.

I will give you one example. I was told the story of a group of ten young men from the Gambia who went home from Libya, thanks to our support, and with our funds bought a small refrigerated truck and are using it to deliver fish around the country. This is just one little story and is one example out of thousands of good stories about voluntary and sustainable returns. It is with stories like this that we also show local communities that embarking on a dangerous journey is not only a risk but is extremely dangerous and you might end up in a worse place than the one you left.

These are the kind of stories that I think we need to share and we need to tell. We believe this is the right way to do things. It is humane, sustainable and with the right international standards in cooperation with the UNHCR and the IOM. Today new partners are finally joining our work.

The summit between the European Union and the African Union ten days ago in Abidjan was a turning point. It was a turning point not only on this, but was a key political summit for the EU—African Union partnership. This is not the issue we are discussing tonight—that is the tenth debate that we can have at about one o’clock tomorrow morning. On this issue our African partners have realised that it was time to seriously engage.

I believe our African partners had had enough of seeing their brothers and sisters dying in detention centres or along the route in the desert. They want to stop it and to stop the criminal networks that are making money out of death and slavery.

We have set up a joint task force with the African Union, the European Union and the United Nations precisely to address the situation of migrants inside Libya and, already in the first ten days, the results are quite impressive. Right after we did that, in just nine days, we have assisted almost 2000 migrants in going back home from Libya voluntarily with the assistance of the IOM and there is a new awareness and a new common determination to act.

So thanks to this we now aim to transfer a further 15 000 people who are currently in detention centres. This would allow us to empty—to empty—the current population in the detention centres in the next few months. This is feasible. We have already assisted 15 000, 2000 of them in the last nine days, and we are aiming to transfer another 15 000 in the next couple of months with the practical work of the IOM and the cooperation of the African Union on the ground.

But this is not enough. For some people going back home is not an option because of war or persecution. So for those who have the right to international protection we need to open new avenues to come to Europe or other safe places. The Commission has proposed welcoming 50 000 people in need of international protection and we have just launched a new programme with the UNHCR called the Emergency Transit Mechanism. The first transfers have already taken place so that those who have the right to receive asylum can come safely to Europe instead of risking their lives.

Is this enough? Clearly it is not and we are frustrated by every single person we do not manage to reach and every single place we do not manage to go. You know the situation on the ground in Libya. It is not easy for the IOM and the UNHCR or for the NGOs simply to get around or to get access. Clearly it is not sufficient. It is not enough yet and we need to continue working together, including with the Libyan authorities. We need to overcome once and for all the system of systematic detention. We must allow the complete and proper registration of migrants and prosecute the criminal groups who are smugglers and enslavers.

I discussed this with President Sarraj this morning in order to prepare together the first meeting of this task force between the European Union, the African Union and the United Nations, which I called for at a political level for Thursday morning in Brussels. We will have this first operational meeting at a political level to accelerate our common work in Libya, but also beyond Libya because the situation further south along the route is also not at all rosy.

We, first of all the European Union, are working to put an end to death and exploitation, to reduce risky journeys, to save lives at sea and in the desert and to provide international protection to those who need it. We are also working hand in hand with the United Nations to make progress in the political process in Libya.

Let me conclude with a word on this before I give the floor to Commissioner Avramopoulos to complete my remarks. The political process in Libya is, first and foremost, for the benefit of Libyans. We sometimes tend, with our European lenses, to forget that Libya is not just a place where migrants are passing through or detained. Libya is a country that has gone through very difficult times and is still in a very difficult situation. The Libyans themselves need to see our political support to overcome the current situation, but obviously improved governance will also help address the migration challenge inside Libya.

So the European Union is actively supporting the UN action plan at every stage. I met with President Sarraj ten days ago in Abidjan and, with Special Representative Salameh in Rome ten days ago. While there is not much progress to report yet, there is some movement in the right direction, but it is fragile and we need to stay resolute, particularly to support the Libyan Political Agreement through and beyond the deadline of 17 December.

So it is clear that this job will not be done in a day. There will be bumps on the road and we will need long-term engagement, but we are on the right path. We are the only possible path to manage migration in a more humane and sustainable way and, finally, we are not alone. We will continue to work with all our determination, together with the African Union and the UN and in particular, the IOM and the UNHCR.

 
  
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  Dimitris Avramopoulos, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, honourable Members, thank you very much for the invitation to discuss this very, very sensitive issue here tonight. I am more than happy to be here and wish to complement what my colleague, Ms Federica Mogherini, said some minutes ago.

The situation is as described, but I think on the ground it is even worse, and the images we saw on CNN recently do not reflect the reality. We are conscious of what is happening there, but let me start by making one thing crystal clear: it is not the European Union’s action that has created an inhumane system in Libya. Quite the opposite. For far too long these unacceptable, appalling, conditions have existed there and it is the European Union which, together with its international partners, is coordinating the efforts to address and improve the situation on the ground. Our collective efforts cannot ensure from one day to another a result which equals our expectations, but with our joint and international cooperation we hope to achieve results in the short to medium term.

We are working in a very difficult context, as you are all aware. An inclusive political transition, along with the stabilisation and economic consolidation of Libya, remains a key prerequisite for addressing migration—related challenges in Libya in a sustainable way. Within this complex framework, we are managing to work in Libya on all possible fronts. Cooperating with third countries, especially in North Africa, is a cornerstone of the comprehensive migration policy that we propose to step up in our contribution to the Leaders Meeting this Thursday evening on the way forward in migration.

Together with the International Organisation for Migration (IOM), the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and other humanitarian organisations, we are focusing first on improving the conditions of the migrants stranded in the country, secondly, on supporting their voluntarily return and reintegration back home and, thirdly, on creating legal pathways to Europe for people in need of international protection.

I am not going to repeat what Ms Mogherini has already said about registration, humanitarian assistance on the ground, and the voluntary reintegration of migrants to their own countries. I will focus on the legal pathways which should become the preferred way for people in need of protection to safely reach Europe.

In mid-November, the first group of 25 of the most vulnerable persons needing protection was evacuated from Libya to Niger for further resettlement in France, thanks to the support of the UNHCR, to EU funding and the consent of the governments of both Libya and Niger. With EU support, more evacuations from Libya to Niger will be carried out by UNHCR in the coming weeks. As announced in our roadmap presented last week, our target is to reach 1 000 by the end of February.

The continuous evacuation of people trapped in Libya depends on several factors. It is, of course, linked to the capacity of our Member States, together with other destination countries, to rapidly resettle from Niger the asylum—seekers evacuated. As you know, in September, the Commission called on the Member States to make available at least 50 000 resettlement places in the next two years for asylum-seekers located in some priority countries. This, of course, includes the countries of the central Mediterranean route. Member States replied in a very encouraging manner, offering until now almost 40 000 new resettlement pledges, and we are confident that additional pledges, from Member States which have not yet replied to our call, will be offered. Meanwhile, the moment to start fulfilling these pledges has already arrived, and I count on the support of the European Parliament in reminding them of the urgency of this. I also count on your support for the target we proposed to the Leaders – that 25 000 resettlements take place before October 2018.

In parallel, we continue to help the Sahel countries to better manage their borders and reinforce their capacities in relation to the fight against migrant smuggling and human trafficking. I understand that there are still concerns about the efficiency of our collective action on the ground, as Amnesty International today reported. Instead I would call for more, and stronger, joint cooperation between all actors and partners, since we all have the same objectives: stability in the region, unity in Libya, solidarity and practical support for the people in need. I look forward to the exchange of views with you tonight.

 
  
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  Santiago Fisas Ayxelà, en nombre del Grupo PPE. – Señora presidenta, señora alta representante, señor comisario, las imágenes difundidas por distintos medios, en las que inmigrantes subsaharianos son víctimas de una suerte de subasta de esclavos a las puertas de Europa son escandalosas. La Unión Europea y sus Estados miembros hemos condenado con firmeza la situación inhumana a la que los traficantes someten a los migrantes a su paso por Libia. Se calcula que hay a día de hoy entre cuatrocientas y setecientas mil personas viviendo en estas condiciones degradantes.

Celebro por otra parte, la reacción de la Unión, la Unión Africana y las Naciones Unidas en el marco de la reciente cumbre de Abiyán, de buscar una solución inmediata a esta intolerable situación, así como el compromiso de ayudar a las autoridades libias a hacer frente a este gravísimo problema.

Es preciso desarrollar una política migratoria comprensiva con la situación de los países de origen y tránsito que, junto a la gestión de los flujos migratorios, incluya una eficaz política de cooperación al desarrollo con nuestros socios africanos: con proyectos de inversiones, de consolidación institucional, de seguridad y de protección de los derechos humanos. Una política que genere oportunidades para que no sea necesario emigrar para tener un futuro digno y que acabe con el negocio de las mafias que trafican con seres humanos.

En el caso de Libia ninguna solución podrá ponerse en marcha sin una transición política inclusiva y la estabilización del país. La Unión debe implicarse a fondo y apoyar los esfuerzos del representante de las Naciones Unidas para lograr una solución política por una Libia unida y en paz.

 
  
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  Elena Valenciano, en nombre del Grupo S&D. – Señora presidenta. El infierno en vida, eso es Libia. Y lo cuentan quienes consiguen escapar. Tortura, violencia sexual, secuestros, esclavitud: el horror cotidiano. Lo ha explicado perfectamente la señora Mogherini, y no hoy por primera vez. El vídeo publicado por la CNN efectivamente no ha descubierto nada nuevo, pero, como aquella cruel foto de Aylán —¿se acuerdan?―, ha conseguido remover conciencias y que las reacciones se acumulen. Aprovechemos este impulso para avanzar en la dirección adecuada y también para que ustedes puedan explicar lo que la Unión Europea está realmente haciendo.

Pero es muy importante que pongamos la protección de las personas por encima de la protección de las fronteras. Esa es la gran diferencia entre quienes pensamos de esta manera y quienes solo tienen obsesión por la seguridad y el control de las fronteras sin pensar en las personas. La pregunta es cómo actuar en Libia. Si no hay Estado, no hay estructuras, no hay interlocutores, ¿cómo encontrar una solución?

Existe una enorme preocupación sobre qué estamos haciendo en Libia y con quién estamos haciendo las cosas en Libia. Y esto solo puede remediarse con más transparencia, y este debate es una oportunidad para eso. La situación del país desde luego no permite afrontar el drama humanitario y, por eso, la idea de los retornos es una buena idea, una muy buena idea. Pero vuelven a sus países, ¿con qué posibilidades?

¿Hasta qué punto estamos dispuestos nosotros a compartir la responsabilidad de este lado del Mediterráneo? ¿O vamos a sistemáticamente a tratar de alejar el problema de nuestras fronteras? ¿Cómo vamos a hacer con la migración económica que, en términos humanos, es un eufemismo? Migración económica, la gente se busca la vida, una vida soportable.

Así que, una vez más, insistimos en que Europa necesita definir con claridad, para su propia supervivencia, una política migratoria sostenible. Para eso necesitamos abrir más vías legales y seguras para la inmigración. Lo digo más fuerte, porque lo hemos dicho muchas veces. El único camino y la alta representante lo sabe bien— es construir una verdadera asociación con los países de origen y tránsito conciliando intereses, compartiendo proyectos y asumiendo responsabilidades.

 
  
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  Jussi Halla-aho, ECR-ryhmän puolesta. – Arvoisa puhemies, Eurooppaan pyrkivien laittomien siirtolaisten tilanne Libyassa on traaginen. Ratkaisu ei kuitenkaan ole se, että näille ihmisille luodaan lisää laillisia väyliä Eurooppaan. Muun muassa komission puheenjohtaja Juncker on esittänyt tällaista hiljattain.

Siirtolaisia tulee Libyaan niin kauan, kuin Eurooppa houkuttelee heitä huonolla rajavalvonnalla, avokätisellä turvapaikkapolitiikalla ja tehottomilla palautuskäytännöillä. Näihin vetotekijöihin tulee puuttua. Ihmisiä ajaa liikkeellä Saharan eteläpuolisesta Afrikasta köyhyys. Köyhyyttä ylläpitää ennen kaikkea valtava syntyvyys. Ennustetaan, että Afrikan väkiluku kasvaa jopa neljään miljardiin tällä vuosisadalla. Tähän juurisyyhyn tulee myös puuttua. Siirtolaisuus Eurooppaan ei ole ratkaisu. Kolmannen maailman siirtolaisten integraatio on epäonnistunut surkeasti tähänkin asti ja tilanne vain pahenee kun määrät kasvavat.

 
  
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  Sophia in 't Veld, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Madam President, I wish to thank Ms Mogherini – who has left in the meantime – and Mr Avramopoulos for his introduction. I insisted particularly on his presence here because we have to make it very clear that what we are talking about is not external policies, it is migration policies. It is politically relevant that we show that this is a migration debate and that we are not outsourcing the problem, although that is exactly what Member States want to do.

We have all been shocked by the images of Amnesty International, but as Ms Mogherini rightly said, this is not the first time. Every time, like you said, we express our horror, we are shocked and then we basically move on. I know, Mr Avramopoulos, that you are personally very committed to a proper EU migration policy, but there is one thing that you said that I disagree with, which is that you basically said we are not to blame for this. It is true that the atrocities are committed in Libya by Libyan people and not by Europeans. However, it is also a consequence of our policy choices. We also know that a lot of funding from the EU, but also from Italy, is going into Libya and ending up in the pockets of God knows who: militia, terrorists, corrupt politicians. We have seen the images of a boat used by the Libyan Coast Guard that has been funded by Italy. It is our money going into that misery. Let us stop funding the misery.

I also would like to hear a little bit more about the rescue operation. Where are these people going if they are not being repatriated?

Finally, Mr Avramopoulos, I would like to know something else, as remarks have been made and we are talking about human rights here. You have said a lot about legal pathways for labour migration, and I would like to know about these, because that is what we urgently need. Stop the fiction of Fortress Europe: we need legal avenues for labour migration.

 
  
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  Barbara Spinelli, a nome del gruppo GUE/NGL. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, vorrei fare tre domande al Commissario.

Primo: la sentenza della Corte europea del 2012 sul caso Hirsi. Ho riletto il verdetto che condannò l'Italia per respingimenti collettivi in Libia, e il contesto è identico. La Convenzione europea è violata e la Libia resta inaffidabile, non avendo ratificato la Convenzione di Ginevra. Dov'è la differenza fra il 2009 e oggi?

Secondo: la decisione presa ad Abidjan di evacuare i campi dove avvengono violenze, di attivare rimpatri volontari dei migranti, di reinsediarne alcuni. Vorrei conoscere le procedure che saranno adottate perché il rimpatriato non si trovi a dover scegliere tra la peste e il colera, e vorrei sapere il numero delle evacuazioni. Cochetel, inviato dell'UNHCR, ha dichiarato che la maggior parte dei luoghi di tortura è sconosciuta, che Sarraj controlla un territorio minimo. Ha detto ancora: le decisioni di Abidjan sono illusorie. Ogni volta che abbiamo liberato qualcuno dai campi di detenzione, qualcun altro ha subito preso il suo posto.

Ultima domanda: a che punto è la ridefinizione del concetto di non-refoulement, che l'Unione si propose in febbraio a La Valletta? Il proposito fu prudentemente cancellato dal comunicato. Chiedo se sia tuttora all'ordine del giorno.

 
  
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  Judith Sargentini, namens de Verts/ALE-Fractie. – Ik herinner me dat Commissaris Malmström toen in 2010 een bezoek heeft gebracht aan Libië om Eritrese vluchtelingen te ontzetten die in verschrikkelijke omstandigheden in Libische gevangenissen zaten. Kadhafi dreigde ze terug te sturen naar Eritrea. Er waren afspraken tussen Kadhafi en Berlusconi om migranten op zee tegen te houden en de Eritreeërs kwamen daar middenin te zitten en waren in levensgevaar. Hulde aan Commissaris Malmström die toen hemel en aarde heeft bewogen om mensen te redden.

Nu is het 2017 en zijn er weer onduidelijke deals tussen Italië en Libië. Maar er zijn ook afspraken waar de Europese Commissie en andere lidstaten bij betrokken zijn. De kustwacht van Libië is nog nooit zo goed uitgerust geweest als nu en is betaald door ons, betaald door Europa. Als zij een reddingsactie uitvoeren verdrinken er nog meer mensen.

We weten hoe het er aan toe gaat in de Libische detentiekampen. Het is er erger dan in 2010. En dit keer helpen we zelf die kampen te vullen.

Toegegeven, we redden ook mensen uit Libië. Tijdens de top in Abidjan sprak ik mensen die net terug waren uit Libië en die hadden de verschrikkelijkste verhalen. Eén man was gered op zee door de Libische kustwacht, teruggebracht naar een detentiekamp, daar verkocht en had gewerkt op het land als slaaf. En toen hij zijn moeder aan de telefoon had om hem vrij te kopen, werd hij bewerkt met machetes want dan gilde hij hard en dan kwam het geld eerder.

Europa heeft betaald voor zijn zogenaamde "redding op zee". Hij is inderdaad niet verdronken. Europa heeft via het Europese noodfonds voor Afrika ook betaald voor zijn terugvlucht naar Ivoorkust en zal betalen voor zijn integratie. Is dat niet een beetje cynisch?

 
  
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  Mario Borghezio, a nome del gruppo ENF. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, l'Alto rappresentante ci ha detto solo una parte della verità nella sua descrizione del tragitto di questi migranti economici che l'Europa si era impegnata a salvare dalla triste esperienza dei viaggi, spesso, della morte attraverso il Mediterraneo.

È vero, vengono consegnati agli Stati di provenienza, che tra l'altro li accolgono perché hanno dei passaporti temporanei. Quindi vengono ricevuti e ripresi dal Ghana, dalla Nigeria, e questo va bene, questa parte della narrazione sarebbe ottima. Però l'Alto rappresentante non ci dice grazie a chi: grazie all'attività che è stata favorita dagli accordi italiani che consentono alla Guardia costiera libica di riprendere tutte queste imbarcazioni irregolari dei trafficanti che vorrebbero consegnare i poveri migranti ad altri sfruttatori.

Ma c'è l'altra parte della medaglia che non ci viene raccontata, cioè quelli che oltrepassano la linea – mi scusi e concludo – di competenza libica arrivano in Italia, sulle navi dell'Italia, dell'UE o delle ONG, e vengono dispersi nel territorio italiano e arrivano in Europa. E allora siamo da capo: avete parzialmente risolto solo metà del problema. L'altra metà degli sbarchi continua, questa è la verità che voi non dite!

 
  
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  Knut Fleckenstein (S&D). – Frau Präsidentin! Wir begrüßen als ersten wichtigen Schritt das Versprechen des libyschen Ministerpräsidenten dem UNHCR und der internationalen Organisation für Migration den vollen Zugang zu den Lagern in seinem Machtbereich zu gewähren.

Doch das Versprechen aus Tripolis wird bestimmt nicht reichen, denn die dortige Regierung hat kaum Zugriff auf die Regionen, in denen es beispielsweise diese Sklavenmärkte gibt. Diesen Zugang haben andere Milizen. Beim letzten EU-Afrika-Gipfel Ende November ist über geplante Notfalleinsätze gesprochen worden und diese müssen dringend durchgeführt werden. Nach dem Plan soll die IOM offiziell nicht schutzbedürftigen Migranten dabei helfen, in ihre Herkunftsländer zurückzukehren. Dafür stellt die EU auch noch Finanzhilfen für eine– wie es heißt – gesichtswahrende Rückkehr zur Verfügung.

Das allein kann nicht reichen, denn wir müssen zusätzlich mehr Entwicklungsprogramme in den Herkunftsländern fördern und den Rahmen der legalen Einwanderung nach Europa erweitern.

Zum anderen sollen Schutzbedürftige, also Menschen, die vor politischer Verfolgung und vor Bürgerkrieg geflohen sind, unter Federführung des UNHCR zunächst in den Tschad und in den Niger gebracht werden und von dort aus weiter umgesiedelt werden in aufnahmewillige Staaten in Afrika oder in der EU.

Ich kürze es ab: Mittelfristig müssen in Libyen selbst die Schutzgründe geprüft werden und resettlement muss von dort aus nach Europa ermöglicht werden. Es kann nicht sein, dass innereuropäischer Mangel an Solidarität eine gemeinsame Migrationspolitik verhindert.

 
  
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  Marek Jurek (ECR). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Pani wiceprzewodnicząca Mogherini powiedziała, że od dawna było wiadomo, co dzieje się w Libii, nie trzeba było oglądać CNN. Więc pytanie: Co przez ten cały czas robiliśmy? Ja pamiętam, że ponad dwa i pół roku temu Rada Europejska mówiła o tym, że rozpoczniemy walkę z nielegalnym przemytem ludzi. I czyż nie tolerancja dla tego procederu, czyż nie działalność flotylli Sorosa powodowała, że ci ludzie gdzieś w głębi Afryki byli zachęcani do tego, żeby wyruszyć w drogę do tej libijskiej pułapki?

Dzisiaj rzeczywiście potrzebne są praktyczne kroki pomocowe i dobrze, że o nich rozmawiamy. Ale jeżeli naprawdę nie przywrócimy odpowiedzialności – również odpowiedzialności politycznej – w działalności Unii Europejskiej, to takie tragedie będą zmieniać miejsce, ale będą się mnożyć. Dlatego jeszcze raz powtórzę: pora na odpowiedzialność, pora na myślenie o skutkach pięknych słów, które się czasami wygłasza.

 
  
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  Marie-Christine Vergiat (GUE/NGL). – Madame la Présidente, le week-end dernier, l’Aquarius, bateau affrété par SOS Méditerranée a encore porté secours à 450 personnes. Les témoignages recueillis à bord sont accablants: «sur la plage, les gens avaient peur, mais les gardes en uniforme pointaient leurs armes pour nous forcer à monter dans les bateaux». Des gardes, en uniforme, il y a quelques jours… Depuis des mois, on nous dit que l’on forme des garde-côtes, 100 à 150 nous a-t-on dit à Tunis en septembre, et le même nombre nous a été répété la semaine dernière à Bruxelles. Donc, en trois mois, rien de nouveau, malgré CNN, oserais-je dire.

Eh oui, ce n'est pas nouveau! Le trafic d’êtres humains et les tortures existent depuis des années, y compris déjà sous Kadhafi, et l’Union européenne cherchait déjà à négocier un accord. Il n’y a pas de solution miracle. Assez de beaux discours, assez de belles histoires, de chiffres dérisoires par rapport aux réalités! Le gouvernement dit officiel ne contrôle qu'une infime partie du territoire. Il n'y a donc pas d’enquête approfondie, il n'y a pas de système judiciaire. Les centres de rétention sont hors de contrôle. Comment comptez-vous évacuer ces centres? Et on va ouvrir un central d'appels à Tripoli pour mieux refouler en Libye ces hommes, ces femmes, ces enfants qui sont rançonnés, martyrisés, vendus comme des marchandises, assassinés. Combien de morts encore?

Par les financements versés, par vos politiques qui aggravent la situation, y compris au Niger, vous êtes complices de ce qui se passe dans ce pays. Un jour, vous en serez comptables et, notamment, de ces milliers de vies humaines perdues en mer comme dans le désert.

 
  
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  Barbara Lochbihler (Verts/ALE). – Frau Präsidentin! Um irreguläre Migration zu verhindern, arbeitet die EU mit Ländern wie Libyen zusammen, in denen grundlegende Garantien für Rechtsstaatlichkeit und Menschenrechte fehlen. Der Amnesty-Bericht von heute zeigt klar, dass es eine Mitschuld der EU an Verletzungen der Menschenrechte von Flüchtlingen in Libyen gibt, und diese werden angeprangert. Das sagt nicht nur Amnesty, das hat vor einigen Wochen auch der UN-Hochkommissar für Menschenrechte sehr deutlich öffentlich festgestellt und kritisiert.

Wenn wir also auf die Zusammenarbeit mit Libyen schauen, dann muss absolute Priorität haben, dass wir den Schutz von Flüchtlingen ins Zentrum stellen. Die EU muss hier ihre Einflussmöglichkeiten nutzen und unverzüglich die Freilassung aller Flüchtlinge und Migranten fordern und unterstützen, und zwar aller, die willkürlich in Libyen inhaftiert sind. Und auch die EU-Mitgliedstaaten müssen in ihren Resettlement-Programmen die Flüchtlinge direkt aus Libyen aufnehmen, und sie dürfen nicht nur dafür sein, dass sie in einem Transfer nach Niger zurückgebracht werden, wo wir überhaupt nicht wissen, unter welchen Bedingungen sie dann weiter in ihre Herkunftsländer zurückgeschickt werden. Wir haben jetzt immer wieder Berichte gehabt, in was und wo die libysche Küstenwache involviert ist. Ich denke, man muss die Zusammenarbeit mit den libyschen Akteuren einschließlich der Küstenwache grundlegend neu ausrichten. Man sollte keine Methoden entwickeln und Kooperationen durchführen, die nicht von internationalen Gremien und menschenrechtlich geschulten Gremien unabhängig begleitet und beobachtet werden.

 
  
  

Elnökváltás: JÁRÓKA LÍVIA
alelnök

 
  
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  Gerolf Annemans (ENF). – Ik zou willen voorstellen dat we uit die absolute Libische ramp toch conclusies durven trekken, en wel twee. Eén, we moeten onze eigen verantwoordelijkheid erkennen en twee, we moeten ons eigen belang voorop plaatsen in de buitenlandpolitiek. Sorry, collega in 't Veld, maar het gaat wel degelijk niet op om migratie en buitenlandpolitiek te scheiden.

De Europese Unie en Europese coalitie heeft zelf de Libische puinhoop veroorzaakt als gevolg van een verkeerd begrip van bondgenootschappen en door verkeerde principes te hanteren. Het eigenbelang centraal plaatsen in de buitenlandpolitiek zou geïntroduceerd moeten worden als een belangrijk principe. Wanneer we aan buitenlandpolitiek doen moeten wij, zeker in Middellandse zee-aangelegenheden, rekening houden met het immigratie-effect van de maatregelen en acties die we ondernemen. Als we die les zouden kunnen trekken, dan hebben we tenminste nog één voordeel gehad aan heel die Libische crisis.

 
  
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  Pier Antonio Panzeri (S&D). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, Lei Commissario dice che i problemi non sono nati oggi, ma erano presenti già in Libia dal punto di vista delle violazioni dei diritti umani, e questo è vero. Ma dobbiamo chiederci se le politiche attuali di contenimento risolvono o non aggravano sostanzialmente i problemi che sono esistenti.

Quello che vediamo, di fatto, è che queste politiche di contenimento producono due effetti: trattengono le persone in Libia in condizioni insopportabili e hanno determinato una vera e propria riconversione degli scafisti da gestori delle rotte dei migranti a gestori delle rotte del petrolio venduto al mercato nero, il che comporta enormi perdite economiche per le casse pubbliche libiche, con le conseguenze del caso, proprio nella gestione del problema migratorio.

Mi chiedo, e Le chiedo, se non è venuto il momento e il tempo di riflettere sulle reali conseguenze di queste politiche di contenimento e di approcciare una diversa politica migratoria verso la Libia da parte dell'Unione europea.

 
  
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  Marina Albiol Guzmán (GUE/NGL). – Señora presidenta, yo creo que este debate no lo estamos enfocando bien: hoy no toca debatir aquí sobre cómo esclavizan, torturan y violan a las personas migrantes en Libia, porque esto está ya más que documentado. El debate es por qué todo esto se está haciendo, promovido y pagado por la Unión Europea.

Es la Unión Europea la que financia a una guardia costera libia compuesta por milicias que ha hundido barcos llenos de migrantes en el mar, que utiliza la violencia de forma sistemática y que persigue a las ONG.

Es la Unión Europea la que financia estos centros de detención donde hay violencia física y sexual, donde las personas migrantes están desnutridas y son torturadas. Y, en lugar de abrir vías legales y seguras para que estas personas puedan llegar a Europa —que lo dicen mucho pero no lo hacen—, en lugar de eso, lo que hacen es deportarlas para que vuelvan a la guerra y a la pobreza de la que huyeron.

La pregunta es: ¿Quién acompañará a los torturadores libios cuando se sienten en el banquillo de la Corte Penal Internacional por crímenes por la contra la humanidad? ¿Les acompañará el señor Tusk, el señor Juncker o será la señora Mogherini?

 
  
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  Péter Niedermüller (S&D). – Elnök Asszony! Itt az előttem szólók már mind elmondták, hogy milyen drámai körülmények között élnek a menekültek Líbiában. Azt is elmondták, hogy ez az élet egyszerűen elviselhetetlen, azt is elmondták, hogy nem csinálunk semmit, hogy a helyzet nem javul, hanem egyre rosszabbodik, és azt hiszem, hogy ezen nem nagyon lehet csodálkozni, hiszen Líbia egy olyan ország, amelynek igazándiból nincs tényleges politikai hatalommal bíró kormánya. Éppen ezért a menekültek teljes mértékben ki vannak szolgáltatva a körülményeknek. A helyi hatalmak összejátszanak az embercsempészekkel, a menekültek jogait, emberi jogait lábbal tiporják.

Az a kérdés, hogy mit tud tenni az Európai Parlament, az Európai Unió ebben az esetben? És én azt gondolom, hogy nagyon világos és nagyon egyértelmű követelésekkel kell előállni. Nincs időnk további időhúzásra, beszélgetésekre, egyeztetésekre, meg kell követelni a líbiai hatalomtól, a líbiai kormánytól, hogy vessenek véget a menekültek önkényes bebörtönzésének, biztosítsák ezeknek az embereknek az emberi jogait, hogy vessenek véget az erőszaknak és a hatalmaskodásnak, tegyenek meg mindent azért, hogy ezek az emberek emberhez méltó körülmények között éljenek. Ha nem ezt az utat fogjuk járni, akkor semmi más nem történik, csak az, hogy Európa a saját lelkiismeretét veszíti el, saját értékeit árulja ki, saját értékeit gyalázza meg, és ezzel semmi más nem fog történni, csak a szélsőjobboldali erők fognak megerősödni.

 
  
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  Inés Ayala Sender (S&D). – Señora presidenta. Sí, señor Avramopoulos, la Unión Europea hace algo, pero me da la impresión de que hacemos algo mal. O algo, o el cómo algo, o el desde cuándo, o el para qué o el con quién.

Porque mientras apoyamos a las Naciones Unidas y a su enviado, el señor Salamé, en su hoja de ruta para que trate de estabilizar un país estallado en mil pedazos ―al que tratamos en esta sala como si fuera un país con Gobierno y un país al que se le puede exigir que haga esto o lo otro, cuando ni siquiera tenemos realmente un interlocutor que gobierne el resto del país—, nos encontramos con que el otro enviado de las Naciones Unidas para los derechos humanos, o Amnistía Internacional, o Médicos Sin Fronteras, u otras organizaciones que están allí sobre el terreno nos critican ferozmente, porque nuestra política sigue siendo, por desgracia, reactiva.

No le culpo a usted solamente. Los Estados miembros también tienen mucha culpa y mucha responsabilidad. Y, de hecho, estamos acabando de aplicar o bien una agenda italiana o bien una agenda alemana o una francesa o vete a saber.

2017 era el año en el que este Parlamento quería haber estado con los libios. Quería haber ido para significar que la Unión Europea, algo más que solamente los programas financieros, tenía capacidad de dar un mensaje de futuro, un mensaje político de cara a la normalización, la estabilización del país. Me temo que no lo vamos a conseguir, porque precisamente en estos días estamos asistiendo a una situación de desgobierno —por las imágenes y por las situaciones reales de los inmigrantes— en un país al que, vuelvo a decir, tratamos desde la Unión Europea como si fuera un país con gobierno.

Y el problema de Libia es que es un país estallado en mil pedazos y al que hay que tratar de otra manera, no como si fuera un país más donde están ocurriendo cosas terribles, pero donde también los ciudadanos libios están pasando cosas terribles.

Desde la Unión Europea creo que deberíamos ser un poco más ambiciosos a la hora de hacer para Libia un programa comprensivo y no solamente reactivar si hay inmigrantes, si ahora hay esclavos, si ahora... No. Libia es un país completo con todos sus ciudadanos, con todas sus participaciones y tiene necesidad de una política comprensiva y un presupuesto comprensivo y no por partes, que lo único que hacemos es estallarlo en más pedazos.

 
  
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  Cécile Kashetu Kyenge (S&D). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la Libia è un paese che non conosce la pace da troppi anni, è un paese nel caos più totale e dal futuro ignoto, ostaggio della violenza e trappola per migliaia di persone in cerca di protezione internazionale. Un paese che somma una crisi umanitaria, securitaria e politica senza precedenti e che necessita dell'azione immediata da parte dell'Unione europea e di tutta la comunità internazionale.

Dobbiamo agire con misure d'urgenza per rispondere alle atrocità di cui sono vittime i migranti, ma anche gli stessi cittadini libici, e mettere in atto politiche di lungo termine per garantire la sicurezza e la stabilità.

La sfida oggi è far sì che l'Unione parli con una sola voce in Libia, assumendo appieno il ruolo di guida che le spetta nel processo di pace. Solidarietà ed equa ripartizione delle responsabilità: nessuno Stato membro dovrebbe essere costretto ad agire da solo. Pace, riconciliazione e ricostruzione, dei presupposti ineludibili perché nel paese si possano individuare interlocutori credibili e consentire lo smaltimento delle reti di contrabbando e di traffico di essere umani. Misure urgenti che mettano fine alle atrocità di cui siamo stati tutti resi testimoni e che validissime ONG hanno denunciato. Ma anche obiettivi di lungo termine, la pace e la riconciliazione al centro delle nostre strategie per lavorare verso un dialogo politico inclusivo e il pieno rispetto dei diritti umani, per la ricostruzione della paese e la stabilizzazione di tutta l'area del Mediterraneo e la regione del Sahel.

Chiudo dicendo che dobbiamo mettere in atto uno strumento per una migrazione sicura, ordinata e regolare.

 
  
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  Miriam Dalli (S&D). – Fil-fatt, f’din l-Awla llejla smajna kif fil-Libja hemm eluf ta’ persuni li ta’ kuljum qed ikun torturati u abbużati. M’hemmx għalfejn noqgħod nirrepeti.

Imma forsi min joqgħod fin-naħa ta’ fuq tal-Ewropa, jew min ġej minn pajjiż kbir, ftit li xejn jirrealizza.

Jiena li ġejja minn Malta, pajjiż ġar tal-Libja, nifhem li din hija sitwazzjoni kritika għall-aħħar, problema li għandha u li se jkompli jkollha effett enormi fuq ir-reġjun kollu tal-Mediterran u l-Unjoni Ewropea kollha kemm hi.

L-Afrika huwa kontinent enormi, fejn mijiet ta’ eluf ta’ persuni qegħdin jiċċaqalqu ta’ kuljum minn post għall-ieħor. U dak li qegħdin naraw fil-Libja huwa biss farka tal-problema.

Ma nistgħux nibqgħu niffukaw fuq il-baħar biss. Jekk mhux se jkun hemm sforz minn kulħadd, u mhux l-Unjoni Ewropea waħedha, biex ikunu indirizzati issues serji ta’ governanza politika, ta’ tibdil fil-klima, ta’ investiment anke mis-settur privat, allura mhux ser nibdew nindirizzaw din il-problema.

U le, ma nistgħux nibqgħu nagħlqu għajnejna għall-immigrazzjoni illegali, għat-traffikar tal-persuni u għan-netwerks ta’ kriminalità.

Fl-istess ħin, għandna d-dover li ngħinu liż-żgħażagħ f’dan ir-reġjun. Huma l-katalisti tal-bidla. U għandna ntuhom l-għodda neċessarja biex ikollhom l-opportunità li huma wkoll jibnu pajjiżhom mill-ġdid.

 
  
 

„Catch the eye” eljárás

 
  
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  Marijana Petir (PPE). – Gospođo predsjednice, prema navodima izvješća Amnesty Internationala: Libija je puna okrutnosti. Međutim, ta okrutnost je na poseban način usmjerena prema vjerskim manjinama, posebice kršćanskim migrantima i izbjeglicama koji su podvrgnuti otmicama, mučenju, krađi i fizičkim napadima od strane Daesh-a, kriminalnih bandi i krijumčara ljudi, ali i državnih službenika.

Cijeli svijet je svjedočio toj netrpeljivosti kada su na putu ka talijanskoj obali počinjena vjerski motivirana masovna ubojstva izazvana mržnjom prema kršćanima.

Čak i u trenucima smrtne opasnosti koju su svi podjednako dijelili na tim gumenjacima usred Mediterana i onda je mržnja i netrpeljivost prevladala i rezultirala smrću desetaka nevinih ljudi koji su za pomoć i spasenje svih prisutnih molili „krivog Boga”.

Ubijati kršćane na putu prema kršćanskoj Europi je više nego simbolično. Znajući da se milijarde eura konstantno slijevaju u Libiju postavlja se pitanje s kojim ciljem? Kojim grupacijama? S kojim posljedicama? Europa bi trebala biti pažljivija i voditi više računa o tome koje skupine financijski podržava.

 
  
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  Juan Fernando López Aguilar (S&D). – Señora presidenta, hace apenas unos días tuve oportunidad de escuchar en Abiyán, con motivo de la Cumbre Unión Europea-África, el testimonio conmovedor de los supervivientes de la ruta hacia Libia desde todos los puntos de África. La esclavitud, la tortura y el maltrato a seres humanos no son ninguna novedad en esa región del globo, pero la magnitud, la escala y, sobre todo, la exposición al público a través de los medios de comunicación, le dice a todas luces a la Unión Europea que no es el momento de análisis, sino de acción.

La Unión Europea tiene que poner en marcha una investigación internacional de lo que constituye un crimen contra la humanidad. La Unión Europea tiene que promover con las Naciones Unidas una acción internacional que convierta los actuales centros de detención, donde se producen violaciones masivas de derechos humanos, en centros de acogida donde se respeten los derechos humanos.

Tiene que asegurar que la financiación cumple sus objetivos y tiene que abrir vías legales con corredores humanitarios y visados humanitarios que den una oportunidad a quienes arriesgan la vida y lo pierden todo en el empeño. La próxima visita de una delegación del Parlamento Europeo a Libia puede ser una buena ocasión para cambiar el rumbo, la mirada y pasar a la acción.

 
  
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  Νότης Μαριάς (ECR). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, η διάλυση της Λιβύης είναι αποτέλεσμα των επεμβάσεων ξένων δυνάμεων σ’ αυτή τη χώρα, κατάσταση που επιτείνεται και από τη στήριξη Τουρκίας και Κατάρ στους τζιχαντιστές της Λιβύης. Το χάος στη Λιβύη οδήγησε σε μαζική έξοδο τεράστιων κυμάτων προσφύγων προς την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση. Η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση οφείλει να διαμορφώσει ένα σύστημα επαναπροώθησης των παράνομων μεταναστών, αλλά ταυτόχρονα να διασφαλίσει και ανθρώπινες συνθήκες για όλους τους μετανάστες οι οποίοι βρίσκονται στη Λιβύη, όπου κυριολεκτικά αντιμετωπίζονται σαν σκλάβοι.

Ταυτόχρονα πρέπει από την Ιταλία και την Ελλάδα, κύριε Αβραμόπουλε, να συνεχιστούν οι μετεγκαταστάσεις στις άλλες χώρες της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης. Μας ανησυχεί ιδιαίτερα η πολιτική του κυρίου Tusk, ο οποίος λίγο ως πολύ δήλωσε ότι επιθυμεί την κατάργηση του συστήματος υποχρεωτικών ποσοστώσεων κατανομής προσφύγων στα άλλα κράτη μέλη της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης. Είναι κάτι που δεν πρόκειται να ανεχθεί ο ελληνικός λαός.

 
  
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  Kateřina Konečná (GUE/NGL). – Paní předsedající, dnešní zpráva od Amnesty International bohužel dokládá to, co už nějakou dobu víme. Libye se zmítá v chaosu, důsledky válečného konfliktu, neskutečně špatná poválečná rekonstrukce a komplikovaná společenská stratifikace země způsobují, že stabilizace země se zdá v nedohlednu.

Na území Libye tak nyní dochází k mučení a dokonce i k něčemu tak neuvěřitelně barbarskému, jako je obchod s lidmi. Členové libyjské pobřežní hlídky spolupracují s převaděči a stát v chaosu tak parazituje na lidském neštěstí. Jsem přesvědčena, že země NATO, které se podílely na neuvěřitelné devastaci této země, by nyní měly přijmout odpovědnost a pomoct postavit tuto zemi zpět na nohy. Je třeba co nejdříve nalézt politickou a diplomatickou shodu na tom, jak co nejrychleji zajistit, aby libyjské instituce byly schopny v zemi vymáhat právo a pořádek.

 
  
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  Ana Gomes (S&D). – Madam President, stop the fiction that there is a Libyan coastguard for the EU to train in Libya. What EU Member States, such as Italy, have been paying is militia who fight each other to exploit the trafficking of human beings, arms and drugs. They operate horrendous detention camps and some migrants and refugees are slaves, or ‘abeed’ as they were called in Gaddafi days. Infighting between militia competing to take care of migrants for the EU recently destroyed the city of Sabratha. By not opening safe and controlled ways for migrants and asylum seekers, the sad story is that Europe feeds the human traffickers business, and it is big business! Al-Qaeda and Daesh are taking the profits and bring the security threat closer to us in Europe.

It is time to try to stop the fiction that there is migration management in Libya and governance, be it from President Fayez al-Sarraj or the criminal General Haftar. It is time for the EU Member States to wake up and demand action at the UN, together with the African Union, to dispatch a robust international force well inside Libya to expel terrorist groups and to bring about a society for Libyans with Libyans. Without that there will be no governance in Libya. It will have to be with European boots on the ground, many boots on the ground. But after all, it is also about our own security that is at stake in Libya. The more we delay it, the more it will cost in African lives and possibly in European lives.

 
  
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  Branislav Škripek (ECR). – Madam President, Libya is in a state of turmoil. In five day’s time, on 17 December, the two-year mandate of the UN—appointed government will end. Without an official government, we can expect further destabilisation and a rise in illegal immigration, as well as terrorism-related and criminal activity.

Instability in Libya will also affect Europe. It is imperative that the EU put more effort into understanding the actual situation on the ground and more resources into the pursuit of peace and stability. One positive development, as was mentioned, is the group of different actors in Libya that has come together to form an EU—Libya friendship association that will be established in Malta in the coming months. It is important for the EU to back this effort, and I make a plea for this.

 
  
 

(A „catch the eye” eljárás vége)

 
  
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  Dimitris Avramopoulos, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, indeed I was listening to our colleagues very carefully and I would like to express my thanks for their contribution to this debate. What I would like to say at the beginning is that finally we are all on the same side. We share the same concerns and we are trying to find solutions. Some of these solutions are not common, but I think we have reached a level where we all understand that more action has to be undertaken, more responsibility shown, and more initiatives undertaken, in order first of all to bring back stability in Libya.

Ms Valenciano, we are still in the early stages but yes, I agree with you that we have to work, we need to work in a balanced way with our partners and also to face reality. Europe is in need of economic migrants, but for this purpose we need to enhance and open legal pathways, legal channels, while in parallel reducing irregular migration. As long as irregular migration is there, pictures like the ones we saw some days ago will be replicated.

As you know, Member States keep the right to determine the volume of admission of third country nationals coming to work in their countries. It is their national competence and responsibility. As far as the Commission is concerned, we stand ready to coordinate and propose pilot projects with selected third countries and of course provide related financial support. This would be in cases where Member States commit themselves to hosting certain numbers of migrants coming through legal channels, in particular for economic purposes. We are not discussing with the Member States, and as you very rightly said, Ms in 't Veld, my goal, the Commission’s goal, is the implementation of a comprehensive migration policy. The same goes for the particular case of Libya. As Ms Ayala Sender said, we need a global solution addressing all problems and challenges.

Dear colleagues, it is clear that we are all equally aware and shocked at the terrible, appalling and inhumane conditions in Libya. Yes, this has to stop and has to stop now. The situation in those detention centres is unacceptable. The European Union is pursuing efforts to support the establishment of a standardised process by the Libyan authorities through concrete projects.

Another question you would ask me: who are these Libyan authorities? The legitimate government of Tripoli is there, recognised by the United Nations, by the European Union, but does this government have the power? Does this government have full control of the situation in Libya? The answer is clear: no.

When migrants are rescued by the Libyan Coast Guard they are disembarked and taken to reception centres that meet international humanitarian standards, and once again we have to praise and commend IOM and UNHCR for the work they are doing on the ground, even putting the lives of their people there in danger. The European Union is actually supporting the development in Libya of alternatives to detention.

Recently the Libyan Government agreed to allow UNHCR to open a transit and departures facility to Tripoli for people in need of international protection. IOM is also working with partner non-governmental organisations on pilot projects to promote safe spaces which would have the capacity to host a small group of vulnerable women and children. As regards the use of funds, we are monitoring, as in every case, how they are used. We are not aware so far of misuses but are ready to listen to concrete evidence.

Dear colleagues, fanciful statements about complicity and blame might grab headlines but they are not helping anyone, least of all the migrants themselves. The situation in Libya is not bad because of the European Union. This discourse has to stop. On the contrary, the situation is slightly better compared to the recent past thanks to the European Union, and we shall continue working on the ground in order to support these people.

You described the situation in Libya before. I will pick out some of your words because ultimately Libya is lacking all elements to be qualified as a state. The situation is chaotic. There is no strong interlocutor on the other side. The country is divided. There are approximately 20 independent militias operating uncontrolled on the ground. The country is a paradise for smugglers and an open corridor for irregular migration. We here all share the same objectives.

First and most important is to save lives and provide these desperate people with support. The European Union, its institutions and the Member States are working to achieve it, pure and simple. We do so by first stopping people drowning in the Mediterranean – and you see that the numbers have gone down drastically – evacuating them from disastrous conditions in Libya and offering them safe and legal pathways to come to Europe. I will not repeat what I said at the beginning, but it is clear that we have a lot more work to be getting on with to make it better still.

I count also on the Members of this House to help us advance, because what we have achieved in general in migration, from the very beginning of our term as the European Parliament and as this Commission, has been achieved thanks to our cooperation, and once again I would like to express my gratitude to all of you for your support. Today the European Union can be proud of its policy and of the adoption of the principles upon which this policy and this strategy is based.

The MEPs who were here in the previous Parliament know very well that there was no migration policy, there was no migration strategy, just an embryo somewhere in Brussels, but not something clear and concrete. So we can all share this effort to achieve what we have done. But yes, we have to do more, but we will do it together. This is not a national, regional or a European problem. As we said before it is a global one, and I was more than happy one year ago when I proposed to the former Secretary-General of the United Nations to hold this extraordinary General Assembly and he did it in New York. So in this way, we made this issue a global one. It has become a global responsibility and we are all responsible globally for what is happening in the Mediterranean and in Libya. The European Union has taken its part. All others should do the same.

So before I sign off, I would like to call for more and strong joint cooperation by all of us, all actors and partners, since we all aim, as I said, for the same objectives: to bring back stability to the region; to bring back stability to Libya; to be the ones that will contribute to bringing unity in Libya, because the country is divided and fragmented; to work on the principle of solidarity towards these desperate people, but also among ourselves; and finally, to produce practical results by giving practical support to the people in need.

 
  
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  Elnök asszony. – A vitát lezárom.

Írásbeli nyilatkozatok (162. cikk)

 
  
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  Laura Ferrara (EFDD), per iscritto. – In Libia è difficile capire se l'Unione europea sta facendo la guerra ai trafficanti o ai migranti. Il Governo di Al-Sarraj riceve i nostri soldi ma non controlla il suo territorio, appaltato direttamente o indirettamente a milizie in lotta con altre milizie, gruppi che gestiscono anche il traffico dei migranti e da cui dipende l'aumento o la diminuzione degli sbarchi in Italia. La detenzione di massa, arbitraria, priva di diritti e a tempo indeterminato è il principale mezzo di controllo dei flussi migratori in quel paese. Poiché non esiste una sola autorità riconosciuta in Libia, quando si dice che stiamo addestrando la Guardia costiera libica e fornendo supporto per la gestione dei flussi migratori non sappiamo realmente chi stiamo pagando o supportando, né quale territorio libico, quale tratto di mare viene controllato e da chi. Una situazione che Amnesty International descrive come "un oscuro intreccio di collusione" attraverso il quale i governi europei, per impedire le partenze dalla Libia, finiscono con il sostenere attivamente un sistema di violenza, sfruttamento e violazione di diritti umani.

 
  
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  Ilhan Kyuchyuk (ALDE), in writing. – Undoubtedly, the reports on the Libyan slave trade shocked the world. Last year, I raised the question with the High Representative / Vice President about the situation in migrant detention centres in Libya and the issue that Libya has not ratified the 1951 Refugee Convention and has no domestic refugee law or asylum procedure. Unfortunately, working long term solutions have not been found and we are seeing the results. Not only as a member of the European Parliament but as a human before all, I strongly believe that to watch a human being been sold as a commodity in the 21st century just few hundred kilometres from European shores is a despicable and shameful act. Therefore we need, together with the African Union, to demand from the Libyan authorities a full investigation of the slave trade in that country, but we also have to work on an emergency plan to dismantle human trafficking networks. Appropriate international protection of migrants in Libya is the first step to ending modern day slavery and slavery markets in Libya.

 
  
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  Louis-Joseph Manscour (S&D), par écrit. – Selon les Nations Unies, 390 000 migrants sont bloqués aujourd’hui en Libye, dont 9 000 seraient privés de liberté. Les programmes actuels de coopération de l’UE à destination de la Libye ont des impacts sur ces derniers, qui ont besoin d’une protection internationale et dont les conditions de vie dans les centres de détention ne respectent pas les droits fondamentaux.

À la suite du sommet UE-Afrique le 30 novembre dernier, une déclaration commune sur la situation des migrants en Libye a été adoptée. Elle condamne évidemment le traitement inhumain des migrants et des réfugiés par des groupes criminels, mais n’apporte aucune réponse à la crise.

Or, des journalistes ont récemment été témoins d’une vente aux enchères de migrants réduits en esclavage. Les images illustrent la situation dramatique que vivent des milliers de personnes.

Certes, les autorités libyennes ont décidé de créer un centre de transit et de départ à Tripoli pour les personnes ayant besoin d’une protection internationale. Néanmoins, il serait bon que l'enquête en cours vérifie les allégations de la presse et se conclue rapidement. L’Union doit quant à elle revoir les modalités de sa politique vis-à-vis de la Libye et mettre en place des voies légales et sûres pour ces migrants.

 
  
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  Urmas Paet (ALDE), kirjalikult. – Liibüa keeruline poliitiline ja julgeolekuolukord on tekitanud ka põgenike osas üha suureneva probleemi. Igal aastal tuleb Liibüasse kümneid tuhandeid põgenikke, kes soovivad Euroopasse pääseda. Samas on tänu tugevamale kontrollile rannikul ja merel aina raskem Liibüast lahkuda, mistõttu on põgenikud Liibüas lõksus.

Seal on inimkaubitsejad hakanud inimesi orjaks müüma, pidades oksjoneid juba ka päise päeva ajal turuplatsidel. Orjaks müüdud inimesi kasutatakse rasketel töödel, hoitakse näljas ja nende eest pressitakse peredelt välja lunaraha. Kui see jääb saamata, tapetakse inimene lihtsalt ära ja ostetakse turult uus. Orjaturgude probleemi on tunnistanud ka kõrge esindaja Mogherini. On aeg, et EL selle probleemiga ka sisuliselt tegelema hakkaks ning aitaks leida lahendusi Liibüas lõksus olevate põgenike aitamiseks.

 
  
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  Christine Revault d’Allonnes Bonnefoy (S&D), par écrit. – Nous avions déjà dénoncé ici avec fermeté la déclaration entre l’Union européenne et le Turquie car elle ne doit pas devenir un modèle à suivre mais voilà qu’un autre accord, encore une fois sans le contrôle du Parlement européen, a vu le jour en Libye. Avec ces arrangements, les États membres ne font qu’aggraver la situation des migrants sur place et se rendent complices de ces atrocités. Amnesty International a révélé que les migrants bloqués sont exposés à la détention arbitraire, à la torture, aux homicides, au viol, à l’extorsion et à l'exploitation. L’Union ne peut pas se défausser de ses obligations internationales en matière d’asile. On ne peut pas reprocher aux migrants de vouloir fuir la guerre et ils ont en ce sens le droit à la protection internationale. Je regrette que le seul but des garde-côtes libyens, financés par des fonds européens, soit de repousser les migrants toujours plus loin de nos portes. C’est une grave erreur; d’autant plus que d’autres voies existent pour une politique migratoire humaine et volontaire! S’il y avait une réelle volonté politique, nous pourrions instaurer des voies sûres et légales vers l’Europe par la réinstallation, le regroupement familial ou l’obtention de visas humanitaires.

 
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