Index 
Dezbateri
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Joi, 15 martie 2018 - Strasbourg Ediţie revizuită
1. Deschiderea ședinței
 2. Petiţii: a se vedea procesul-verbal
 3. Situația din Siria (propuneri de rezoluţie depuse): consultaţi procesul-verbal
 4. Responsabilitatea socială a întreprinderilor (propuneri de rezoluţie depuse): consultaţi procesul-verbal
 5. Depunerea documentelor: a se vedea procesul-verbal
 6. Punerea în aplicare a Regulamentului privind minereurile din zone de conflict - Măsuri de sprijin privind minereurile din zone de conflict (dezbatere)
 7. Planul de acțiune privind infrastructura de combustibili alternativi (dezbatere)
 8. Dezbateri asupra cazurilor de încălcare a drepturilor omului, a democraţiei şi a statului de drept (dezbatere)
  8.1. Situația din Maldive
  8.2. Arestarea unor apărători ai drepturilor omului din Sudan, în special cazul lui Salih Mahmoud Osman, laureat al Premiului Saharov
  8.3. Ucideri din milă în Uganda
 9. Reluarea şedinţei
 10. Votare
  10.1. Situația din Maldive (RC-B8-0168/2018, B8-0168/2018, B8-0169/2018, B8-0171/2018, B8-0172/2018, B8-0174/2018, B8-0175/2018, B8-0176/2018) (vot)
  10.2. Arestarea unor apărători ai drepturilor omului din Sudan, în special cazul lui Salih Mahmoud Osman, laureat al Premiului Saharov (RC-B8-0159/2018, B8-0159/2018, B8-0160/2018, B8-0161/2018, B8-0162/2018, B8-0163/2018, B8-0164/2018) (vot)
  10.3. Ucideri din milă în Uganda (RC-B8-0165/2018, B8-0165/2018, B8-0166/2018, B8-0167/2018, B8-0170/2018, B8-0173/2018) (vot)
  10.4. Acordul de parteneriat în sectorul pescuitului UE/Comore: denunțare (A8-0058/2018 - João Ferreira) (vot)
  10.5. Acordul de parteneriat în sectorul pescuitului UE/Comore: denunțare (rezoluție) (A8-0055/2018 - João Ferreira) (vot)
  10.6. Europass: un cadru pentru abilități și calificări (A8-0244/2017 - Thomas Mann, Svetoslav Hristov Malinov) (vot)
  10.7. Programul „Europa creativă” (2014-2020) (A8-0369/2017 - Silvia Costa) (dezbatere)
  10.8. Stabilirea sediului Agenției Europene pentru Medicamente (A8-0063/2018 - Giovanni La Via) (vot)
  10.9. O bază fiscală consolidată comună a societăților (A8-0051/2018 - Alain Lamassoure) (vot)
  10.10. O bază fiscală comună a societăților (A8-0050/2018 - Paul Tang) (vot)
  10.11. Orientări pentru bugetul 2019 – Secțiunea III (A8-0062/2018 - Daniele Viotti) (vot)
  10.12. Situația din Siria (RC-B8-0139/2018, B8-0139/2018, B8-0141/2018, B8-0142/2018, B8-0143/2018, B8-0144/2018, B8-0146/2018, B8-0150/2018) (vot)
  10.13. Amenințarea lansată de guvernul SUA la adresa sistemului de sprijin al UE pentru agricultori în cadrul PAC (în contextul măslinelor spaniole) (B8-0137/2018, B8-0137/2018, B8-0138/2018, B8-0145/2018, B8-0147/2018, B8-0148/2018, B8-0149/2018, B8-0151/2018) (vot)
  10.14. Responsabilitatea socială a întreprinderilor (B8-0140/2018, B8-0152/2018, B8-0153/2018, B8-0154/2018, B8-0155/2018, B8-0156/2018, B8-0157/2018, B8-0158/2018) (vot)
 11. Comunicarea Preşedintelui
 12. Explicații privind votul
  12.1. Europass: un cadru pentru abilități și calificări (A8-0244/2017 - Thomas Mann, Svetoslav Hristov Malinov)
  12.2. Programul „Europa creativă” (2014-2020) (A8-0369/2017 - Silvia Costa)
  12.3. O bază fiscală consolidată comună a societăților (A8-0051/2018 - Alain Lamassoure)
  12.4. O bază fiscală comună a societăților (A8-0050/2018 - Paul Tang)
  12.5. Orientări pentru bugetul 2019 – Secțiunea III (A8-0062/2018 - Daniele Viotti)
  12.6. Situația din Siria (RC-B8-0139/2018, B8-0139/2018, B8-0141/2018, B8-0142/2018, B8-0143/2018, B8-0144/2018, B8-0146/2018, B8-0150/2018)
 13. Corectările voturilor şi intenţiile de vot: a se vedea procesul-verbal
 14. Reluarea şedinţei
 15. Aprobarea procesului-verbal al şedinţei precedente: a se vedea procesul-verbal
 16. Rezerva de performanță pentru fondurile ESI (dezbatere)
 17. Decizii privind anumite documente: a se vedea procesul-verbal
 18. Calendarul următoarelor ședințe: consultaţi procesul-verbal
 19. Transmiterea textelor adoptate în cursul prezentei ședințe: consultaţi procesul-verbal
 20. Ridicarea ședinței
 21. Întreruperea sesiunii


Elnököl: JÁRÓKA LÍVIA
alelnök

1. Deschiderea ședinței
Înregistrare video a intervenţiilor
 

Az ülés megnyitása

(Az ülést 9.00-kor nyitják meg.)

 
  
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  President. – Good morning, everybody, and a very warm welcome to Commissioner Cecilia Malmström. It is a wonderful, beautiful, day, the Hungarian national day, so I am extremely happy to welcome you all to our plenary sitting today.

 

2. Petiţii: a se vedea procesul-verbal

3. Situația din Siria (propuneri de rezoluţie depuse): consultaţi procesul-verbal

4. Responsabilitatea socială a întreprinderilor (propuneri de rezoluţie depuse): consultaţi procesul-verbal

5. Depunerea documentelor: a se vedea procesul-verbal

6. Punerea în aplicare a Regulamentului privind minereurile din zone de conflict - Măsuri de sprijin privind minereurile din zone de conflict (dezbatere)
Înregistrare video a intervenţiilor
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  Elnök asszony. – Az első pont vita a következö kérdésekről:

a Bernd Lange által az INTA bizottság nevében a Bizottsághoz a konfliktusövezetből származó ásványokról szóló rendelet végrehajtásáról szóló szóbeli választ igénylő kérdésről (O-000017/2018 - B8-0009/2018)(2018/2557 RSP),

a Linda McAvan által a DEVE bizottság nevében a Bizottsághoz a konfliktusövezetből származó ásványokkal kapcsolatos kísérő intézkedésekről szóló szóbeli választ igénylő kérdésről (O-000016/2018 - B8-0008/2018) (2018/2542(RSP)).

 
  
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  Bernd Lange, Verfasser. – Frau Präsidentin, Frau Kommissarin, liebe Kolleginnen, liebe Kollegen! Wir haben ja vor einem Jahr die neue Gesetzgebung über den fairen Umgang mit sogenannten Konfliktmineralien beschlossen. Das war ein wichtiger Schritt im Rahmen einer wertebasierten Handelspolitik und auch weg von einem nur auf Abkommen bilateraler Art gerichteten Handelspolitik hin zu einer Orientierung auf Wertschöpfungsketten. Das ist angesichts globaler Wertschöpfungsketten genau der richtige Ansatz. Ich danke auch der Kommission für die sehr produktive Begleitung der Verhandlungen. Das war sicherlich ein großer Erfolg für alle Institutionen der Europäischen Union.

Diese Gesetzgebung wird am 1. Januar 2021 voll in Kraft treten. Wir haben ganz bewusst ja etwas länger Zeit gelassen, weil das ein neuer Ansatz ist – ein neuer Ansatz, der einen verantwortungsvollen Umgang, eine Sorgfaltspflicht der Unternehmen für die gesamte Wertschöpfungskette erfordert. Das ist natürlich etwas Neues, das bisher in der Praxis noch nicht erprobt worden ist. Und deswegen ist dieser längere Zeitraum auch richtig.

Wir haben die vier wichtigsten sogenannten Konfliktmineralien in den Fokus genommen – Tantal, Wolfram, Zinn und Gold –, die gerade in Regionen gewonnen werden, die durch Bürgerkriege und andere Auseinandersetzungen belastet sind, und wo Menschen gezwungen werden, auch Kinder gezwungen werden, diese Mineralien abzubauen. Ich glaube, jeder, der Goldschmuck oder ein Smartphone hat, sollte sicher sein, dass die Materialien, die da verwendet werden, eben nicht aus Zwangsarbeit, aus brutalen Situationen resultieren. Deswegen: Für diese vier Mineralien die gesamte Wertschöpfungskette mit einer Sorgfaltspflicht, von der Mine über den Schmelzbetrieb bis hin zum Produkt.

Diese vier Mineralien, die wir in den Fokus genommen haben, umfassen 35 % des globalen Handels, 35 % sind eine Menge. Insofern werden wir da auch einen wichtigen Schritt im globalen Kontext setzen. Und jetzt haben die beiden Ausschüsse diese Debatte und die Anfrage zur mündlichem Beantwortung gestellt, weil in der Vorbereitung bis zum Januar 2021 natürlich einige Schritte zu unternehmen sind. Denn die Gesetzgebung ist der erste Schritt, aber dann gibt es eben einige Schritte hinsichtlich der Umsetzung. Und wir wollen natürlich die Gesetzgebung so gestalten, dass es keine Schlupflöcher gibt, die ermöglichen, dass diese gute Gesetzgebung unterlaufen wird. Insofern wollen wir sicherstellen, dass das Maximum dieses positiven Effekts wirklich Anklang findet. Nebenbei an die Industrie: Wir haben natürlich den 1. Januar 2021 festgelegt, aber das hindert niemanden daran, die Gesetzgebung schon vorzeitig anzuwenden.

Die Fragen konzentrieren sich im Wesentlichen auf den Bereich: Wie sieht es eigentlich mit der Anerkennung von freiwilligen Industrieschemen aus? Wir haben in der Gesetzgebung gesagt, wenn bestimmte Industrien vorangehen und zuverlässige eigenverantwortliche Industrieschemen haben wollen, wird das anerkannt. Gibt es da schon Untersuchungen und gibt es da auch Vereinbarungen mit der OECD, bestimmte Schemen in den Blick zu nehmen?

Dann haben wir im Rahmen der Gesetzgebung auch nach begleitenden Maßnahmen gefragt, sowohl was Klein- und Mittelbetriebe hier bei uns anbelangt, die sicherlich besondere Schwierigkeiten haben, als auch bezüglich der Frage, wie man entwicklungspolitisch Hilfestellung vor Ort geben kann.

Die Transparenz der Daten war auch ein wichtiger Gesichtspunkt. Dabei geht es um die data base, ob da schon eine gewisse Vorentwicklung stattgefunden hat.

Und zum Schluss natürlich: Ich habe gesagt, 35 % Prozent der Mineralien sind erfasst, das heißt aber, 75 % sind nicht erfasst. Wie ist die Zusammenarbeit mit anderen Ländern weltweit, um letztendlich 100 % zu erfassen?

 
  
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  Linda McAvan, author. – Madam President, before talking about the technical side of the conflict minerals supply chain, it’s maybe worth pausing and remembering why we are having this legislation at all. Because it’s not a technical issue, it’s about human rights. It’s about combating violence against women and girls, and it’s about improving governance in some of the world’s most fragile and poorest countries.

I’ve been an MEP for almost 20 years and I’ve seen many great speakers in this Chamber. But one of the most memorable was Dr Denis Mukwege, who came here in November 2014. Dr Mukwege spoke passionately about his country, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and about its enormous mineral wealth. He made a direct link between the illegal exploitation of that wealth and the appalling abuse of human rights and violence against women, the rapes and worse of women and girls, who he treats in his hospital in Panzi. I visited the hospital in Panzi and if you can go, please go, it is an extraordinary place, and Dr Mukwege is an extraordinary man.

What he said struck a chord with many of us here, because back in November 2014 Parliament was examining the proposal from the Commission on how to tackle conflict minerals. We had, to be frank, a rather thin proposal from the Commission, which talked about voluntary measures. I’m looking at Judith Sargentini here, and I have to pay her tribute because she fought for many years for legislation in this field before the last elections.

But when Dr Denis Mukwege came, it did have an impact. People started to listen. Parliament listened. You listened, Madam Commissioner, Neven Mimica listened, and eventually the Council even listened and we brought in a mandatory system. And now we have to make that mandatory system work.

We are seeing some progress. I would like to pay tribute to Global Witness, and Amnesty International as well, for pushing us along this path. Global Witness published a report last summer. They surveyed a number of mineral-exporting companies, showing that whereas none reported on due diligence in 2013, almost 50% were reporting by last year, and as the legislation takes hold we expect that number to increase.

But the report also showed gaps. Only one gold-exporting company was reporting, and the standard of reporting was extremely weak. That’s where our accompanying measures come in. We need to work with these companies to improve reporting and standardise the content. And we need to do more.

The 2014 Commission communication lists 14 areas of work. Late last year, we saw the first Development Cooperation Instrument (DCI) proposal come on stream, it was a good project, and what we are asking today is a timetable for the other proposals which need to come between now and 2021. We need projects with companies – yes – but also with governments. We need projects with civil society, with women’s organisations. And we need the EU to step up its diplomacy. We need to be asking these countries, when we have our political dialogue, what they are doing about the due diligence on conflict minerals, and we need to be asking our Member States as well what they are doing to ensure that this legislation is implemented and that the OECD due diligence guidelines are actually effective across the European Union. We need regular reporting back to this Parliament, and we also need the Council and the public at large to be kept informed.

Why do we need to do that this? We need to it because we need to make this legislation work. We need to deliver on the promise made in Addis Ababa on financing for development and on ensuring more domestic resource mobilisation. If we have legal channels for mineral exports, we will have better tax revenues in some of these countries.

We need to deliver on sustainable development goals, not least of which is SDG 16 on good governance, and this would help tackle corruption and stop fuelling armed conflicts. Most of all, we need to do it because we owe it to the people, to the women and the children whom Denis Mukwege spoke about and whom he treats in his hospital. It would be a real legacy of this Parliament and your work, Commissioner, over the last five years, if we could make sure that this legislation takes hold and is effective, and if we could see a change in the future.

 
  
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  Cecilia Malmström, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, allow me to congratulate you on your national day.

This is indeed very important legislation. We can jointly be proud of it. We worked hard together, and it is – as the two rapporteurs have said – the clear evidence of the value-based trade agenda. It is complex and difficult, so we need to have an integrated approach. I appreciate this possibility to update you on what we are doing to prepare for the full implementation of this.

The regulation stipulates that the requirement of EU importers of tin, tantalum, tungsten and gold shall apply as from January 2021, so that companies, Member States and the Commission can efficiently prepare. There are a series of actions explicitly set out in the regulation, and we are busy finalising them. For instance, the guidance to help companies on the identification of conflict-affected and high-risk areas and other supply-chain risks they may consider in their due diligence process.

We are also preparing guidance for the Member States’ competent authorities in their upcoming enforcement activities, in particular, the so-called ex-post checks on importers and a delegated regulation on the methodology that the Commission will use to recognise and validate industry due diligence schemes, which would be instrumental in ensuring that the regulation is operational.

These initiatives are well advanced and they should be adopted already in the first half of this year. In the subsequent step, building on these initiatives, the Commission will adopt and implement the act establishing a list of global responsible smelters and refiners and find a first indicative non-exhaustive list of conflict-affected and high-risk areas from external expertise already next year, which is well in advance of the deadline.

In addition to the initiatives explicitly mentioned in the regulation, we are also advancing the accompanying measures, and we are fully committed to honour the promises of a more political nature that we made during the negotiations on this regulation. In this regard, I would like to emphasise four work streams that we know are important for you.

Firstly, the measures to support SMEs: both of the honourable rapporteurs mentioned the oral question put, to support SMEs in their efforts to implement policies for responsible sourcing of minerals. In January this year, the Commission finalised our study on the support system for SME supply chain due diligence. On this basis, by the end of next year the Commission will deliver an online tool designed to help SMEs in their due diligence efforts. This will be available to SMEs in the EU that want to develop and implement due diligence of mineral supply chains, irrespective of whether they have the obligation or not under the regulation. Particular attention will be paid to the competitiveness aspect of SMEs applying due diligence.

Of particular relevance to SMEs will be the translation of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) guidance into all EU languages, which the Commission will provide as early as the spring of this year.

Secondly, the measures to foster uptake of responsible sourcing policies among downstream companies. Companies producing goods, including tin, tantalum, tungsten and gold, but which do not themselves import the metals and minerals to the EU, do not have legal obligations under the regulation. Nevertheless, it is important that also these so-called downstream companies consider responsible sourcing as far as possible. Last year, the Commission published non-binding guidelines on how to implement the directive on non-financial reporting, explaining that companies are expected to disclose relevant information, in particular on conflict mineral supply chain due diligence. These include notably companies that are active in the downstream.

Later this year, we will also make available an online transparency platform where downstream companies can showcase their work on due diligence and exchange best practices. This transparency exercise would be very much welcomed by civil society organisations. In addition, the aforementioned efforts to support SMEs will also be available to downstream companies.

Thirdly, the measures taken to provide the necessary funding for projects on the ground, I would like to highlight a few. We have support to the project promoting responsible supply chains in the area of conflict minerals, which was approved in December 2017. It will foster cooperation between producer and consumer countries on responsible sourcing of minerals through the European Partnership on Responsible Minerals. That is EUR 5.4 million. We have also supported the OECD’s important work on due diligence and responsible sourcing to the tune of EUR 4 million for the period 2014-2019. We have supported the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region for regional initiatives against the illegal exploitation of natural resources. That is EUR 3 million that we paid before, with an indicative amount of a further EUR 3 million for the next stage of the initiative.

We also provide support to artisanal and small-scale gold and diamond mining in Burkina Faso, Côte d’Ivoire and the Central African Republic, to the tune of around EUR 4 million. We are considering projects in a number of African countries. We have a maximum here of EUR 4 million. These important financial efforts are in line with the commitment I made to you, together with my colleague, Commissioner Mimica, and of course Vice-President Mogherini, in a letter that we sent to you in March 2015.

Moreover, in implementing these measures, the Commission and the External Action Service attach great value to the multi-stakeholder approach. So we are working closely with industry and civil society.

Fourthly and finally, I would like to stress the important work we have to encourage third-country producers and consumers of minerals and metals to adopt and implement policies for the responsible sourcing of minerals based on the OECD guidelines. Our efforts here are based on three pillars: firstly, we have senior-level technical dialogues that have been carried out over the last two years with major economies in countries of special relevance. This includes, for instance, China, India, Malaysia, Thailand, Indonesia and the United Arab Emirates. In this regard, our outreach, together with the OECD secretariat, has delivered tangible results in China, where they have adopted guidelines on the responsible sourcing of minerals, and also in India, where there have been various initiatives launched on the responsible sourcing of gold, in particular.

Secondly, there are proposals to include references to responsible sourcing of minerals based on the OECD guidelines in our free-trade agreements, for instance with Mexico.

Thirdly, substantial support, including funding, for the OECD’s work on the responsible sourcing including promotion and awareness-raising across the globe in producing and consuming countries alike.

You can see that we have worked a lot since we concluded our common work here. Many strands of work, an integrated approach that can deliver but also inspire similar initiatives in other important markets. Thank you again for the opportunity to discuss this with you.

 
  
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  Bogdan Brunon Wenta, w imieniu grupy PPE. – Pani Przewodnicząca! Wszystkiego najlepszego z okazji święta narodowego Pani kraju! Pani Komisarz, dzień dobry! Wczoraj wieczorem dyskutowaliśmy tutaj o innych sprawach, więc wyrażam szacunek, że jest Pani z nami dziś tak wcześnie rano.

Jako sprawozdawca – z ramienia Komisji Rozwoju – opinii do rozporządzenia w sprawie minerałów konfliktowych postulowałem wprowadzenie środków towarzyszących mających na celu wspieranie i kontrolę przestrzegania należytej staranności w łańcuchu dostaw minerałów w krajach pochodzenia. Z punktu widzenia naszej komisji jest to bardzo ważne. Jak Pani Komisarz powiedziała, pierwszy środek towarzyszący pochodzący z instrumentów finansowania współpracy na rzecz rozwoju (DCI) obejmuje tylko część z 14 obszarów działań wymienionych w komunikacie z 2014 r. O planach i powiązaniach Pani Komisarz też już wspominała.

Czy Komisja zamierza przedstawić dodatkowe środki towarzyszące obejmujące wszystkie pozostałe obszary w tym komunikacie? Zadam też bardziej interesujące pytanie o harmonogram: jak będzie to wyglądało czasowo? O budżecie częściowo też już Pani mówiła, ale czy będą jakieś powiązania? W planie działania jest mowa o interesujących synergiach z planem inwestycji zewnętrznej European External Investment Plan. O jakie synergie dokładnie chodzi i w jaki sposób będą one powiązane? I na zakończenie: czy istnieją inne środki towarzyszące finansowane z instrumentów innych niż instrument finansowania współpracy na rzecz rozwoju?

 
  
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  Maria Arena, au nom du groupe S&D. – Madame la Présidente, Madame la Commissaire, le groupe socialiste et démocrate – vous le savez – a été un fervent défenseur de cette législation et, particulièrement, en ce qui concerne l’obligation de cette législation et non pas la démarche volontaire. Je tiens également à me joindre à Bernd Lange sur les remerciements qu’il a formulés à l’intention de la Commission européenne, parce que nous avons pu travailler ensemble pour modifier la proposition initiale et la rendre effectivement obligatoire, malgré les nombreux freins qui existaient au sein des différentes discussions.

La législation a mis au cœur du mécanisme la reconnaissance des schémas industriels, qui sont vraiment un élément clé au niveau de la législation. Or, on a vu éclater un scandale de corruption et de blanchiment d’argent, en 2016, sur la raffinerie et les métaux pourtant certifiés dans un schéma industriel LBMA jusqu’en 2017. Ce cas montre les limites du fonctionnement des schémas industriels et, particulièrement, le manque de transparence des schémas industriels actuellement.

Mes questions sont de trois ordres. Premièrement, au vu de ce manque de transparence des schémas industriels, allez-vous exiger de ceux-ci qu’ils s’alignent entièrement, comme nous l’avons demandé lors des négociations, sur les principes de l’OCDE, à savoir la déclaration publique et détaillée pour donner accès à l’entièreté de l’information?

Deuxièmement, allez-vous faire des analyses approfondies par des pratiques d’audit, par sondage, dans le cas de ces schémas industriels?

Troisièmement, allez-vous garantir que les entreprises restent individuellement responsables de leur devoir de diligence quand elles n’adhèrent pas à un schéma en tant que tel? C’est vraiment essentiel de garantir l’efficacité de ces schémas si on veut garantir l’efficacité de la législation.

Je viendrai maintenant sur les mesures d’accompagnement. J’ai lu hier, dans un document qui nous a été fourni, qu’une initiative intitulée «Partenariat européen pour des minerais responsables», qui regroupe les experts pour travailler en amont, c’est-à-dire dans les mines d’exploitation, est financée par la DG DEVCO à hauteur de plus de 5 millions d’euros. Cette initiative réunit des acteurs, tels que Intel, Apple et Philips. Pouvez-vous me dire dans quelle mesure ces acteurs financent également cette action?

 
  
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  Ελένη Θεοχάρους, εξ ονόματος της ομάδας ECR. – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, κυρία Επίτροπε, το πρόβλημα δεν λύνεται με αυστηρή αστυνόμευση και κανονισμούς που εγκρίνονται έξω από την Αφρική. Άλλωστε από την απαρχή της ιστορίας της ανθρωπότητας οι πόλεμοι γίνονταν για τα 3TG και άλλα πολύτιμα μέταλλα και υλικά κατασκευής όπλων. Ο Τρωικός Πόλεμος δεν έγινε για μια ωραία Ελένη αλλά για το χρυσάφι της Λυδίας και της Φρυγίας. Η Κύπρος αλλάζει συνεχώς κατακτητές για τον χαλκό, τον χρυσό, τα απέραντα δάση και τώρα για το φυσικό της αέριο. Η ιστορία επαναλαμβάνεται.

Η Αφρική έχει τεράστια κοιτάσματα πολύτιμων μετάλλων των οποίων η εκμετάλλευση γίνεται προς όφελος τρίτων και όχι των αφρικανικών λαών και οι περιοχές όπου υπάρχουν τα πολύτιμα ορυκτά είναι πεδία σκληρών συγκρούσεων. Αν γινόταν έντιμη και διαφανής εκμετάλλευση του ορυκτού πλούτου, η Αφρική θα ήταν η πλουσιότερη ήπειρος και θα μπορούσε να ξεφύγει από τη φτώχεια, την υπανάπτυξη και την εξάρτηση από την ξένη βοήθεια. Αντ’ αυτού, η εκμετάλλευση του ορυκτού πλούτου είναι αιτία αιματηρών συγκρούσεων, πολέμων και σφαγών. Η Αφρική παραμένει υπανάπτυκτη και συνεχίζει να δαπανά τα κέρδη από τα πολύτιμα μεταλλεύματά της για να αγοράζει όπλα με τα οποία αλληλοσκοτώνονται οι Αφρικανοί. Δεν δαπανά τα έσοδά της για την παιδεία, τη δημοκρατία, την ευημερία του πληθυσμού, αλλά για την καταπάτηση όλων των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων και ειδικά των δικαιωμάτων των παιδιών, σε μια άγρια μορφή σύγχρονου δουλεμπορίου, όπως καταπελτικά κατήγγειλε η Παγκόσμια Τράπεζα για τη Δημοκρατία του Κονγκό το 2008.

Το Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο το 2007 έκανε ένα πολύ σημαντικό βήμα: Προσπάθησε με τα συνοδευτικά μέτρα να ρυθμίσει την εμπορία των 3TG, ειδικά για παραγωγή από περιοχές συγκρούσεων. Η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση ωστόσο έχει μεγάλη ευθύνη για την όλη κατάσταση. Τι κάνουμε λοιπόν ως Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο και τι κάνει η Επιτροπή εκτός από ημίμετρα;

 
  
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  Louis Michel, au nom du groupe ALDE. – Madame la Présidente, Madame la Commissaire, chers collègues, en adoptant, le 17 mai 2017, le règlement sur l’approvisionnement responsable, nous avons voulu rompre le lien entre la commercialisation des minerais et le financement des conflits. C’était là une avancée spectaculaire pour réglementer cet approvisionnement responsable. Mais il est évidemment nécessaire de prendre des mesures d’accompagnement vigoureuses pour améliorer la gouvernance locale.

Madame la Commissaire, je vous remercie pour votre engagement personnel et pour les efforts que la Commission a consentis pour répondre aux préoccupations du Parlement. Je regrette cependant que les montants alloués aux mesures d’accompagnement soient principalement engagés par la Commission et très peu par les États membres: 20 millions sur la période 2016-2020 pour l’ensemble des pays concernés, cela me paraît évidemment totalement insuffisant. Ce sont là donc des montants très faibles. J’ajoute que je ne vois nulle part l’engagement d’un dialogue politique permanent avec les pays partenaires. J’exprime la même préoccupation que ma collègue Maria Arena concernant le manque de transparence des schémas industriels – je n’y reviendrai pas. Je remercie évidemment la DG DEVCO d’avoir engagé 5 millions d’euros en 2017 pour des mesures qui visent à soutenir les autorités locales, à renforcer les communautés locales, à soutenir le secteur privé pour la mise en œuvre du devoir de diligence, mais c’est évidemment insignifiant par rapport, bien entendu, aux besoins. Je pense que nous avons besoin de beaucoup plus, et nous y veillerons. Je regrette évidemment. Nous sommes déjà allés très loin, nous avons obtenu des avancées importantes, mais nous aurions pu aller beaucoup plus loin, notamment au niveau de la traçabilité de toutes les entreprises concernées.

Madame, je vous fais évidemment confiance pour suivre ce dossier et nous reviendrons certainement à charge pour voir où en sont les montants, que nous espérons beaucoup plus importants, pour vraiment résoudre cette question.

 
  
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  Judith Sargentini, namens de Verts/ALE-Fractie. – Voorzitter, ik ben blij dat er Europese wetgeving is die handel in conflictmineralen aan banden gaat leggen. Maar ik ben blij met enige kanttekeningen.

Een daarvan is: ik wilde niet alleen de invoer van ruwe grondstoffen aan banden leggen. Ik wilde ook consumentengoederen, zoals onze onafscheidelijke mobiele telefoon, mee reguleren. Dat is niet gelukt.

Het andere wat ik jammer vind, is dat het zo lang moet duren. Amerika heeft al in 2013 invoerbeperkingen opgelegd en wij gaan eigenlijk pas in 2021 écht controleren. Dat vind ik jammer. Maar goed, we hebben het. En nu moeten we ervoor zorgen dat het in 2021 ook staat en goed wordt geïmplementeerd.

Mijn vragen aan de commissaris zijn dan ook: hoe zorgen we ervoor dat het ontwikkelingsgeld dat beschikbaar is voor die implementatie niet alleen maar naar bedrijven gaat om hun bureaucratie op orde te krijgen, maar dat mijnbouwgemeenschappen in landen als Congo én hun overheden de ruimte krijgen om die bedrijven ook echt te controleren?

De volgende vraag is deze: wat hebben we zelf al gedaan, wat heeft de Europese Commissie gedaan om de aanbestedingsregels zo te veranderen dat ook wij hier geen computers meer kopen zonder te weten welke mineralen en metalen erin zitten, en stelt u dat soort eisen ook aan servicecontracten van commerciële aanbieders? Dat zou ik graag willen weten.

Een laatste punt als het mag. Er is hier steun voor regelgeving om handel waar mensenrechten mee worden geschonden aan banden te leggen. Textiel, bijvoorbeeld. Doe daar alstublieft wat mee, want de volgende stap moet een ander product zijn.

 
  
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  Elnök asszony. – Képviselőtársaim! Tarsuk be az időkorlátokat! Ne haragudjanak, tudom, hogy nagyon fontos kérdés, és sokat kell róla beszélni, de hogy igazságosak legyünk egymáshoz, tartsuk be a d’Hondt szerintit. Úgyis úgy próbáltam adni most az időt, hogy mindenkit engedtem túlmenni. Tartsuk be ahhoz, hogy a következő napirendi pontok is időben elkezdődhessenek.

 
  
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  Helmut Scholz, im Namen der GUE/NGL-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin! Ich möchte mich ausdrücklich an Sie, Frau Malmström von der Kommission, aber auch an den abwesenden Rat wenden, weil ich ihn bei dieser sehr wichtigen Aussprache über ein wichtiges Gesetzgebungsverfahren vermisse: Im Kongo gibt es inzwischen mehr als vier Millionen Binnenflüchtlinge. Laut UNICEF sind 13,1 Millionen Menschen dort auf humanitäre Hilfe angewiesen, davon allein 7,8 Millionen Kinder. Das sind Schicksale im Kampf um die Kontrolle über die Rohstoffe, und deren Verkauf nach Europa und Asien macht die Warlords, aber auch Händler und Käufer reich. So werden Waffen finanziert. Über diese Bedeutung haben wir hier schon verschiedentlich diskutiert.

Ich frage Sie: Über welche konkreten Informationen verfügt die Kommission über die damit verbundenen Lieferwege und Geldflüsse? Wenn sie über keine entsprechenden Informationen verfügen: Was unternehmen Sie, um an diese Informationen zu kommen? Die mehr als 360 Unternehmen in der Responsible Minerals Initiative haben quasi vorauseilend gehandelt und ihre Richtlinien stark an die OECD-Richtlinien angepasst. Diese Woche haben sie bereits ihren Unternehmen die neuen Instrumente zur Berichterstellung geliefert. Im Juni 2018, also in diesem Jahr, wird deren Nutzung dann verbindlich. Wann kommen wir?

Frau Malmström, gerade weil ich damals so froh war, dass wir gemeinsam gearbeitet haben und viel erreichen konnten, mache ich mir heute Sorgen, dass Skeptiker und Bremser die Initiative versanden lassen möchten. Dazu gehört auch die bereits angesprochene Transparenzpflicht.

Wie weit ist die Kommission in ihren begleitenden unterstützenden Maßnahmen gekommen? Wie bereiten wir auch in Zentralafrika die Umsetzung vor? Wie bereiten wir die Unternehmen in der europäischen Union vor? Wo stehen die Mitgliedsstaaten? Da ist noch ganz viel zu tun! Kollege Michel hat darüber gesprochen. Wurden Planstellen eingerichtet? Sind die benötigten Zolllinien rechtlich vorbereitet, um die Verordnung umsetzen zu können?

Abschließend eine Anregung an uns alle: Wir sollten jetzt schon über die Downstream-Verpflichtungen aussprechen.

 
  
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  Nathan Gill, on behalf of the EFDD Group. – Madam President, ultimately, the goal of the developing world is long-term economic growth that is sustainable and which will lead to the reduction of poverty. This cannot occur in an environment where corruption is commonplace. Where corruption and uncertainty are rife, few entrepreneurs will risk their money in business ventures where corrupt officials help themselves to the proceeds, so a lack of investment leads to stagnation, and a fall in investment kills off any growth.

Because there is no trade parity with sub-Saharan Africa, the true value of the natural resources is not met, and it is all too easy for the black market economy and criminal manipulation of the nation’s resources to happen. Despite over USD 1 trillion in aid from the West to Africa over the last 50 years, the situation has, in fact, become worse. There is a correlation.

We continue to call for fair trade with Africa, and not aid. If we allow Africa to develop supply chains by cutting back tariffs and trade barriers on finished and manufactured products, rather than distorting supply chains by forcing Africa to export raw materials, there would not be a market to be exploited in conflict minerals. You would see professionals filling up the entire supply chain from engineering to marketing, which would improve the whole economy and force the people in power to manage their resources more effectively, making corruption much harder.

 
  
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  Jean-Luc Schaffhauser, au nom du groupe ENF. – Madame la Présidente, au préalable, j’aimerais juste vous dire que lorsque vous ne tenez pas le temps, c’est une injustice pour les autres. Donc, soit nous dérapons tous – mais alors je ne vois pas comment cela est possible –, soit vous donnez le temps qu’il faut à chacun. Je tiens à vous le dire.

En ce qui concerne cette question des minerais de conflit, je crois que s’il y a minerais de conflit, c’est qu’il y a conflit, je dirais même il y a conflit parce qu’il y a des minerais. Autrement dit, nous sommes dans des jeux géopolitiques et des jeux de puissance. Je rappelle que l’opération rébellion en République démocratique du Congo (RDC) vers 1995 – et j’y étais – a été manipulée, complètement menée par les États-Unis et que tout ceci a été fait, effectivement, pour avoir la main sur ces minerais. Donc il faut situer toujours cette affaire dans son contexte géopolitique de la guerre pour prendre le contrôle des minerais. Certes, il faut de l’auto-certification, certes nous devons avoir plus de transparence mais ma collègue Maria Arena – et là je suis d’accord avec elle – a bien montré les limites de ce schéma industriel et comment il peut être perverti. Prenez la RDC: nous ne parlons jamais de M. Kagame mais celui-ci occupe ce pays et prend ces minerais très allègrement alors qu’il est considéré chez nous comme un homme très démocrate et, par ailleurs, ceci avec le soutien de sociétés canadiennes, américaines et allemandes. Personne ne parle de cela, en quoi votre auto-certification va apporter quelque chose? Ce qu’il faut faire, c’est mettre les choses à leur place. Il ne peut pas y avoir liberté de commerce pour des minerais très sensibles. Il faut renationaliser, il faut remettre les États au centre et mettre un équilibre avec le Conseil de sécurité pour prendre effectivement le contrôle de ces matières premières et ne pas laisser le commerce libre se faire parce que nous aurons toujours un dévoiement.

 
  
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  Elnök asszony. – ... úr, és az észrevételét is, ezért is engedtem, hogy az első körben a pártok képviselői tovább beszélhessenek. Most a függetlenek nevében hallgatjuk meg Synadinos urat egy percben. Parancsoljon!

 
  
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  Ελευθέριος Συναδινός (NI). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, η εφαρμογή των προβλεπόμενων εκτελεστικών σταδίων θα καθυστερήσει με λογικοφανείς προφάσεις. Προφανώς, το συμφέρον όσων επιδιώκουν μόνο οικονομικό όφελος και ανταγωνιστική πρόσβαση σε πολύτιμα ορυκτά και μέταλλα με υψηλή προστιθέμενη τεχνολογική αξία είναι ανάλογο του διακυβεύματος. Η στυγνή πραγματικότητα είναι πως η εισαγωγή ορυκτών πόρων που προέρχονται από περιοχές συγκρούσεων έχει συχνά μικρότερο κόστος απ’ ό,τι η υιοθέτηση μεταρρυθμίσεων υπό τις αρχές της κυκλικής οικονομίας. Οι πρακτικές εξόρυξης και εμπορίας τους με όρους προκλητικής αισχροκέρδειας παραπέμπουν ευθέως σε εκπτώσεις της ηθικής και της ανθρώπινης αξιοπρέπειας.

Η Επιτροπή οφείλει κατ’ ελάχιστον να εκτελέσει τα όσα ημίμετρα υιοθετήθηκαν ήδη, προκρίνοντας μεταξύ άλλων την ένταξη των μεταλλωρύχων υπό καθεστώς κανόνων δικαίου και αξιοποιώντας τις κατευθυντήριες γραμμές και αρχές του ΟΟΣΑ και των Ηνωμένων Εθνών, που αφορούν σε απαιτήσεις δέουσας επιμέλειας στην αλυσίδα εφοδιασμού και σε εργασιακά και ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα.

 
  
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  Godelieve Quisthoudt-Rowohl (PPE). – Madam President, Commissioner, I will speak for the rapporteur from the EPP, Iuliu Winkler, and ask the questions he would have liked to ask, as he cannot be here.

Firstly, has there been any feedback on the Handbook for Economic Operators detailing the criteria on conflict-affected and high-risk areas?

Secondly, what is the state of play on the Member States’ competent authorities? Has the deadline of 9 December been met? If not, has the Commission taken any steps to assist in the establishment of these key national bodies?

Thirdly, is the translation process of the OECD Due Diligence Guidance making progress?

Fourthly, likewise, has the Commission taken steps to support SMEs in their preparatory efforts for complying with the due diligence requirements?

Lastly, what is the Commission approach in promoting OECD due diligence standards and what related outreach actions have been undertaken in this regard? Have major strategic partners shown an interest or already taken concrete steps in establishing similar standards for due diligence in order to prevent the financing of conflicts through the trade in illicitly mined minerals?

 
  
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  Cécile Kashetu Kyenge (S&D). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, parlare di tracciabilità dei minerali di conflitto, tantalio, stagno, oro e tungsteno, significa avere a cuore l'etica e la trasparenza.

L'approvvigionamento responsabile e la tracciabilità obbligatoria è una via obbligata. Il commercio illegale dei minerali alimenta focolai di violenze che tendono ad eternizzarsi. L'adozione del regolamento è recente, e abbiamo preso atto delle misure di accompagnamento definite dalla Commissione in collaborazione con l'OCSE.

Il 2021, anno in cui si applicheranno gli obblighi agli importatori dell'Unione europea, è giunto alle porte. Tutte le imprese estrattivo-commerciali dei minerali si devono adeguare alle misure, comprese le imprese locali costituite nei contesti di estrazione.

La Commissione deve dimostrare lo stesso grado di ambizione del Parlamento nella redazione delle misure di accompagnamento. Il nostro coinvolgimento è essenziale, così come diventa urgente l'adozione di misure aggiuntive, che includano i piccoli lavoratori locali come destinatari privilegiati.

Occorre inoltre un'analisi approfondita di come estendere l'approvvigionamento responsabile di altri minerali che non rientrano nel regolamento, come ad esempio il cobalto.

 
  
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  Heidi Hautala (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, the Conflict Minerals Regulation was adopted one year ago, but its requirements will start to apply only as of 2021. Whilst we are eager to hear what steps and measures the Commission has taken, there are already some very good initiatives coming from the Member States, and I am happy to announce that Finland and Sweden just this week announced that together they would prepare a sustainability certificate that would cover the whole supply chain – mining, production, use and recycling of minerals.

This is an excellent initiative because the supply and sustainability chain should not end with the consumer, but should also take into account the reuse and recycling of minerals. Electric cars and other new consumer products are increasing the demand for rare minerals every year and not just in Europe, but worldwide, so this is a golden opportunity for the EU to set standards for sustainable risk-free supply chains and due diligence requirements.

 
  
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  Lola Sánchez Caldentey (GUE/NGL). – Señora presidenta, antes de la aprobación de este Reglamento ya criticamos que era una oportunidad perdida para tener una ley firme y totalmente vinculante, una ley sin vacíos legales que nos diese absolutas garantías de que en la Unión Europea no importamos minerales de sangre.

A pesar de ello, votamos a favor, porque pensamos que el Reglamento de minerales de zonas de conflicto iba en la dirección correcta. Ahora es el momento de evaluar qué ha hecho la Comisión con el voto de confianza que le dimos. Pero de los veinte millones de euros que prometió la Comisión, cinco y medio han sido destinados a una iniciativa neerlandesa de amplia participación privada.

Sinceramente, nos preocupa la prioridad que está dando la Comisión a los intereses de las grandes empresas y corporaciones. Para mejorar las condiciones de vida de las poblaciones mineras, se deberían poner en primer lugar las necesidades de las víctimas.

Por todo ello, pedimos medidas y financiación para fortalecer la gobernanza del sector minero artesanal, para asegurar su coexistencia con el sector industrial, fomentar la regularización del sector informal, crear mecanismos de coordinación y diálogo entre los distintos actores para garantizar la coherencia, y, por supuesto, hacer todo ello incluyendo siempre a los actores locales.

Tenemos la oportunidad de exportar derechos humanos de forma real y efectiva. ¿Por qué somos tan tímidos? ¿Quién nos está frenando?

Y, para terminar, solo quiero dar las gracias a la señora Sargentini por decirlo: es urgente también abordar las violaciones de derechos humanos que se cometen en el sector textil.

 
  
 

„Catch the eye” eljárás

 
  
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  Seán Kelly (PPE). – Madam President, Commissioner, all wars are bad, be they trade wars or military wars, and we have heard enough about trade wars in the last couple of weeks. Conflicts are to be avoided, as well. Therefore, it is important that we discuss conflict minerals today and the effect they are having on the world. Great credit is due to the Members here who have taken on this responsibility, together with the Commission. They have made excellent progress.

I was interested in the points made by the Commissioner, where she put more emphasis on the ‘carrot’ than on the ‘stick’ in relation to such matters as guidance to Member States, in relation to export checks, support for SMEs and, especially, the online tools and financial support – which is never enough but, at the same time, is significant. She mentioned discussions with India and China to ensure that there is responsible sourcing of minerals, and she has also done a huge amount of work on free-trade agreements, on including a chapter on conflict minerals in them – and she mentioned Mexico. All this is very good but I think we also need to hear a bit more about the ‘stick’.

 
  
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  Doru-Claudian Frunzulică (S&D). – Madam President, I very much welcome the questions related to accompanying measures aimed at the promotion of the implementation of and compliance with due diligence for the minerals’ countries of origin. Indeed, in their joint communication, the Commission and the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy expressed their commitment to the implementation of accompanying measures for an integrated EU approach to responsible sourcing, with the purpose not only of ensuring a high level of participation by companies in the Union, but also of guaranteeing that a global, coherent and comprehensive approach is put in place in order to promote responsible sourcing from conflict-affected and high-risk areas.

Following the launch of the first development cooperation instrument-funded accompanying measure in late 2017, it is important to assess whether other accompanying measures responding to the objectives encompassed in the joint communication will be designed, and whether these additional measures would cover very relevant aspects such as the implementation of fair taxation for minerals.

Finally, with regards to the actors involved, it is of great importance that the interventions envisaged include local authorities and civil societies as well.

 
  
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  Νότης Μαριάς (ECR). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, η Αφρική είναι μια πλούσια ήπειρος με τεράστια κοιτάσματα πετρελαίου, φυσικού αερίου, ορυκτού πλούτου, μεταλλευμάτων, όμως οι λαοί της υποφέρουν. Είναι φτωχοί, είναι άνεργοι, και αυτό γιατί τα μεταλλεύματα, τα διαμάντια, τον χρυσό τα εκμεταλλεύονται οι πολυεθνικές, οι οποίες έχουν υπερκέρδη, και φυσικά όπου υπάρχει πλούτος υπάρχει και πεδίο συγκρούσεων για την αρπαγή του. Υπάρχουν λοιπόν περιοχές εμπόλεμες, περιοχές με εμφύλιο πόλεμο, όπου εκεί πραγματικά υπάρχει εκμετάλλευση των ορυκτών και εκεί μάλιστα έχουμε και την παιδική εργασία.

Η παρέμβαση λοιπόν που πρέπει να γίνει στο πεδίο αυτό είναι αποφασιστική. Θεωρώ ότι προσδιορίζεται παρέμβαση για το 2021. Είναι αρκετά αργά. Υπάρχουν ημίμετρα. Νομίζω ότι πρέπει να λάβουμε μέτρα που να έχουν όχι μόνο σχέση με την εισαγωγή των ορυκτών αλλά και των τελικών προϊόντων. Χρειάζονται παρεμβάσεις όχι υπέρ των εταιρειών αλλά υπέρ των ίδιων των μεταλλωρύχων. Και φυσικά θα πρέπει να υπάρξει αποφασιστική παρέμβαση για να σταματήσουν οι συγκρούσεις σε αυτές τις περιοχές.

 
  
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  Ana Miranda (Verts/ALE). – Señora presidenta, ¿minerales de conflicto o minerales de sangre? Entre 2018 y 2021 transcurrirán tres años en los que las empresas y multinacionales mundiales y europeas, particularmente, seguirán haciendo una nueva versión del colonialismo explotador de minerales.

Ha quedado claro que el marco voluntario no funciona y que muchos de los minerales que llegan a Europa proceden de la violencia, de la falta de respeto de los derechos humanos, de la corrupción y, también, de la financiación a grupos armados. Por lo tanto, la trazabilidad —y coincidimos con la Comisión y con la autora— es muy necesaria, pero una trazabilidad que vaya más allá de la Guía de Debida Diligencia, que es un sistema bien conocido por las empresas; hemos verificado las páginas web de muchas empresas que son explotadoras de minerales en el Congo y en otros continentes y solamente el 10 % la aplican.

En esta intervención también quiero destacar la importancia de que la regulación obligatoria se aplique en toda la cadena de suministro y la cadena comercializadora. Desde aquí también quiero transmitir mi apoyo a la plataforma europea sobre los minerales de conflicto.

 
  
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  Γεώργιος Επιτήδειος (NI). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, είναι γνωστό ότι ο χρυσός, ο κασσίτερος, το βολθράμιο και το ταντάλιο είναι ορυκτά τα οποία χρησιμοποιούνται για παραγωγή προϊόντων υψηλής τεχνολογίας. Το πρόβλημα είναι ότι τα ορυκτά αυτά εξορύσσονται σε περιοχές κυρίως της Αφρικής όπου υπάρχουν συγκρούσεις, υπάρχουν εμφύλιοι πόλεμοι, κυριαρχούν καθεστώτα τα οποία είναι διεφθαρμένα, τα οποία καταπιέζουν τον λαό, χρησιμοποιούν τον λαό τους, ως επί το πλείστον παραβιάζοντας τα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματά του, ως εργάτες και αποκτούν μεγάλα χρηματικά ποσά, τα οποία δεν διαθέτουν για την ευημερία των λαών τους αλλά για να αγοράζουν όπλα και να συνεχίζουν τους πολέμους για τον έλεγχο των περιοχών αυτών. Υπό την έννοια αυτή είναι πολύ σωστή ή παρέμβαση της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, ούτως ώστε να βρεθεί ένας τρόπος να γίνει μία νομοθεσία η οποία θα συμβάλει στο να εμποδίζεται αυτή η ανεξέλεγκτη κατάσταση. Πρέπει οπωσδήποτε οι εισαγωγείς να ακολουθούν κάποιους κανόνες –αυτό είναι σωστό–, πλην όμως πρέπει να ληφθούν και άλλα μέτρα και επιπλέον η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση να εφαρμόσει σοβαρούς ελέγχους, ούτως ώστε να μην παραβιάζονται αυτά τα μέτρα.

 
  
 

(„Catch the eye” eljárás vége)

 
  
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  Cecilia Malmström, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, I want to thank Mr Lange and Ms McAvan for putting this on the agenda. There is clearly a huge interest in these questions, and I fully understand that because it is also important to us. This is very important legislation on a serious problem of grave violation of human rights in certain areas. This could contribute, but of course it will not solve the problems fully.

I also understand your impatience on this, but I want to remind you that the legislation has not yet entered into force. I answered many of your questions already in my introductory remarks, but am happy to come back to them. We are now focusing more on the incentives than on the legislation. When that enters into force, then we will have other tools as well.

We are working specifically to help SMEs to prepare for this with our online tool. The translations of the OECD guidelines will be done later this spring. The transparency platform for downstream companies is also targeting SMEs in particular.

We are working closely with our Member States and experts. There are only five Member States who still need to appoint their authority. The others are working on it, as some of you mentioned. There are lots of initiatives happening in the Member States today – we can come back to a fuller list of that at a later stage. There have also been some results from our outreach, for instance we see now that China is adopting legislation and that there are discussions going on in India as well. On the industry scheme alignment, this is done by a delegated act based on the OECD methodology, and yes, there will be shadow audits, but companies do remain individually responsible.

On the Apple-Intel participation in the European partnership, it is key here to have a partnership between business, NGOs and governments. They will adequately complement the regulation with technical assistance and good mining practices for small and artisanal miners.

On the transparency of schemes, the methodology adopted by, or developed by, the OECD is to recognise industry schemes to make sure that they fully respect the five steps of OECD due diligence guidance, including reporting. This alignment methodology is developed and monitored in conjunction with civil society organisations, including, for instance, the organisation Global Witness, which is very helpful in this regard.

The Commission is not financing big private companies. We are focusing financing through a call for proposals on local activities for artisanal and small-scale miners to enhance their socioeconomic capacities, increase their productivity, make them, in due time, eligible to access credits, take care of the gender issue, and help them address the worst cases of child labour affecting the mining areas.

There are also proposals to target the capacity of local authorities, so we are really trying to work on a bottom-up approach. Those expected to present proposals for EU funds will mainly be civil society organisations, and many of them have very significant experience in this field. We appreciate this and want to support it.

On the Non-financial Reporting Directive, we have made a very clear commitment in this regard as part of the political agreement on the regulation, and we are fully committed to honouring it. The Non-financial Reporting Directive provides that the companies covered by the Directive shall include in their management report the principal risks related to those matters linked to the undertaking’s operations, including business relationship, products or services which are likely to cause adverse impact in these areas and to show how the undertaking manages those risks.

So we specified last year, in non-binding guidelines on non-financial reporting, that companies are expected to disclose relevant information on due diligence to ensure responsible supply chains for tin, tantalum, tungsten and gold. On this basis, it is clear that the Commission expects companies covered by the directive to include reporting on the responsible sourcing of 3TG.

As you know, we are planning a review of the regulation, even though it has not entered into force yet. In that review we could decide to include new minerals – the methodology has been developed to be neutral in that case. We will also make an assessment of whether it is enough or there is a need for new legislative measures, and we will be happy to work with you in this regard.

As you see, we have been doing a lot already to prepare and to make the accompanying measures in order to have all that ready when it finally enters into force. I thank you for your strong interest in this, and I commit, Madam President, honourable Members, regularly to come back and report where we are. I know that the interest is significant, and we promised at the adoption of this that the Commission would keep you regularly informed about what is happening. I remain at your disposal whenever you should wish, and thank you again for this debate.

 
  
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  Elnök asszony. – A vitát lezárom.

 

7. Planul de acțiune privind infrastructura de combustibili alternativi (dezbatere)
Înregistrare video a intervenţiilor
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  Elnök asszony. – A következő pont vita a Bizottság nyilatkozatáról: „Cselekvési terv az alternatív üzemanyagok infrastruktúrájának kiépítéséhez” (2017/3034(RSP)

 
  
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  Johannes Hahn, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, thank you for this opportunity to discuss our Action Plan on alternative fuels infrastructure. The Commission warmly welcomes the European Parliament’s initiative. As Members of this House, you have already called for a high level of ambition with the adoption of the Alternative Fuels Infrastructure Directive in 2014. The Commission shares this ambition. The provision of a comprehensive, easy-to-use infrastructure for alternative fuels is a key prerequisite for the transition to low-emission mobility.

Our first priority was to ensure that the Alternative Fuels Infrastructure Directive is properly implemented in all Member States. That is why we did not hesitate to launch immediate infringement procedures against those Member States not complying with the directive. With the second Mobility Package, of 8 November 2017, we delivered an additional policy stimulus, particularly with our Action Plan on alternative fuels infrastructure.

By 2030 more and broader action will be needed. We need a larger part of the existing fleet to run on alternative fuels in order to meet the EU commitments under the Paris Climate Treaty. However, we don’t think that the directive needs to be revised at this stage. The Council and Parliament adopted this directive four years ago as the first ever legal instrument to ensure the promotion of a new market for alternative-fuel vehicles and vessels. Since then, a lot of progress has been made.

Yes, the completeness, coherence and ambition of the national policy frameworks vary greatly. Our analysis of the implementation of the directive shows that, on average so far, the planning under the national policy frameworks which Member States had to submit pursuant to the Directive would not meet the level and consistency of ambition that will be needed after 2020, when more vehicles are expected to hit the roads. However, in many places the directive has acted as a catalyst and has stimulated and broadened national planning and strategies.

It is therefore time for joint and concerted action, but not for reopening negotiations. So, with the Action Plan on alternative fuels infrastructure, we are now providing an important and very concrete stimulus. We are making available an additional EUR 800 million in the form of innovative financing instruments for the rollout of infrastructure: up to EUR 350 million through the Connecting Europe Facility (CEF) ‘Blending’ call and up to EUR 450 million through the CEF Debt or InnovFin instruments. We can already see how the blending of grants and loans under CEF Blending works in practice. Several consortia will now start to roll out fast-charging infrastructure on strategic highways. This is good news for Europe. But there are also less developed parts of Europe where continued support action is needed. Here Member States can benefit from substantial cohesion policy support to accelerate such investments.

In the current period of the Multiannual Financial Framework (MFF) EUR 70 billion has been allocated from the Cohesion Fund and the European Regional Development Fund for promoting sustainable mobility and transport, including the deployment of alternative fuels infrastructure. Through the Action Plan we are also facilitating better collaboration among authorities and market players in relation to good practice. We have already started this process in the form of alternative fuels roadshows in Member States and have received a lot of positive feedback.

It is fundamental to stress the need for greater efforts to introduce alternative fuels and clean vehicles. A major lack of infrastructure is no longer a valid argument against it. The basic infrastructure is starting to be put in place in many parts of the European Union.

Consumer buy-in depends on quality of choice. It is highly relevant that more vehicle models are being introduced into the market and this is happening quickly. With the second Mobility Package, we have made important proposals to further support market direction, including proposals for a new CO2 emission performance standard and for the revision of the Clean Vehicles Directive. Low-emission and zero-emission vehicles will be favoured by consumers if the infrastructure is not only comprehensive but also easy to use. This is not the case at the moment, particularly not across borders.

With the Action Plan, we have now outlined an approach for further discussion with public authorities and market players about needs and approaches for addressing the interoperability of services, including payment services, in the most effective way. We are already supporting authorities on very practical issues of data collection in order to map better the location and availability of charging and filling stations for consumers in Europe.

Let me conclude. Together, all the points of action under this Action Plan will help to ensure that we have in place a comprehensive, easy-to-use spec on infrastructure for the recharging and refuelling of alternative-fuel vehicles by 2025.

 
  
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  Massimiliano Salini, a nome del gruppo PPE. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, Commissario, la decisione della Commissione, attraverso questo piano di azione, di intervenire su una materia così rilevante come quella della riduzione delle emissioni in atmosfera nell'ambito del settore dei trasporti, cioè nell'ambito di quello che ormai è diventato il grande imputato, il grande responsabile, il più importante responsabile dell'inquinamento, ecco, è un'azione corretta purché svolta in maniera equilibrata.

Noi, da un lato, infatti, dobbiamo garantire la diffusione di combustibili alternativi, ma non possiamo nemmeno mettere in croce l'industria di produzione e tantomeno i consumatori, gli utilizzatori, che attraverso un processo che se non fosse graduale si ritroverebbero a dover sostenere costi totalmente fuori mercato.

Bene, la decisione di mantenere un approccio neutrale, sostenendo o finanziando tutte le possibili forme alternative, è molto corretto ed equilibrato. Valuteremo quindi nel tempo se sia sufficiente questa comunicazione oppure se sarà necessario anche un nuovo intervento normativo.

 
  
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  Ismail Ertug, im Namen der S&D-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin, Herr Kommissar, Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Der Transportsektor ist der einzige Sektor, der nach wie vor bei den Emissionen zulegt, so auch letztes Jahr beziehungsweise die Jahre davor. Wir haben 2016 erneut 0,5 % mehr Treibhausgase im Mobilitätsbereich gehabt als 2015.

Sie haben darauf hingewiesen, dass wir bereits die Richtlinie zu Clean power for transport aus dem Jahr 2014 gehabt haben. Da muss ich ihnen ganz offen sagen, Herr Kommissar – wohl wissend, dass das nicht Ihr Versäumnis ist, weil sie damals noch nicht in Aktion waren – dass das eine große Chance war, die die Mitgliedsstaaten zerstört haben. Wir haben seinerzeit mit Ihrer Hilfe im Annex II im Anhang ganz klare quantitative Ziele gehabt, die letztendlich vorgesehen haben, bis zum Jahr 2020 in den verschiedenen Kategorien jeweils so und so viel Infrastrukturen aufzubauen. Genau diesen Annex II hat der Rat rausgenommen, sodass wir nun vier volle Jahre verloren haben. Wenn es nach diesem Anhang gegangen wäre, dann hätten wir im Jahr 2020 800.000 Ladesäulen. Jetzt haben wir gerade mal 130.000. Das sind Zahlen der Alternative Fuels Observatory, die stimmen also. Deshalb ist das eine große Chance, die wir letztendlich versäumt haben.

Umso mehr wundert es mich, dass die Kommission jetzt erneut wiederum nur mit einem Action Plan kommt. Es ist Gesetzgebung angesagt, es ist eins vor zwölf. Die anderen Regionen dieser Welt machen es uns vor. Wir wissen um die Entwicklung in China, wir wissen auch, unter welchem Druck unsere Industrie steht. Deshalb lade ich Sie alle ein, insbesondere Sie als Kommission, diese Infrastruktur, deren Kosten wir wohl durchgerechnet haben, jetzt in Form eines europäischen Investitionsfonds aufzubauen. Da gibt es die Möglichkeit mit 24 Milliarden Euro, die sich die Industrie und die Europäische Union teilen könnten, einen schnellen Hochlauf zu gestalten, was die Infrastrukturen anbelangt. Wenn wir das nicht schaffen – Sie haben auch bei der CO2-Gesetzgebung darauf hingewiesen –, weiß ich nicht ob, die Automobilkonzerne und die Industrie die Ziele für 2025 erreichen können. Lassen sie uns deshalb ambitioniert sein! Allein mit diesem Action Plan werden wir leider nicht das erreichen. was wir wollen!

 
  
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  Kosma Złotowski, w imieniu grupy ECR. – Pani Przewodnicząca! Panie Komisarzu! Przejście europejskiego sektora transportu na paliwa alternatywne to proces, który już trwa. Jego przebieg jest co prawda wciąż lekko chaotyczny i napędza go głównie energia jego największych entuzjastów oraz niektórych państw członkowskich, ale trudno nie docenić regularnych postępów. Kluczem do sukcesu w upowszechnianiu ekologicznych środków transportu jest bez wątpienia dostępność terminali i miejsc, gdzie takie alternatywne paliwo można zatankować, czy załadować, niezależnie od tego, czy jest to energia elektryczna, gaz, czy wodór.

W planie działania przygotowanym przez Komisję słusznie dostrzeżono największe wyzwania, jakie przed nami stoją: po pierwsze –dostosowanie istniejących i wciąż budowanych elementów sieci TEN-T do potrzeb użytkowników pojazdów napędzanych paliwami alternatywnymi, po drugie – rozbudowa niezbędnej infrastruktury na obszarach podmiejskich, gdzie postępy w tym zakresie są nikłe. Nie możemy zapominać, że odejście indywidualnych użytkowników od samochodów spalinowych to pierwszy krok. Drugi krok, może znacznie ważniejszy, to przejście na paliwa alternatywne sektora drogowego transportu towarów. Tutaj dostęp do odpowiedniej infrastruktury jest już ściśle powiązany z opłacalnością i ceną takich usług. Niestety, Panie Komisarzu, problem tkwi w tym, że sprawa to nie została w zasadzie w omawianym dokumencie poruszona.

 
  
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  Gesine Meissner, im Namen der ALDE-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin, Herr Kommissar! Ich glaube, hier im Parlament sind die meisten wirklich auf einer Linie. Ich stimme voll und ganz Ismail Ertrug von der S&D zu. Wir haben auch beide in der letzten Periode an diesem Gesetz gearbeitet, und wir haben schon damals im Trilog alle beide vollkommen zu Recht sehr bedauert, dass die Mitgliedstaaten so wenig ambitioniert waren. Ich würde mir darum – genau wie er – eigentlich auch wünschen, dass wir statt eines action plan vielleicht schon eine andere Form von neuer Gesetzgebung haben. Ich weiß, das geht schlecht, weil die Umsetzungsziele 2022 ja erst noch vor der Tür stehen. Wir können aber schon jetzt sehen, dass bei den nationalen Plänen, die vorgelegt werden müssen, viel zu wenig ambitioniert gehandelt wurde.

Das hat viele Gründe. Der Ölpreis war zu niedrig, darum hat man das nicht in Gang gesetzt. Es ist auch so, dass eben neue, auf dem Markt verfügbare Technologien von den Verbrauchern nicht angenommen werden, weil sie nicht wissen, ob sie dann ihr Fahrzeug fahren können. Und das gilt tatsächlich für alle Bereiche. Ich weiß das genau, ich habe damals sehr stark dafür geworben, dass man LNG gerade bei Schiffen stärker einsetzt. Viele Häfen sind schon entsprechend ausgestattet. Man kann das ja machen, natürlich mehr im Norden als im Süden, weil da andere Grenzwerte gelten. Also wir müssen unbedingt alle Kräfte bündeln, um schneller voranzukommen, und ich hoffe, dass wir das hier schaffen.

 
  
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  Karima Delli, au nom du groupe Verts/ALE. – Madame la Présidente, chers collègues, je vous ai entendu, Monsieur le Commissaire, et, au fond, la Commission nous dit que si les États respectent leur engagement en matière d’infrastructures, nos transports seront bientôt moins polluants. Mais s’ils ne le font pas?

Deux ans après le scandale du dieselgate, qui a prouvé que les constructeurs trichaient aux tests de pollution et que les États les ont couverts, vous nous dites «Ayez confiance!». Confiance? Mais aujourd’hui, les constructeurs tardent encore à sortir du diesel pour développer des modèles électriques propres. Pourquoi? Parce que, selon eux, les États membres tardent à mettre en place des bornes de recharge pour les batteries de véhicules électriques et, pendant qu’ils se renvoient la balle, ce sont les Européens qui respirent les vapeurs nocives pour leur santé.

Cessez de leur faire simplement confiance, Monsieur le Commissaire, rouvrez la législation, fixez des objectifs contraignants pour que, demain, nos transports soient réellement propres et que, enfin, la pollution de l’air baisse et disparaisse à jamais partout en Europe.

 
  
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  Lynn Boylan, on behalf of the GUE/NGL Group. – Madam President, decarbonising the transport sector and meeting the Paris Agreement targets can only be achieved by aligning consumer behaviour with consumer attitudes. It is clear that consumers want the greener transport options but market barriers, and especially a lack of green infrastructure, are leaving us running on the spot.

I welcome the Commission’s Action Plan but the national policy frameworks submitted by Member States are lacking in ambition. In my own country’s national action plan, I am most concerned about the infrastructure gaps in terms of charging points for electric vehicles. It is disappointing that the targets for electric recharging points in Ireland’s national policy framework do not correspond with the expected number of electric vehicles in the country. The depressingly low ambitions will get us nowhere and will only set us up to fail, wedding ourselves to a future of fossil-fuel dependency. If we want effective use of investment, support is crucial in making the uptake of electric vehicles a tangible reality.

 
  
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  Dario Tamburrano, a nome del gruppo EFDD. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signor Commissario, oggi vorrei osare e andare un pizzico out of the box, un po' avanti e po' indietro nel tempo.

Quasi ottant'anni fa, in Europa già operava una soluzione di trasporto merci senza emissioni, alimentata ad energia rinnovabile. Gli italiani nel 1938 avevano difficoltà di approvvigionamento di combustibili e svilupparono pertanto una filovia che trasportava materiali grazie a dei filocarri elettrici modificati (i "trolley truck") di derivazione Fiat. La Filovia dello Stelvio raggiunse gli ottanta chilometri di estensione. Era alimentata ad energia idroelettrica. Venne dismessa nel 1956.

Oggi il governo svedese, Siemens e Volvo Scania stanno sperimentando da anni tale soluzione. I risultati sono ottimi, i progressi tecnologici hanno migliorato l'affidabilità del sistema rendendo possibile il trasporto merci elettrico a lunga distanza, altrimenti difficile con il solo accumulo elettrochimico.

I costi al chilometro sono relativamente contenuti e recuperabili con l'esercizio grazie all'efficienza della trazione elettrica. Si innesta su infrastrutture esistenti, è possibile una logistica flessibile senza soluzione di continuità verso i centri urbani raggiungibili muovendosi fuori dalle linee elettrificate: per brevi percorsi con l'energia accumulata in batterie durante i tragitti autostradali, con generatori elettrici di bordo o con classici motori endotermici alimentati a combustibili alternativi. È un'innovazione che non stravolge gli equilibri occupazionali di guidatori e compagnie di trasporto.

Il Parlamento europeo si espresse già nel giugno 2016 a favore di questa soluzione, ma servono visione e coordinazione a livello UE, fondi per avviare le infrastrutture. Queste sono le grandi opere che vorremmo lasciare alle generazioni che verranno.

 
  
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  Andrzej Grzyb (PPE). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Chciałem bardzo serdecznie podziękować za informacje Panu Komisarzowi, bowiem dzisiejsza debata poświęcona planowi działania dotyczącemu infrastruktury paliw alternatywnych musi stymulować – czy powinna stymulować – rozwój samochodów napędzanych gazem ziemnym, wodorem lub zasilanych prądem z sieci, a tym samym wspomóc również naszą walkę z zanieczyszczeniami powietrza oraz z emisją gazów cieplarnianych. Są to wyzwania dla państw członkowskich, a także dla samorządów, przedsiębiorców i innych interesariuszy, bez których nie da się tego wprowadzić.

Najłatwiej jest jednak uczynić to na poziomie komunalnym, gdzie istnieje duża kwota transportowa służąca przede wszystkim obniżeniu emisji, jeżeli w pojazdach komunalnych zastosowane zostaną czyste technologie. Ważne jest również finansowe wsparcie dla rozwoju infrastruktury, którą mogą stymulować zamówienia publiczne. Z zadowoleniem przyjmuję deklarację o ośmiuset milionach. I ostatnia sprawa: wydaje mi się, że jest to ściśle połączone z dyrektywą o wspieraniu czystych pojazdów. Tutaj Komisja poszła w bardzo dobrym kierunku i myślę, że w dalszym ciągu należy te cele upraszczać.

 
  
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  Inés Ayala Sender (S&D). – Señora presidenta, en el año 2020, es decir en menos de dos años, el Opel Corsa eléctrico empezará a salir de la fábrica de Figueruelas, en mi región. La Comisión ya había señalado que, para 2020, necesitaríamos casi 800 000 estaciones de recarga para los combustibles alternativos. Actualmente, según el estudio que el señor Ertug ha publicado, solamente hay 120 000. Así pues, faltan 680 000 para combustibles alternativos, y también para los vehículos eléctricos, por supuesto.

La contabilidad nos dice que realmente hacen falta 24 000 millones para conseguir una red suficiente para que los coches que están ya en la calle y los que van a seguir saliendo puedan ser comprados normalmente por sus usuarios. Y usted, señor Hahn, solo nos ofrece 800 millones como incentivo; nos hacen falta, como puede usted imaginar, muchísimos más.

De ahí que para conseguir este cambio necesitemos un fondo, que tiene que ser urgente, puesto que, en menos de dos años, debería estar ya disponible. Y de ahí que le pida que, para el nuevo MEC Energía, no nos pase como la última vez, que casi tuvimos que empujar para conseguir que hubiera dinero; y, desde luego, una legislación más valiente y urgente.

 
  
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  Mark Demesmaeker (ECR). – Commissaris, de infrastructuur voor alternatieve brandstoffen en de markt voor milieuvriendelijke voertuigen zijn een beetje zoals de kip en het ei. Ze kijken allebei naar elkaar en ondertussen gebeurt er weinig. We doen te weinig om de vooropgestelde doelstellingen voor basisinfrastructuur tegen 2025 te halen.

Met zo'n 130 000 alternatieve oplaad- en tankpunten en amper 5 % voertuigen aangedreven door alternatieve energie hebben we nog een lange weg te gaan.

In uw actieplan benadrukt u terecht 'urgentie' en wijst u voor een stuk de goede richting aan. Ik wil daaraan toevoegen dat we een duurzame overstap naar emissiearme mobiliteit alleen mogelijk zullen maken als we een sterke ambitie combineren met een realistische aanpak. Alleen zo kunnen we ons wapenen tegen de wereldwijde concurrentie in koolstofarme voertuigen en technologieën.

Daarbij onderstreep ik het belang van technologieneutraliteit, een vraaggedreven ondersteuning en een aanpak die is opgewassen tegen en flexibel is met het oog op de snelle technologische ontwikkelingen.

Tot slot roep ik de vervoersector, de energiesector en alle overheden in de EU op om hun steentje bij te dragen. Alleen als iedereen zijn verantwoordelijkheid neemt, zal de Europese burger gebruik kunnen maken van een degelijke infrastructuur.

 
  
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  Matthijs van Miltenburg (ALDE). – Voorzitter, rijden op elektriciteit en waterstof, dat heeft de toekomst. En om de klimaatdoelstellingen van Parijs te halen, moeten we wel over op alternatieve brandstoffen. Daarbij hoort een ambitieus beleid voor de uitrol van de infrastructuur van deze brandstoffen. Actie op Europees niveau is cruciaal. Ik zie het actieplan als een eerste stap.

Laten we de consument eens centraal stellen. De consument met een elektrische auto mag niet stil komen te staan op zijn weg door heel Europa. Informatie over de beschikbaarheid van laadpalen moet betrouwbaar zijn. Informatie over de kosten moet beschikbaar en transparant zijn. En de betaling, als men gaat laden, als men brandstoffen gebruikt, moet gemakkelijk gaan verlopen.

Ik roep de lidstaten op, ik roep de Commissie op, ik roep de industrie op om met veel meer ambitie de uitrol van infrastructuur voor die alternatieve brandstoffen ter hand te nemen. Want alleen samen – industrie, Commissie, lidstaten, consumenten daarbij centraal stellen – als we dat doen, dan maken we echt van duurzaam vervoer een Europees succesverhaal.

 
  
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  Claude Turmes (Verts/ALE). – Madame la Présidente, imaginez un moment que je sois un Martien et que je regarde la Terre.

J’ai un président Juncker, qui dit: «L’Europe est le leader des technologies vertes et des énergies renouvelables». Et puis j’ai un président chinois qui dit: «Moi, je suis le leader des technologies vertes, des voitures électriques, de l’énergie renouvelable».

Donc, que fait le Martien? Il commence à calculer. L’Europe n’a même pas 10 000 bus électriques. La Chine en a 200 000. L’Europe n’a même pas 200 000 points de recharge. La Chine en a 1,4 million.

Nous sommes nulle part et nous avons une Commission européenne qui n’a pas le courage de proposer une législation forte sur les infrastructures et qui suggère aux citoyens européens que, avec 800 millions, nous allons faire la différence.

Je vous dis en tant que Martien: c’est la Chine qui est numéro 1 et, nous, nous sommes ridicules, et si on continue comme cela, nous serons inexistants dans le domaine des technologies vertes. C’est à pleurer, il faut un tout autre effort.

 
  
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  Andor Deli (PPE). – A Bizottság által elkészített cselekvési terv valóban ambiciózus célokat vetít a 2020 és 2025 közötti időszakra, szóval az elkövetkezendő nyolc évre. Ugyanakkor engedjenek meg egy pár észrevételt, pár hiányosságra is hogy felhívjam a figyelmet. Elsősorban úgy gondolom, hogy a technológiai neutralitással van gond a cselekvési tervben, ugyanis túlságosan előtérbe helyeződik újból és újból az akkumulátoros autók, illetve az ahhoz társuló infrastruktúra kérdése. Ugyanakkor emlékeztetnék arra, hogy rengeteg közpénzből finanszírozott kutatás és fejlesztés zajlik Európa-szerte, EU-s pénzekből is történnek ilyenek, aminek szintén megvan a létjogosultsága, és nem szabad, hogy ezek a pénzek, és ezek a befektetett energiák kárba vesszenek az miatt, mert kizárólag az akkumulátoros technológiára hagyatkozunk. Fontos a diverzifikáció az európai mobilitásban. Nem egy síkon mozgó mobilitásban kell gondolkoznunk.

Továbbá felhívnám még a figyelmet arra is, hogy a bizottsági kalkulációknak realisztikusnak, piaci alapokon nyugvónak kell lenniük. Ugyanis az állami támogatási rendszer, ami jelen pillanatban sok tagországban létezik, nem egy állandónak vehető dolog, és ezért nem hagyatkozhatunk arra a kalkulációban, hogy örökre megmaradnak.

 
  
 

„Catch the eye” eljárás

 
  
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  Henna Virkkunen (PPE). – Arvoisa puhemies, jos haluamme edistää vaihtoehtoisia polttoaineita on tietenkin erittäin tärkeää, että kuluttajilla on käytössään kattava latauspisteverkko eri puolilla Eurooppaa.

Tämä komission toimintasuunnitelma on varsin hyvä ja osoittaa sen, että investointitarpeet ovat todella mittavat. Puhutaan viidestä miljardista eurosta nyt aivan muutamassa vuodessa, ja vielä 20 miljardia lisää pitäisi investoida vuoteen 2025 mennessä, kun puhutaan nimenomaan sähköautoista, vedystä ja kaasusta. On tärkeää, että luomme mahdollisuuksia ihmisille siihen, että sähköautoja voi ladata ennen kaikkea kotona, koska tiedämme, että lataaminen on erittäin hidasta. Rakennusten energiatehokkuusdirektiivissähän otetaan tämä kysymys nyt huomioon, mutta sen lisäksi on hyvä toimintatapa, että ennen kaikkea näiden ydinverkkojen äärelle, kaupunkialueille ja esikaupunkialueille pyritään nyt tuomaan mahdollisimman kattava verkosto.

On muistettava, että polttoaineen jakelu on markkinalähtöistä toimintaa. Näin sen pitää olla myös näiden vaihtoehtoisten polttoaineiden osalta tulevaisuudessakin, mutta infrastruktuurin vauhdittamiseksi on perusteltua, että pyrimme suuntaamaan myös investointiavustuksia nyt tälle alueelle.

 
  
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  Nicola Caputo (S&D). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, sono dell'opinione che piuttosto che promuovere carburanti alternativi, con vantaggi ambientali ormai molto contenuti, sarebbe più utile orientarsi decisamente verso quelli che consentono davvero di raggiungere le migliori prestazioni ambientali, come l'elettrico, solo transitorio da fossile, il biometano, solo transitorio da metano, e l'idrogeno da fonte rinnovabile.

Lo sviluppo dell'infrastruttura di ricarica è strategico per la diffusione di veicoli elettrici. Ma la predisposizione della rete delle colonnine di ricarica deve precedere e non seguire la diffusione delle auto elettriche, altrimenti cittadini e imprese non avranno possibilità di utilizzarle. Altra incongruenza è l'obbligo di presenza di ricariche elettriche solo negli edifici di nuova costruzione, che di fatto ostacola la diffusione delle auto elettriche.

Il progresso è possibile anche grazie alle innovazioni tecnologiche a supporto delle infrastrutture. Due processi: lo smart charging e il vehicle-to-grid consentono rispettivamente di controllare il volume della ricarica evitando sovraccarichi alla rete durante le ore di elevata domanda, e di invertire il flusso energetico delle batterie dei veicoli, contribuendo alla stabilità del sistema.

È in questa direzione che dobbiamo andare.

 
  
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  Νότης Μαριάς (ECR). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, νομίζω ότι από τη συζήτηση προκύπτει η αναγκαιότητα να περάσουμε σε αποφασιστικά βήματα για εναλλακτικές μορφές ενέργειας. Είναι δεδομένο ότι υπάρχει πλέον απόλυτη δέσμευση της Ευρώπης στα ορυκτά καύσιμα και αυτό σημαίνει αυξημένη ρύπανση. Είδαμε μάλιστα τι συνέβη με το Dieselgate, γεγονός το οποίο έχει κλονίσει την εμπιστοσύνη των ίδιων των καταναλωτών.

Το ερώτημα είναι αν έχουμε επιλογές και οι επιλογές αυτές φυσικά είναι το φυσικό αέριο, είναι το υδρογόνο και είναι ο ηλεκτρισμός. Θα υπάρχουν όμως προβλήματα, διότι χρειάζονται επενδύσεις στο να έχουμε φερ’ ειπείν σημαντική έρευνα, για να δημιουργηθούν μπαταρίες οι οποίες πραγματικά θα μπορούν να φορτίζουν χωρίς προβλήματα τα ηλεκτρικά αυτοκίνητα, και κυρίως χρειάζονται υποδομές φόρτισης των ηλεκτροκίνητων οχημάτων. Αυτές δεν υπάρχουν στα ευρωπαϊκά κράτη και νομίζω ότι εδώ πρέπει να υπάρξει η αποφασιστική παρέμβαση της Επιτροπής.

 
  
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  Eleonora Evi (EFDD). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, 1,5 % è la quota di veicoli elettrici circolanti oggi in Europa, 1,1 %, la quota di vendite nel 2016. È ancora troppo poco se pensiamo, a fronte di quelli che sono i 35 milioni di veicoli diesel sporchi che continuano a circolare nelle nostre città e continueranno probabilmente purtroppo a farlo per diversi decenni.

Io penso anche al mio paese, all'Italia, insieme a Ungheria e Repubblica Ceca, siamo gli unici paesi a dare priorità ai veicoli alimentati a gas naturale, anziché ai veicoli elettrici. È una visione improntata su un modello fossile, illogico e anacronistico. Il Movimento 5 Stelle ovviamente vuole superare questa logica e recuperare il ritardo nella diffusione di auto elettriche, a beneficio ovviamente dell'ambiente, del clima e dei cittadini.

Non è solo una questione di infrastruttura: serve maggiore impegno da parte dei costruttori di auto che purtroppo, ad oggi, non danno alcuna rassicurazione e alcuna garanzia sufficiente di impegno, anche per non perdere il vantaggio competitivo poiché appunto, come è stato ricordato dal collega Turmes, ormai la Cina ci sta superando anche in questo.

 
  
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  Elżbieta Katarzyna Łukacijewska (PPE). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Rozwój infrastruktury związanej z paliwami alternatywnymi jest ważnym krokiem zmniejszającym emisje CO2. Niewątpliwie powinniśmy go wspierać, nie zapominając jednocześnie o innych paliwach alternatywnych.

Mówiąc o tej kwestii, powinniśmy pamiętać o dwóch sprawach: po pierwsze, jak już wspomniano, istnieją duże dysproporcje w infrastrukturze (przykładowo Cypr posiada zaledwie 35 stacji ładowania, Bułgaria – 100, Polska – 600 i znajdują się one głównie w centrach dużych miast, a w małej Austrii jest ich 4 tysiące, widzimy więc jak duża jest dysproporcja).

Po drugie, nie możemy zapominać, że w krajach Grupy Wyszehradzkiej (w Polsce, czy Słowacji) znajdują się liczne zakłady produkcyjne z sektora tradycyjnej motoryzacji, produkujące na przykład silniki spalinowe, pojazdy spalinowe, komponenty do ich produkcji itp., dzięki którym wielu mieszkańców znajduje pracę. Jako ze chodzi o setki tysięcy miejsc pracy, ważny jest czas i dodatkowe środki na przekwalifikowanie pracowników, aby nie doszło do gwałtownego wzrostu bezrobocia.

 
  
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  Maria Grapini (S&D). – Doamnă președintă, domnule comisar, ați făcut o prezentare foarte clară a situației actuale și, sunt de acord, avem directive, avem directivă pentru combustibil alternativ, avem și pachetul de mobilitate din 2017. Ați specificat însă că, în cadrul politicilor naționale, implementarea directivei nu a ajuns la ambițiile privind utilizarea combustibilului alternativ. Ați putea să ne spuneți și de ce? Câteva exemple? Pentru că, eu cred că ceea ce ați spus dumneavoastră, că statele pot să folosească fonduri din Fondul de dezvoltare, din Fondul de coeziune, nu se aplică încă în toate statele.

Și mai este o problemă. Eu cred că nimeni de aici nu dorește să nu avem autovehicule curate. Problema este că trebuie să vedem cum. Avem nevoie de o industrie creativă, inovatoare, cu automobile care să nu polueze și avem nevoie de infrastructură. Eu mă gândesc cât de trist este acum, că avem așa puțină infrastructură - nu vorbesc acum de mediul rural - în mediul urban. În mediul rural este un dezastru și nu aș vrea ca, prin trecerea la combustibili alternativi, să deconectăm zonele sărace și mediul rural de conectivitatea în transport. De aceea, trebuie să ne gândim foarte bine care sunt măsurile pe care putem să le luăm.

 
  
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  Olga Sehnalová (S&D). – Paní předsedající, jednou z priorit evropské dopravní politiky je dekarbonizace dopravy. Pokud ovšem vážně chceme, aby v Evropské unii mohla jezdit čistší vozidla, pak je důležité, aby zavádění infrastruktury pro alternativní paliva nabralo skutečně rychlejší spád, a to jak na transevropské dopravní síti, tak v městských a příměstských oblastech. V přijaté směrnici o infrastruktuře pro alternativní paliva z roku 2014 se stanovují cíle v souvislosti s veřejně přístupnými dobíjecími body v rámci vnitrostátních politik. Komise si v již zmiňovaném sdělení z května loňského roku uvědomuje, že pokud mají být tyto cíle splněny, musí se počet veřejně přístupných dobíjecích stanic zásadně zvýšit. Proč tedy místo přepracovaného znění směrnice, v němž by předložila návrhy, jak toho dosáhnout, přišla pouze s nezávazným sdělením?

 
  
  

Puhetta johti HEIDI HAUTALA
varapuhemies

 
  
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  Jean-Paul Denanot (S&D). – Madame la Présidente, il est vrai que la nécessité de réduire les émissions de gaz à effet de serre dans les transports est une évidence et, aujourd’hui, une urgence. De nombreuses solutions s’offrent à nous et l’Union européenne a le devoir de les encourager toutes, afin qu’elles interviennent en complémentarité. On parle beaucoup de l’électricité et du gaz naturel, mais il ne faut pas oublier l’hydrogène, dont la maîtrise est désormais techniquement assurée.

L’Union européenne doit être beaucoup plus directive envers les États pour l’orientation vers une nouvelle structuration territoriale des approvisionnements en énergies renouvelables et alternatives. Les constructeurs ont aussi leur responsabilité, mais l’Union européenne doit donner l’exemple et non seulement apporter un encouragement financier beaucoup plus significatif que celui qui est proposé ici, mais aussi une véritable législation contraignante, qui doit être mise en place le plus rapidement possible. Naturellement, l’Union européenne doit aussi encourager la recherche et continuer à travailler sur ces questions d’alternatives en matière d’énergie.

 
  
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  Maria Gabriela Zoană (S&D). – Doamnă președintă, domnule comisar, la nivelul Uniunii Europene, dar și la nivel mondial, ne confruntăm cu o majoritate covârșitoare a sistemelor de propulsie ale autovehiculelor prin ardere internă, sisteme care utilizează combustibili convenționali. Din urma arderilor acestora rezultă apariția emulsiilor poluante, care au au un efect nociv asupra populației, a mediului înconjurător și amplifică efectul de seră, ceea ce sporește încălzirea globală.

Familia europeană trebuie să aibă o poziție defensivă asupra poluării masive, să adopte diferite mecanisme prin care să mărească utilizarea de energii alternative. Problema se resimte și la nivel industrial, unde este nevoie de transporturi de mărfuri bazate pe combustibili alternativi. Trebuie să ne gândim serios și la implementarea în zonele urbane a mijloacelor transport în comun bazate pe astfel de energii. Aceste mișcări vor da naștere unui mediu sănătos și vor spori competitivitatea în toate sectoarele, pentru a găsi cele mai bune soluții.

Avem nevoie de o politică ambițioasă și realistă, dacă ne dorim infrastructuri potrivite pentru combustibilii alternativi. Să privim asupra viitorului - orașe și țări mai curate, un aer mai sănătos și respirabil, resurse petroliere protejate și, ceea ce consider cel mai important pentru viața fiecărui locuitor, culturi agricole mult mai sănătoase.

 
  
 

(Pyynnöstä myönnettävät puheenvuorot päättyvät)

 
  
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  Johannes Hahn, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, honourable Members, thank you for this very interesting debate. We need even greater ambition and better collaboration among public and private players to speed up the deployment of an alternative-fuels infrastructure in the European Union that is available and easy to use for all consumers. We will do our share of the work and take further steps to improve consumer awareness and buy-in to this market.

First, as part of the third Mobility Package, in May 2018 we will publish a common methodology for alternative-fuels price comparison. The idea is to inform consumers about the cost of driving for 100 kilometres in an alternative-fuel car versus a conventional car. The information will be displayed at petrol stations and via dedicated online tools, which we will help Member States to develop.

Second, timely, reliable information about the location and availability of recharging points will have a major impact on consumer buy-in. We are therefore helping Member States in collecting information on the location and availability of charging points. This information will be available at national access points, to be freely used in consumer-friendly apps.

 
  
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  Puhemies. – Keskustelu on päättynyt.

Kirjalliset lausumat (työjärjestyksen 162 artikla)

 
  
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  Monika Beňová (S&D), písomne – O tom, že sa v uplynulých rokoch boj proti klimatickým zmenám stupňuje, sa dnes už nedá pochybovať. Avšak otázka, na ktorú sú rozdielne odpovede, znie nasledovne: stačí to? Parížska dohoda je najrozsiahlejšia dohoda na ochranu životného prostredia a boju proti klimatickým zmenám v histórii. Samostatne je tento dokument nezáväzný. Je potrebná jeho ratifikácia a implementácia prostredníctvom konkrétnych riešení. Akčný plán pre alternatívnu infraštruktúru je konkrétny prípad implementácie Parížskej dohody. Zároveň je súčasťou veľkej európskej stratégie dekarbonizácie. V roku 2017, v kontexte druhého balíčka mobility, Komisia publikovala komunikáciu, kde sa jednoznačne vyjadrila, že robustná infraštruktúra pre alternatíve palivá je kľúčový komponent stratégie pre dekarbonizáciu a v dnešnej forme je nepostačujúca. To znamená, že ak sa nezačne rozsiahle plánovanie a budovanie tejto infraštruktúry, tak bude prechod k dekarbonizovanej preprave spomalený. V súčasnosti je nevyhnutné reformovať tento akčný plán a zabezpečiť vybudovanie potrebnej infraštruktúry.

 

8. Dezbateri asupra cazurilor de încălcare a drepturilor omului, a democraţiei şi a statului de drept (dezbatere)

8.1. Situația din Maldive
Înregistrare video a intervenţiilor
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  Puhemies. – Esityslistalla on seuraavana keskustelu seitsemästä Malediivien tilannetta koskevasta päätöslauselmaesityksestä (2018/2630(RSP)).

 
  
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  Jean Lambert, author. – Madam President, I speak in my capacity as chair of the Delegation for relations with the countries of South Asia. We all deeply regret the state of affairs in the Maldives, not least as there are elections due in September this year. The people there deserve a free and full choice of candidates who can campaign robustly. I welcome reports in today’s news that the state of emergency there is unlikely to be extended, and I hope that turns out to be true.

The issue of the judicial system is crucially important in events there and, looking at some of the recent events, many of us are left wondering about certain legal decisions and what has motivated them. There is a need for a credible and consistent system of justice, which is able to operate independently, regardless of who brings a case or who is accused. Courts should never be a political instrument for political parties, so we need the whole system to be free of harassment, intimidation and corruption, from wherever that comes. There is not only one source in this.

 
  
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  Fabio Massimo Castaldo, autore. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, è l'ennesimo assalto alla democrazia in quel piccolo atollo paradisiaco dell'Oceano Indiano, meta ambita di turisti in tutto il mondo, da anni piombato nel caos: sto parlando delle Maldive.

Il braccio di ferro ora tra i giudici della Corte suprema e il Presidente Abdullah Yameen, che ha spinto il Parlamento a dichiarare lo stato di emergenza in modo illegale, sospendendo preziose libertà fondamentali e dando il via a un'ondata di arresti arbitrari. Tra questi spicca quello del giudice Abdullah Saeed, capo della Corte suprema. A lui e agli altri prigionieri politici vengono negati i diritti più elementari: di ieri è la notizia che il governo avrebbe addirittura intercettato i meeting tra il giudice e i suoi legali, violando il loro diritto alla riservatezza.

Oggi, come sempre, abbiamo il dovere di sostenere gli oppositori politici detenuti e in esilio, come l'ex Presidente Nasheed, i difensori dei diritti umani che ogni giorno subiscono minacce e persecuzioni da parte delle autorità governative, i giudici e gli avvocati, anch'essi vittime di intimidazioni e interferenze improprie.

Chiedo al governo delle Maldive di porre fine immediatamente allo stato di emergenza, e all'Unione europea di far rispettare le misure previste anche degli accordi di Cotonou, e bloccare i responsabili di questa situazione. Se non agiamo in modo convinto, siamo complici anche noi di Yameen.

 
  
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  Charles Tannock, author. – Madam President, it is now almost three years since our first resolution in this Parliament in relation to the political crisis engulfing the Maldives. That resolution was a response to the 13-year prison sentence handed down to the country’s first democratically-elected President, Mohamed Nasheed, on trumped up terrorist charges, which were condemned by the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention. At that time, we criticised the politicisation of the judiciary and cautioned against any further backsliding on the rule of law. Three years on, the situation has significantly worsened. Freedom of expression, assembly and the press have been stifled, Members of Parliament and protesters have been routinely arrested, and now we see the country under state of emergency rule aimed at strengthening President Yameen’s hold on power.

Aside from the urgency of these domestic issues, we have seen repeated accusations of Maldivian-flagged vessels involved in oil transfers to North Korea and reports of an increasing numbers of citizens being recruited by ISIS/Daesh. It is vital that we see an end to the state of emergency now, see all elected Members of Parliament allowed to take up their seats, and find a course to ensure that genuinely free and fair elections can take place as scheduled in September 2018, with opposition candidate Nasheed being allowed to stand. We, in the European Union, must continue to apply pressure to achieve this outcome, and I welcome today’s resolution.

 
  
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  Tomáš Zdechovský, Autor. – Paní předsedající, je to už několikátá rezoluce, která se týká Malediv, a myslím si, že ta situace se opravdu z toho, co dneska víme, vůbec nezlepšila, ba naopak se zhoršila.

Proto jsem velice rád, že jsme se shodli na této rezoluci napříč politickými stranami a napříč politickými proudy v Evropském parlamentu. Doteď se Evropská unie, myslím, snažila o konstruktivní dialog s představiteli Malediv, i když říkala, co je špatně a co špatně není. V současné době už ale musíme přistoupit k určitým druhům sankcí, není možné dále čekat a dívat se na to, co se děje dnes na Maledivách. Je třeba se podívat na to, že lidskoprávní i politická situace v zemi se neustále zhoršuje, že dochází k omezování lidských práv a svobod, rozšiřování pravomocí prezidenta, polarizaci justice.

To, čeho se nejvíce bojíme, je znovuzavedení trestu smrti. Opoziční lídři usilují o obnovu pluralitní demokracie a vládu práva. Jsou však opakovaně vystavováni útokům ze strany autorit a policie. Dokonce jsou proti nim vykonstruována soudní řízení. Je tedy třeba vyzvat všechny státy, které jsou aktivní na Maledivách, včetně velkých hráčů, jako jsou Indie a Čína, aby spolupracovaly s Evropskou unií a znovu se snažily nastolit demokratické principy v této zemi.

 
  
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  Miguel Urbán Crespo, autor. – Señora presidenta, Maldivas es uno de los destinos turísticos más atractivos y exclusivos del mundo y también es un punto geoestratégico clave en las rutas comerciales de la región. Pero la realidad para sus habitantes es muy distinta al paraíso que se nos vende.

El país se enfrenta a una crisis política que estalló en febrero al decretarse el estado de emergencia después de que el poder judicial ordenara la libertad de varios miembros de la oposición. El estado de emergencia suspendió las garantías constitucionales y los mecanismos de control y separación de poderes; una situación que agrava el clima de represión contra la libertad de expresión y reunión y la persecución y ataques a opositores políticos, periodistas y miembros de la sociedad civil, así como a defensores de los derechos humanos.

La Unión Europea es uno de los principales socios comerciales de Maldivas y, por tanto, tenemos los medios para actuar. Pedimos que esta Unión Europea no prime sus intereses comerciales y geoestratégicos frente a los intereses de las clases populares de Maldivas y actúe. Señorías, que actúe.

 
  
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  Urmas Paet, author. – Madam President, the declaration of a state of emergency in the Maldives, despite the peaceful protest of hundreds of citizens and international condemnation, has led to a large number of human rights and fundamental freedoms being suspended and abused. The authoritarian rule of President Abdulla Yameen is damaging the country and its people. Of grave concern is the threat of resuming state-sanctioned executions. The shift towards radical Islamism and increasing radical Islamist militancy is worrisome.

The European Union must use all instruments to promote respect for human rights and democratic principles in the Maldives, even if that means suspending financial assistance or using targeted measures. The state of emergency should be lifted. Fundamental human rights and the rule of law must be respected. In the meanwhile, the EU also needs to coordinate its travel advice for European tourists.

 
  
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  Wajid Khan, author. – Madam President, my Group is alarmed with the deterioration in human rights, democracy and rule of law in the Maldives, particularly in the run-up to the presidential elections. A functional parliament and an independent judiciary are fundamental pillars for a working democracy, therefore any interference with the work of the Supreme Court is unacceptable in a country that calls itself a young democracy. We call for the immediate lifting of the state of emergency and the implementation of the Supreme Court order to reinstate opposition MPs and release political prisoners.

The state of emergency cannot be used as an excuse to violate the Constitution and crack down on members of civil society, the media, judges and political opponents. We encourage the regional actors to play a positive role in helping to resolve the political crisis in the Maldives. If the situation does not improve, we ask the EU to consider targeted measures in order to promote human rights and democratic principles. It is time for President Yameen to stop ruling with an iron fist and enter into a genuine dialogue with opposition parties and civil society, ensuring free and fair elections. It is in the interest of all Maldivians.

 
  
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  Cristian Dan Preda, au nom du groupe PPE. – Madame la Présidente, nous sommes bien sûr préoccupés par les récentes évolutions politiques aux Maldives. C’est pour cela que nous avons, nous le PPE, proposé ces résolutions. Le président Yameen cherche à asseoir son pouvoir autoritaire de manière brutale en annihilant toute opposition politique, en cherchant à utiliser le pouvoir judiciaire à sa guise et en obstruant toute indépendance de la presse et de la société civile. Son acte le plus récent est l’installation de l’état d’urgence, qui lui permet de supprimer le respect des libertés fondamentales.

Je crois qu’il faut avoir une réaction proportionnelle à la déviation totale de tout principe démocratique du régime de Yameen. Il serait important qu’une mission de ce Parlement se rende aux Maldives pour que nous signalions notre inquiétude quant à la situation politique actuelle. De plus, nous devons joindre nos énergies à celles d’autres acteurs régionaux, tels que l’Inde, pour soutenir un processus de retour vers le respect des normes démocratiques aux Maldives. Je ne pense pas que nous puissions nous allier, dans ce contexte, à la Chine, car Pékin ne peut en aucun cas être un partenaire pour nous en matière de démocratie et de droits de l’homme.

 
  
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  Jacques Colombier, au nom du groupe ENF. – Madame la Présidente, menaces, agressions, poursuites pénales contre l’opposition et arrestations sont monnaie courante aux Maldives. La montée de la violence et les atteintes aux droits de l’homme y sont dénoncées bien sûr à juste titre, mais il faut remonter aux sources de cette situation, qui est la pire des violences parce que pérenne, parce qu’imposée à tous. C’est celle qui est générée par la charia, par l’application intégrale de la loi islamique. Elle ravale les femmes à un rang inférieur, stigmatise et persécute les minorités chrétiennes. Tout ceci s’inscrit contre la liberté et la dignité de l’homme.

Aux Maldives, comme dans beaucoup de pays musulmans, elle est le mal intrinsèque. Aux Maldives, elle est l’envers du décor paradisiaque. Aux Maldives, des manifestants peuvent parader dans les rues en brandissant des drapeaux de Daech. Elle fait en sorte que les Maldives sont aujourd’hui parmi les plus gros pourvoyeurs de terroristes qui sévissent en Syrie et en Irak, ceux qui assassinent avec la barbarie la plus abjecte dans nos rues. Nous nous étonnerons toujours, dans cette assemblée qui se gargarise de droits de l’homme, que celle-ci ne soit jamais dénoncée en premier lieu, où que ce soit.

 
  
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  Geoffroy Didier (PPE). – Madame la Présidente, derrière l’apparence idyllique des Maldives se cache en fait une sombre réalité. La situation des droits de l’homme ne cesse de s’y détériorer.

En se servant de l’état d’urgence qui a été proclamé et, surtout, en l’instrumentalisant, les équipes du président Yameen sont en train de violer allègrement un grand nombre de droits fondamentaux. Je pense à la liberté de réunion et d’association, à la liberté d’expression, ainsi qu’au libre accès à une justice indépendante et impartiale.

Bien sûr, l’Union européenne doit utiliser tout l’arsenal juridique qui est à sa disposition pour tenter de mettre fin à cette situation. C’est d’ailleurs pourquoi j’ai choisi de suivre sans réserve l’adoption de cette résolution. Mais ne soyons pas naïfs, ne nous contentons pas d’énoncer des vœux pieux qui n’impressionneront en rien les équipes en place.

C’est la raison pour laquelle je veux aussi saisir cette occasion pour que nous alertions l’opinion publique européenne en lui disant: «Avant de vous rendre sur place, sachez-le, les Maldives ne sont plus du tout le paradis que vous croyez».

 
  
 

Pyynnöstä myönnettävät puheenvuorot

 
  
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  Stanislav Polčák (PPE). – Paní předsedající, já bych se chtěl připojit ke svým předřečníkům, pokud popisují situaci na Maledivách. Skutečně by naším klíčovým zájmem měly být svobodné volby a soudy, které jsou nezávislé a nestranné. Pan prezident Jamín postupuje proti občanské společnosti, vyhlásil výjimečný stav, který sice může skončit, každopádně samo vyhlášení výjimečného stavu ještě dále tu situaci eskalovalo.

Myslím si, že Evropské unii by slušelo, aby více působila právě na té diplomatické úrovni k uklidnění situace. Možná, že toho není příliš, co bychom mohli udělat. Měli bychom také sdělit občanům, že to nebe zalité sluncem, kde tráví své dovolené, je zemí, která vyhlašuje výjimečný stav, která chce zavést trest smrti. Myslím, že tato sdělení by měla k našim občanům dolehnout velmi naléhavě, protože situace na Maledivách je velmi složitá a je také předmětem určitých velmocenských bojů mezi Čínou a Indií. Pokud si mám vybrat, na čí straně v této situaci jsem, tak jsem samozřejmě na straně maledivských občanů a, řekněme, prozápadní demokratické Indie.

 
  
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  Neena Gill (S&D). – Madam President, a decade ago the first democratic elections and the adoption of a new constitution provided important cause for optimism on the path chosen by the Maldives. Democratic transitions take time, but as someone who has consistently called for strong EU support for the Maldives, it pains me to see the turn that has been taken over the past few years. Opposition, journalists, human rights activists, face attacks from authorities and extremists, and the recent state of emergency further encroaches upon the vital rights and freedoms.

So my questions to the Commissioner are: what measures can we take to support the UN-facilitated dialogue between all parties in the Maldives in the run-up to the elections that have to take place this year? Secondly, do you share the concerns over reports that China has despatched a fleet of 11 warships to the East Indian Ocean in a sign of support to the Maldivian authorities, further increasing military build-up in the South China Sea? I would say it is crucially important that we have regional actors who are at play, and it is important that we get support for the S&D amendment.

 
  
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  Νότης Μαριάς (ECR). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, οι Μαλδίβες είναι γνωστός τουριστικός προορισμός, όμως εκεί πλέον η παραβίαση των θεμελιωδών δικαιωμάτων είναι στην ημερήσια διάταξη. Έχουμε ένα απολυταρχικό καθεστώς του προέδρου Γιαμίν, ο οποίος μάλιστα αξιοποιεί το γεγονός ότι έχει κηρύξει κατάσταση έκτακτης ανάγκης και έτσι έχει φιμώσει πλέον τους πολιτικούς του αντιπάλους, τους bloggers, τους δημοσιογράφους. Όμως το Ανώτατο Δικαστήριο στις Μαλδίβες αποφάσισε να επαναφέρει δώδεκα τουλάχιστον βουλευτές και να τους δώσει τις έδρες τους και να ακυρώσει και διάφορες ποινικές διώξεις κατά των πολιτικών αντιπάλων του καθεστώτος. Είναι κάτι που δεν αρέσει στον πρόεδρο Γιαμίν και θέλει να επέμβει και στο Ανώτατο Δικαστήριο. Είναι προφανές ότι στη χώρα αυτή αναπτύσσεται πλέον η επιρροή του ISIS, εφαρμόζεται η σαρία, διώκονται όσοι έχουν άλλες θρησκευτικές πεποιθήσεις. Πρέπει επιτέλους να μπει τέλος στην αυθαιρεσία του καθεστώτος.

 
  
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  Carlos Iturgaiz (PPE). – Señora presidenta, como han señalado algunos compañeros en este hemiciclo, no es la primera vez que comentamos la situación en Maldivas.

Y hay que decir que en ese pequeño país que son las islas Maldivas siguen sin darse los mínimos para ser una democracia: no se respetan los derechos humanos, se intervienen desde el Gobierno las instituciones judiciales y, además, se persigue a políticos y periodistas por levantar la voz contra el Gobierno de ese pequeño país - Gobierno autoritario y dictatorial, no lo olvidemos.

Y por todo eso es tan importante apoyar esta propuesta de Resolución, señora presidenta, porque debemos recordar que este país, Maldivas, recibe muchas ayudas económicas de las instituciones europeas y no las invierte ni en democracia ni en respeto de los derechos humanos ni en libertad religiosa, sino que, lejos de esa libertad religiosa, cada vez más, es un nido del Dáesh, de los yihadistas extremistas que se dedican a exportar el terror por todo el mundo.

En definitiva, es un paraíso explosivo, señora presidenta.

 
  
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  Jean-Paul Denanot (S&D). – Madame la Présidente, le cas des Maldives a déjà fait l’objet d’une résolution en octobre dernier. Nous avions pu alerter sur la situation compliquée de ce pays qui connaît une dérive politique autoritaire: la séparation des pouvoirs est malmenée, le droit des minorités religieuses aussi, l’opposition est muselée.

Déjà grave, la situation s’est détériorée avec l’instauration de l’état d’urgence et son prolongement sur une base non constitutionnelle et, maintenant, avec la menace de rétablir la peine de mort.

Force est de constater que le président actuel fait monter la pression dans la perspective des élections qui doivent se tenir à l’automne prochain. Dans ce cadre-là, l’Union européenne doit être intransigeante et faire pleinement usage de tous les instruments dont elle dispose pour inciter le gouvernement des Maldives à rentrer dans les normes de fonctionnement démocratique normal: mettre un terme aux intimidations pesant sur l’appareil judiciaire et les journalistes, libérer les opposants politiques, respecter le droit des minorités et respecter le moratoire sur la peine de mort. La fermeté diplomatique devra, si nécessaire, s’accompagner de sanctions financières et du gel des avoirs à l’étranger de certains dirigeants.

 
  
 

(Pyynnöstä myönnettävät puheenvuorot päättyvät)

 
  
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  Johannes Hahn, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, honourable Members, the situation in the Maldives remains a source of concern. It has continued to deteriorate since our last debate. The European Union remains mobilised and has intensified its diplomatic actions to support democracy and the rule of law in the Maldives.

The country is an important partner for the European Union in the fight against climate change. As current Chair of the Alliance of Small Island States, the Maldives plays an important role in support of the Paris Agreement, and we are interested in deepening our cooperation in this field. At the same time, EU Member States are playing an active part in the development of tourism in the Maldives. In 2017, more than 645 000 tourists – almost 50% of visitors to the Maldives – came from Europe.

We are also interested in developing cooperation on counter-terrorism and on countering violent extremism with the Maldives. However, the EU has closely followed the recent deterioration of the situation in the Maldives and immediately informed the authorities of its concerns. A statement was issued on 6 February in reaction to the declaration of the state of emergency by the Maldivian President. Our EU Ambassador was there to deliver an EU demarche from 19-21 February. He pressed for the restoration of the functioning of the parliament, called for an immediate lifting of the state of emergency and a return to constitutional normality, respect for constitutionally-guaranteed rights and the rule of law, and the immediate release of political prisoners. He also encouraged the UN-facilitated dialogue to allow for a political solution for the preparation of credible, inclusive and transparent presidential elections.

Upon my proposal, the Council adopted conclusions on the Maldives on 26 February. It was the first time, and it sent a strong political signal in support of the return to constitutional rule of the Maldivian authorities and people. The situation is not in accordance with the principle of democratic rule and separation of powers, and if this situation does not improve, the Council may consider targeted measures. The Council underlined that the parliament and the judiciary should be enabled to return to their normal functioning, in accordance with the Constitution, and called for the immediate lifting of the state of emergency and restoration of all constitutionally guaranteed rights. The Council condemned politically motivated arrests and called for the immediate release of all political prisoners.

Since the adoption of the conclusions, the situation has not yet improved. At the request of President Yameen, the parliament renewed, on 20 February, the state of emergency for an additional 30 days. A number of fundamental constitutional rights are still suspended. To date, there has been no release of political prisoners, and former President Gayoom, who is 81 years old, has not been released from house arrest.

We commend the deployment of an electoral follow-up mission, led by honourable Member of the European Parliament, Eduard Kukan, in January 2018, which carried out an assessment of the implementation of the recommendations of the 2014 EU Electoral Observation Mission. We are looking forward to Mr Kukan’s report and call for the competent Maldivian authorities to fully consider his conclusions, with a view to organising credible, transparent and inclusive elections.

It is essential to restore constitutionally guaranteed rights and lift the state of emergency, as well as to respect and protect the rule of law, human rights and fundamental freedoms, including the freedom of expression and the right to fair trial. The EU encourages all stakeholders to work with the UN to facilitate such a dialogue, and the EU is ready to support UN facilitation. We will continue to closely follow the evolution of the situation, with a view to deciding on the next steps.

 
  
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  Puhemies. – Keskustelu on päättynyt.

Äänestys toimitetaan keskustelujen päätteeksi.

Kirjalliset lausumat (työjärjestyksen 162 artikla)

 
  
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  Krzysztof Hetman (PPE), na piśmie. – Młoda, bo zaledwie dziesięcioletnia, malediwska demokracja przeżywa obecnie ogromny kryzys. Należy jednak podkreślić, iż kryzys ten to nie tylko ostatnie kilka tygodni, które bez wątpienia stanowią eskalację problemu i są najbardziej spektakularne. Początki problemów sięgają kilka lat wstecz, gdy prezydent Yameen umacniał swoje autorytarne rządy, zakazując pokojowych demonstracji, aresztując politycznych oponentów czy zamykając niezależne media.

Uważam zatem, iż Unia Europejska musi bezkompromisowo domagać się powrotu praworządności i rzeczywistego trójpodziału władzy oraz poszanowania praw człowieka. W tym celu należy wykorzystać cały pakiet dostępnych nam narzędzi, włączając w to ewentualne zawieszenie pomocy finansowej dla Malediwów czy sankcje wobec konkretnych osób. Musimy również uważnie obserwować zbliżające się wybory prezydenckie – nie tylko w odniesieniu do samego ich przebiegu, ale również procesu zgłaszania kandydatów, istnieją bowiem uzasadnione obawy, iż niektórzy z oponentów prezydenta Yameena nie zostaną dopuszczeni do wystartowania w nich.

 

8.2. Arestarea unor apărători ai drepturilor omului din Sudan, în special cazul lui Salih Mahmoud Osman, laureat al Premiului Saharov
Înregistrare video a intervenţiilor
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  Puhemies. – Esityslistalla on seuraavana keskustelu kuudesta päätöslauselmaesityksestä ihmisoikeuksien puolustajien pidätyksistä Sudanissa ja etenkin Saharov-palkinnon saaneen Salih Mahmoud Osmanin tapauksesta (2018/2631(RSP)).

 
  
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  Jadwiga Wiśniewska, autorka. – Pani Przewodnicząca! Szanowni Państwo! Jesteśmy bardzo zaniepokojeni sytuacją w Sudanie. Prawa człowieka w Sudanie są notorycznie łamane. W związku z łamaniem praw człowieka, bardzo trudną sytuacją gospodarczą, wzrostem cen wybuchły na początku tego roku protesty, w których zginęło kilkanaście osób. Kilkadziesiąt zostało rannych. Aresztowano setki ludzi, liderów opozycji, dziennikarzy, studentów. Przetrzymuje się ich w więzieniach bez postawienia zarzutów i bez procesu. Aresztowano laureata Nagrody im. Sacharowa Saliha Mahmouda Osmana, obrońcę praw człowieka. Dlatego też za pomocą tej rezolucji chcemy bardzo stanowczo potępić przemoc sudańskiego reżimu przeciwko osobom biorącym udział w pokojowych protestach, a także chcemy wezwać władze Sudanu do poszanowania i ochrony podstawowych praw człowieka, w praw tym mniejszości narodowych, etnicznych i religijnych. Kryzys, w jakim znajduje się Sudan, zarówno ekonomiczny, jak i polityczny, nie skończy się dopóty, dopóki podstawowe prawa człowieka będą łamane. A my, jako Unia Europejska, przekazujemy tak duże pieniądze dla Sudanu, że mamy instrumenty, żeby wpływać na sudański reżim.

 
  
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  Bogdan Brunon Wenta, autor. – Przypadek Saliha Mahmouda Osmana, a także przykłady użycia siły wobec osób pokojowo protestujących, ograniczenie wolności słowa i wyznania czy represjonowanie dziennikarzy to dowody na trwający kryzys rządów prawa w Sudanie. Torturowanie osób zatrzymanych, brak informacji o miejscu zatrzymania Saliha Osmana i pozostałych aktywistów, uniemożliwianie im kontaktu z prawnikami czy z rodziną stanowią poważne nadużycia i są niezgodne ze standardami międzynarodowymi.

Jak wiadomo, część obrońców praw człowieka została zwolniona z aresztu w lutym. Jednak siłowe uwarunkowanie przez służby bezpieczeństwa wypuszczenia pozostałych zatrzymanych i zagwarantowania, że nie będą uczestniczyli w dalszych protestach pokojowych, jest sprzeczne z międzynarodowymi zobowiązaniami Sudanu w zakresie praw człowieka. Dlatego apeluję o natychmiastowe uwolnienie Saliha Mahmouda Osmana, prawnika i laureata Nagrody im. Sacharowa, oraz kilkudziesięciu innych aktywistów, którzy są przetrzymywani z powodu ich legalnej i pokojowej pracy w obronie praw człowieka i na rzecz demokracji w Sudanie.

 
  
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  Michèle Rivasi, auteure. – Madame la Présidente, nous nous retrouvons à nouveau ici pour parler du Soudan, un pays qui, de façon répétée, continue de bafouer les droits fondamentaux depuis l’accession au pouvoir du chef d’État el-Béchir, en 1989.

L’occasion qui nous est donnée d’évoquer la situation scandaleuse de Salih Mahmoud Osman, défenseur des droits humains et prix Sakharov, ne doit pas occulter la situation globale au Soudan, un pays gouverné par un dictateur, qui est toujours sous mandat d’arrêt par la Cour pénale internationale pour génocide, crimes contre l’humanité et crimes de guerre, un pays où l’on enferme systématiquement des défenseurs des droits humains, les opposants politiques ou les défenseurs des droits des femmes, un pays qui pratique ouvertement la torture, qui muselle la presse, qui restreint l’activité des ONG ou bien les expulse sans sommation.

Il faut le dire et le répéter: toute forme de coopération avec les autorités soudanaises bafoue les obligations résultant du droit international et met en danger les personnes livrées par les autorités européennes au dictateur Omar el-Béchir. Depuis le processus de Khartoum, des États membres collaborent ouvertement avec un régime criminel dans la gestion d’une politique migratoire de toute façon honteuse.

L’Union européenne met plus de 200 millions de dollars dans le cadre d’une stratégie plus large d’externalisation du contrôle... (la Présidente interrompt l’oratrice)... migratoires. Il faut donc arrêter la coopération avec le Soudan.

 
  
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  Marie-Christine Vergiat, auteure. – Madame la Présidente, fin 2017, Salih Mahmoud Osman, prix Sakharov 2007, nous alertait à Bruxelles sur les risques pour les droits de l’homme au Soudan, au regard de l’évolution de la coopération de l’Union européenne avec son pays dans le cadre du processus de Khartoum.

Début janvier, alors que le pays était de nouveau secoué par d’importantes manifestations pacifiques contre l’augmentation du coût de la vie et notamment des produits de base, il a été arrêté avec plus de 140 journalistes, leaders et militants de l’opposition, dont ceux du Parti communiste soudanais, activistes, avocats, défenseurs des droits de l’homme. Le NISS (Service national de la sûreté et du renseignement), de sinistre réputation, et les forces rapides de sécurité, anciens janjawids, agissent au mépris des lois, y compris soudanaises et c’est justement le NISS qui a arrêté Salih Osman. Il est diabétique et sa santé s’est rapidement dégradée, faute de soins. Il serait hospitalisé.

Si les relations entre l’Union européenne et le Soudan ont un sens, si elles servent à quelque chose, c’est le moment de le montrer et d’obtenir la libération de Salih Osman et de tous les prisonniers politiques au Soudan. Monsieur le Commissaire, je compte sur vous.

 
  
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  Louis Michel, auteur. – Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Commissaire, chers collègues, pour avoir exercé leur droit de manifester pacifiquement, des étudiants, des avocats, des manifestants et des défenseurs des droits humains ont été arrêtés arbitrairement, voire torturés.

En 2007, nous avons attribué le prix Sakharov à Salih Mahmoud Osman, avocat des droits de l’homme, pour son combat contre l’injustice au Soudan. Depuis plus de trois décennies, cet avocat lutte pour le rétablissement de l’état de droit dans son pays.

La situation générale des droits de l’homme au Soudan, comme cela vient d’être dit à plusieurs reprises, reste désastreuse. Le service national du renseignement et de la sécurité abuse outrageusement de ses pouvoirs étendus pour restreindre les droits politiques et civils, notamment par l’intimidation, la détention et la torture. Ce n’est évidemment pas acceptable. Je crois que la communauté internationale, au travers de cette résolution, se doit de renforcer encore bien plus la pression sur les autorités soudanaises.

 
  
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  Ana Gomes, author. – Madam President, Sakharov laureate Salih Mahmoud Osman came to the European Parliament last November to warn against the EU cooperating with tyrants under the Khartoum Process, namely with the brutal regime of Omar al-Bashir, who led wars against his own people in Darfur, in South Sudan. He was using EU funds and complacency and further repressing and oppressing the Sudanese, not deterring but instead making ever more migrants and refugees forced to flee misery and persecution. Salih was so right that he himself was again put in jail last month, as well as dozens of human rights defenders and civil society opposition activists. Well, all protests are violently silenced in Sudan. As a European, I am in pain and in shame for Salih and all the other brave Sudanese.

Commission, Council and Member States: you will betray European values, interests and the trust of EU citizens and our African friends if you do not act immediately and decisively to get Sakharov laureate Salih Mahmoud Osman and all these brave Sudanese activists out of jail, and if you do not hear their warnings and their pleas to us, and if you do not get Omar al-Bashir, indicted as a criminal by the International Criminal Court (ICC), arrested and sent to trial.

 
  
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  Pavel Svoboda, za skupinu PPE. – Paní předsedající, Súdán porušuje prakticky všechna základní lidská práva. Evropská unie musí podpořit ty, kdo v Súdánu bojují za jejich dodržování. Žádám propuštění všech, kteří jsou kvůli lidským právům nezákonně vězněni. Symbolickým zástupcem všech takto vězněných je Sálih Mahmúd Usmán, nositel Sacharovovy ceny za rok 2007.

Súdán trestá vězením a mučením uplatňování svobody slova nebo svobody shromažďování. Zásadním způsobem omezuje existenci nebo vznik nezávislého tisku, omezuje činnost mezinárodních humanitárních neziskových organizací. Nedodržuje svobodu náboženského vyznání. Ano, Súdán kriminalizuje rouhání nebo přestoupení z islámu na jiné náboženství. Křesťané v Súdánu jsou diskriminováni a spoléhají na naši pomoc. Súdán je totiž pátou nejhorší zemí světa z hlediska zajištění svobody vyznání.

 
  
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  Josef Weidenholzer, im Namen der S&D-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin! Der Sudan ist für Europa ein wichtiges Land. Das Land ist im Umbruch und mit großen Herausforderungen konfrontiert. Es beherbergt Millionen von Flüchtlingen und Vertriebenen, und es ist im Vergleich zu seinen Nachbarstaaten relativ stabil. Aber das ist eine trügerische Stabilität. Sie kann es nämlich nur geben, wenn die in diesem Land allgegenwärtige Willkür durch rechtsstaatliche Strukturen ersetzt wird und die Menschenrechte respektiert werden. Das ist noch ein sehr langer und weiter Weg.

Ich war mit einer Delegation des Unterausschusses für Menschenrechte im Dezember im Sudan und konnte mich davon überzeugen, dass dieses Problem vielen Menschen durchaus bewusst ist. Wir trafen auch mit verschiedenen Menschenrechtsaktivisten zusammen, die ihre Sorgen, aber auch ihre Hoffnungen mit uns teilten. Sie setzen ihre ganzen Hoffnungen auf Europa, insbesondere auf das Europäische Parlament. Daher ist unsere heutige Entschließung, in der wir die sofortige Freilassung von Salih Mahmoud Osman fordern, so wichtig und zentral.

 
  
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  Krzysztof Hetman (PPE). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Szanowni Państwo! Działania władz w Sudanie polegające na systematycznych represjach członków opozycji demokratycznej oraz na łamaniu praw człowieka wymagają reakcji społeczności międzynarodowej. Uwięzienie Saliha Mahmouda Osmana jest jaskrawym, ale niestety zaledwie jednym z wielu przypadków stosowania przemocy przez sudański rząd. W wyniku styczniowych protestów zatrzymanych zostało także ponad 140 innych działaczy praw człowieka i opozycjonistów. Zatrzymania przebiegały z użyciem siły. Dochodzą do nas też raporty o stosowaniu tortur wobec aresztowanych. Dialog z sudańskimi władzami jest potrzebny, ale musi być bardziej zdecydowany. Jednak uważam, że w sytuacji, gdy ignorują one zalecenia społeczności międzynarodowej, jak chociażby poprzez odrzucanie rekomendacji ONZ w maju 2016 r., powinniśmy przede wszystkim ukierunkować nasze wsparcie na lokalnie działających obrońców praw człowieka i społeczeństwo obywatelskie. Uważam, że Unia Europejska musi na tym polu wspierać Organizację Narodów Zjednoczonych i Unię Afrykańską.

 
  
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  Julie Ward (S&D). – Madam President, I was humbled to meet Salih Mahmoud Osman last December when he came to visit the European Parliament. Ten years after receiving the Sakharov Prize, the arrest of Mr Osman is unacceptable. As part of a crackdown against free voices in Sudanese society, peaceful protesters demonstrating against rising prices are arrested. The situation in the country is very worrying, as widespread violations of human rights are reported on a daily basis.

The High Representative must use all means at her disposal to urge the Sudanese authorities to release Mr Osman and all political prisoners. I also repeat my call to the EU and Member States to step up efforts in presenting Mr al-Bashir to the International Criminal Court. He must be brought to justice regarding the grave accusations of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity filed against him.

I would also like to thank NGOs such as Front Line Defenders and Waging Peace, without whom we could not do our important work of standing up for human rights. Waging Peace in particular drew attention to Boris Johnson’s support of the UK-Sudan Trade and Investment Forum, billed as ‘an opportunity for foreign business and investors’. Be quite clear: there must be no trade that disregards human rights.

 
  
 

Pyynnöstä myönnettävät puheenvuorot

 
  
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  Michaela Šojdrová (PPE). – Paní předsedající, důvodem naší urgentní rezoluce je zatýkání stovek lidí, kteří manifestují v Súdánu za svá lidská práva. Mezi zadrženými jsou akademici, novináři, studenti a také bojovníci za práva vyznání, svobody vyznání, křesťané. Nejznámějším jménem je advokát Sálih Mahmúd Usmán, který zastupuje a obhajuje obhájce lidských práv. Je vážně nemocný a chybí mu lékařská péče. Svědčí také o tom, že lidé ve vězení jsou mučeni, a proto musíme zvednout hlas za to, aby Sálih Mahmúd Usmán byl co nejdříve osvobozen. On nás vyzývá, abychom neopouštěli obyvatele Dárfúru, a tak mu vzkazujeme: „Vážený Sálihu Usmáne, my neopouštíme a vyzýváme súdánskou vládu, aby okamžitě propustila Vás i další vězněné.“

 
  
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  Juan Fernando López Aguilar (S&D). – Señora presidenta, señor comisario Hahn, en un debate, ayer por la tarde, tuve ocasión de afirmar que la defensa europea de las libertades requiere periodistas libres de amenazas, pero también abogados y activistas de derechos humanos libres de amenazas.

Y eso concierne a la política interior de la Unión Europea, cuando se trata de asegurar la cooperación judicial y en el marco de la euroorden, para impedir la impunidad, pero también a la política exterior europea, que tiene la obligación de dar la cara por la liberación de Mahmoud Osman, ganador del Premio Sájarov en 2007, galardonado por Human Rights Watch en 2017 y activista de derechos humanos y abogado que se ha distinguido por la defensa jurídica y por la asistencia jurídica al servicio de aquellos que ven sus libertades amenazadas en Sudán: activistas, opositores, estudiantes, académicos y periodistas reprimidos. Y este activista de derechos humanos lo paga con la represión y la cárcel.

Por tanto, la Unión Europea tiene la obligación de emplear toda su capacidad diplomática y persuasiva y el peso de su ayuda exterior para asegurar la liberación cuanto antes de Mahmoud Osman.

 
  
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  Stanislav Polčák (PPE). – Paní předsedající, já bych se chtěl připojit na stranu všech svých předřečníků, kteří kritizují situaci v Súdánu a velmi naléhavě volají po osvobození nejen pana Usmána, ale zároveň všech uvězněných a nespravedlivě mučených. Pan Usmán je pouze jeden z mnoha, myslím, že jeho příklad nás právě má dovést k tomu, abychom skutečně pozvedli svůj hlas velmi silně.

Situace v Súdánu je šílená, nejen ta hospodářská, ale zejména situace právě na poli ochrany lidských práv. Vlastně žádná lidská práva v Súdánu prakticky neexistují. Existují pouze ta práva, která odpovídají státnímu zřízení a jeho tamější ideologii. Myslím si, že bychom měli velmi silně zvážit, kam posíláme naši podporu ve formě peněz a zda ji je možno přesměrovat například na neziskové organizace, které se dnes v Súdánu potýkají s velmi výraznými problémy právě při ochraně slabých a znevýhodněných.

 
  
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  Doru-Claudian Frunzulică (S&D). – Madam President, the situation in Sudan continues to pose a threat to international peace and security in the region. Following the crackdown on peaceful protests, civil society and human rights defenders conducted by the Sudanese authorities, I strongly support the call for the unconditional release of Salih Mahmoud Osman, as well as any other human rights defenders and civil society activists who are being detained solely as a result of their legitimate and peaceful work.

All human rights defenders need to be able to perform legitimate human rights activities openly, without restrictions and without fear of reprisals. They have an essential role in ensuring democracy, human rights, the rule of law, stability and sustainable development, but this is probably too much for today’s Sudan. The Sudanese authorities have to put an end to targeting all human rights defenders and activists, conduct thorough investigations into all allegations of torture and ill-treatment, and bring the perpetrators to justice.

 
  
 

(Pyynnöstä myönnettävät puheenvuorot päättyvät)

 
  
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  Johannes Hahn, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, the European Union is looking with growing concern at the human rights situation in Sudan, in particular, at freedom of expression and freedom of assembly. The nationwide protests against the rising commodity prices, which started earlier this year, have been met with an excessive use of force by the authorities. In recent months, we have witnessed a surge in arrests and detention of, among others, human rights defenders, journalists, student activists and members of the opposition, including leaders of political parties.

Media freedom has deteriorated further, with seizures of several newspapers. Among those arrested is Mr Salih Mahmoud Osman, a well-known Sudanese human rights lawyer and the laureate of the 2007 Sakharov Prize. Despite the release of dozens of detainees in mid-February, a move which the EU welcomed, more than 100 remain in detention. The EU delegation in Khartoum is doing its utmost to keep an updated logbook of all those detained.

Specific cases of concern, like that of Mr Salih, are closely monitored and systematically raised in meetings with the Sudanese authorities. The EU delegation in Khartoum has also met the families of those detained as well as the Sudanese Human Rights Commission, whose work it continues to support. Moreover, numerous EU local statements have been issued, urging the government of Sudan to respect freedom of expression and to release all political detainees.

Furthermore, on 27 February, the EU special representative for human rights, Mr Stavros Lambrinidis, called for respect for due process for all human rights defenders in Sudan, including Mr Salih, in his speech at the UN Human Rights Council.

I would like to thank Parliament for its continued engagement, illustrated not only by today’s debate, but also for the recent statement issued by Vice—President Hautala and Pier Antonio Panzeri, Chair of the Subcommittee on Human Rights, calling for the release of Mr Salih as well as the visit of the Subcommittee on Human Rights to Sudan last December. The protection and promotion of human rights remains at the core of the EU’s engagement with Sudan, and we will continue to staunchly condemn all abuses and support brave human rights defenders.

 
  
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  Νότης Μαριάς (ECR). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, παίρνω τον λόγο να διαμαρτυρηθώ γιατί δεν μου δώσατε τον λόγο στο catch-the-eye. Το γεγονός ότι σας ξέφυγε ο χρόνος, διότι επιτρέπετε στους ομιλητές να μιλούν τουλάχιστον δεκαπέντε δευτερόλεπτα επιπλέον είναι πρόβλημα δικό σας και αυτό δεν πρέπει να είναι εις βάρος των ομιλητών. Ζήτησα εγκαίρως τον λόγο, πολύ δε περισσότερο επειδή έχω υπογράψει το ψήφισμα αυτό, και παρακαλώ την επόμενη φορά να μην έχετε διακριτική μεταχείριση εις βάρος του ECR.

 
  
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  Puhemies. – Edustaja Marias, Teidän täytyy kuitenkin tietää, että puhemies viime kädessä joutuu arvioimaan sen, kuinka paljon catch-the-eye-puheenvuoroja voidaan myöntää, ja mielestäni Te ette voi valittaa, että yleensä joutuisitte kärsimään tästä. Sitä paitsi ei ole mitään subjektiivista oikeutta catch-the-eye-puheenvuoroihin.

Te olette aivan oikeassa siinä, että puhemiehen täytyy pitää tiukasti huolta siitä, että puheajoista pidetään kiinni. On totta, että tässä keskustelussa olen joutunut ”väkivaltaisesti” keskeyttämään kolme puhujaa, eli kopauttamalla nuijaa ja sulkemalla mikrofonin, ja se ei ole hyvä asia.

Keskustelu on päättynyt.

Äänestys toimitetaan keskustelujen päätteeksi.

Kirjalliset lausumat (työjärjestyksen 162 artikla)

 
  
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  Monica Macovei (ECR), in writing. – In 2007 we awarded human rights lawyer Salih Mahmoud Osman the Sakharov Prize. Now we must defend him as he has defended so many others. He, along with other human rights defenders, opposition party leaders, journalists and students are arbitrarily detained as Sudan’s president Omar al-Bashir takes criminal action against the rights and freedoms guaranteed by the Constitution he swore to protect. Sudanese armed forces and police kill students and peaceful protesters with live ammunition, and the human rights abuses in Sudan continue to increase. The Sudanese authorities must stop these atrocities, as well as stop confiscating newspapers, harassing and imprisoning journalists, and torturing detained persons. President Omar al-Bashir must ensure that international law is being followed, and call for the Sudanese Government to stop these violations in all accounts.

 

8.3. Ucideri din milă în Uganda
Înregistrare video a intervenţiilor
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  Puhemies. – Esityslistalla on seuraavana keskustelu viidestä Ugandan armomurhia koskevasta päätöslauselmaesityksestä (2018/2632(RSP)).

 
  
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  Marek Jurek, autor. – Pani Przewodnicząca! Europa powinna być światłem dla świata. I dobrze, że dzisiaj mówimy o tych strasznych przypadkach tak zwanych zabójstw z miłosierdzia w stosunku do niepełnosprawnych dzieci w Ugandzie. I mam nadzieję, że wszyscy zgodnie w tej sprawie podejmiemy rezolucję mobilizującą władze Ugandy do przeciwdziałania.

Tylko powstaje pytanie: czy to nam czegoś nie przypomina, czy my nie widzimy podobnych rzeczy u siebie? Przecież parę miesięcy temu władze jednego z naszych największych państw, Francji, podjęły decyzję, że nie należy przyznawać statusu reklamy społecznej reklamie pokazującej szczęśliwych młodych ludzi z zespołem Downa. Dlaczego? Bo tak jak w przypadku tego pogańskiego zabobonu, to psuje samopoczucie, ich widok źle wpływa. Postawmy sobie naprawdę jedno proste pytanie – czy w dzisiejszych czasach „jądro ciemności” nie przemieściło się do naszej starej Europy?

 
  
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  Michaela Šojdrová, Autorka. – Paní předsedající, na zabíjení „z milosti“ v Ugandě nás upozornil belgický dokument a osobní svědectví naší kolegyně. Nevíme přesně, o jak časté a rozšířené případy se jedná, ale každopádně je to šokující věc, proti které musíme zvednout hlas. Jsme pochopitelně vždy proti jakémukoli násilí. Evropský parlament by měl k těmto nelidským praktikám zaujmout stanovisko ve zprávách o stavu lidských práv, o humanitární krizi v Africe a ve světě. Osobně jsem zjišťovala od lidí žijících v Ugandě, zda se s případy zabíjení „z milosti“ setkali, zda je mohou potvrdit jako vážnou hrozbu. Bylo mi odpovězeno, že existují takové případy, pracovníci ve zdravotnictví se setkali s předčasným ukončením těhotenství v případě hendikepovaných dětí nebo lidé s dlouhodobou nemocí jsou ponecháni osudu a zemřou.

Život je hoden naší ochrany od početí do přirozeného konce. Proto zvedám spolu s vámi hlas proti těmto praktikám. Prosím jen, abyste posoudili sami, zda se jedná o urgentní rezoluci stejné naléhavosti, jakou budeme přijímat proto, abychom okamžitě vyzvali súdánskou vládu k propuštění a k zastavení týraní vězňů v Súdánu. Jako zpravodajka za skupinu Evropské lidové strany doporučuji proto se při hlasování zdržet, ale zároveň chci poděkovat paní navrhovatelce, kolegyni ze skupiny Aliance liberálů a demokratů pro Evropu, že na tento případ upozornila.

Nejsem formalistka, nejde jen o to, že nám chybí konkrétní jména, události či svědectví. Jde mi o to, aby urgentní zprávy zůstaly urgentními a tedy silným nástrojem Evropského parlamentu k okamžitým zásahům. Ať už přijmeme tuto zprávu nebo ne, vyzývám k této diskusi Evropskou komisi, aby situaci monitorovala, zjistila, jak rozšířená je tato praxe a zda se jedná o systémovou, nikoliv nahodilou záležitost. Na základě těchto faktů by pak Evropská komise měla jednat s ugandskými úřady o zastavení nepřijatelné nelidské praxe.

 
  
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  Lola Sánchez Caldentey, autora. – Señora presidenta, el asesinato de niños discapacitados en zonas rurales de Uganda responde a la carencia de un Estado social fuerte, y no son las únicas violaciones de derechos humanos que ocurren en este país.

La pobreza extrema se debe al control del país por parte de una oligarquía. El presidente Museveni lleva en el poder treinta años. La Unión Europea consideró fraudulentas las últimas elecciones en las que ganó y, desde entonces, el país ha incrementado su tendencia autoritaria.

La libertad de expresión en Uganda no existe: muchos críticos con el Gobierno están encarcelados, cuando no han sido asesinados. También hay presos políticos.

La cuestión de género es dramática: los datos sobre feminicidios son escalofriantes.

Pese a todo, la Unión Europea esto no lo ve y apoya al Gobierno ugandés como un socio que actúa de tapón de personas migrantes hacia Europa.

En Uganda hay más de un millón de refugiados procedentes de Sudán y de Somalia. La Unión Europea debería primar la promoción y el respeto de los derechos en su acción exterior, y no subordinar esa cooperación a sus propios intereses geoestratégicos y de seguridad. Estamos cansados de repetirlo.

 
  
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  Hilde Vautmans, Auteur. – Voorzitter, Karin is drie jaar oud. Een fantastisch mooi kind, maar geboren met klompvoetjes. Ze leeft helemaal alleen met haar moeder in extreme armoede, want haar vader en de rest van de familie hebben ze verstoten. Want een gehandicapt kind is een schande voor de familie in Oeganda en in vele Afrikaanse landen. De moeder is ten einde raad. Ze overweegt zelfs om haar kind om te brengen. Mercy killing, de zogenaamde genademoord om eigenlijk zichzelf en haar kind meer leed te besparen.

Collega's, dit is een waargebeurd verhaal uit Oeganda – voor degenen die eraan zouden twijfelen – opgetekend door onderzoeksjournalist Gerald Bareebe en naar Europa gebracht door journalist Rudi Vranckx. Voor velen – en ik hoor het hier vandaag ook – is het zoiets van: bestaat dit wel? Is dit wel waar? Het is zo wreed dat we ons moeten afvragen of het waar is. Want collega's, ik heb geen cijfers, er zijn geen statistieken, dit gebeurt in de taboesfeer. Dit is, echt waar, iets waar niemand over wil praten.

Dus laten we hier vandaag een standpunt innemen. Laten we massaal de resolutie steunen. Laten we de stilte doorbreken. Laten we de Europese Commissie vragen een onderzoek in te stellen. Laten we vragen, collega Michel, dat de Commissie ontwikkelingssamenwerking en de Commissie burgerlijke vrijheden, justitie en binnenlandse zaken, Sophie ... dat jullie dit ter hand nemen. Laten we ervoor zorgen dat de hulporganisaties families ondersteunen het taboe te doorbreken. Alle kinderen, met of zonder handicap, overal ter wereld, verdienen een waardig leven.

 
  
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  Cécile Kashetu Kyenge, Autrice. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, i diritti dei bambini, tutti i bambini, sono inviolabili.

Da qui la nostra più ferma condanna verso ogni tipo di violazione di cui sono vittime i bambini portatori di handicap, non solo in Uganda. Dobbiamo debellare questi crimini rituali, opporci a forme di superstizione barbare, combattere contro le credenze che legittimano questi fatti orribili, purtroppo a supporto dell'avidità finanziaria di persone che cercano il potere.

Il governo ugandese deve moltiplicare gli sforzi, con il sostegno prioritario dell'Unione europea, per definire ed attuare politiche volte a salvaguardare e a migliorare le condizioni dei bambini portatori di handicap, e anche ad includerli a pieno titolo nella loro società attraverso leggi che garantiscano la loro incolumità, ma anche attraverso servizi che preservino la loro integrità. Questi bambini non sono diversi dagli altri. La disabilità non deve portare alla negazione dei diritti civili ed umani fondamentali, al contrario.

 
  
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  Michela Giuffrida, a nome del gruppo S&D. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, eutanasia in greco significa "buona morte".

Per eutanasia attiva, quanto viene definito così in Uganda, ci riferiamo invece a omicidi brutali, violenti, crudeli, che nella maggior parte dei casi appunto riguardano bambini affetti da disabilità, ma anche albini e omosessuali.

In Uganda accade qualcosa di raccapricciante, e di questo si sa poco, ma si sa che la situazione è preoccupante e ricorda, a mio parere, il più buio e triste periodo dell'Europa della metà del secolo scorso, e deriva da sentimenti e motivazioni spinte, di fronte alle quali noi non possiamo restare a guardare. Si tratta del mancato rispetto dei diritti umani, di casi di bambini che vengono abbandonati al loro destino.

Cosa fa l'Unione europea? Cosa si fa per garantire la libertà di stampa e quella delle donne? Bisogna intervenire, al governo chiedere il rispetto dei diritti della persona, soprattutto dei più deboli, attraverso un supporto convinto e concreto, al più presto.

 
  
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  Marie-Christine Arnautu, au nom du groupe ENF. – Madame la Présidente, vous vous indignez à juste titre du sort réservé à de nombreux enfants handicapés en Ouganda, euthanasiés parce qu’ils sont considérés comme un poids pour la société. Ces actes plus que choquants, monstrueux, sont absolument révoltants. Et que vous le vouliez ou non, l’émotion qu’ils suscitent est un reste de l’éthique chrétienne que beaucoup ici rejettent. Malheureusement, comme souvent, les protestations qu’on entend dans cet hémicycle ne sauraient masquer l’hypocrisie du Parlement.

C’est heureux que vous condamniez l’euthanasie des enfants en Ouganda mais vous restez silencieux lorsque des gouvernements comme la Belgique et les Pays-Bas légalisent l’euthanasie, y compris des enfants.

Dans cette Union qui se gargarise tant des droits de l’homme, une société eugéniste émerge, une société qui admet qu’on puisse se débarrasser de ses anciens, mais aussi de ses handicapés via les dépistages prénataux. L’ex-conseiller de François Mitterrand, M. Attali, disait déjà en 1981: «Dès qu’il dépasse 60-65 ans, l’homme vit plus longtemps qu’il ne produit et il coûte cher à la société. [...] L’euthanasie sera un des instruments essentiels de nos sociétés futures...». Je crois que nous y sommes.

 
  
 

Pyynnöstä myönnettävät puheenvuorot

 
  
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  Stanislav Polčák (PPE). – Paní předsedající, já bych chtěl rovněž podpořit své kolegy, pokud popisovali skutky, které se dějí v Ugandě. Zabíjení „z milosti“ je pro mě stejně kruté jako vražda. Je to skutečně něco jiného než eutanazie a i ta je pro mě poněkud sporná.

Myslím si, že je to šokující a každý případ je skutečně děsivý, zvláště pokud se týká postižených, pokud se dotýká pověr, které jsou v tomto státě velmi rozšířené, dotýkají se albínů, homosexuálů. Myslím, že je důležité, abychom skutečně zjistili, jak moc časté je toto jednání, a je to naším úkolem, abychom po tom neztratili tato jednání ze zřetele a dále tlačili na vládu v Ugandě. Tlak na prezidenta musí být silný, protože se nebude týkat pouze těchto jednání, ale i mnoha politických vězňů a obecně špatné situace, která v Ugandě je.

 
  
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  Doru-Claudian Frunzulică (S&D). – Madam President, considering the hundreds of ritual killings of children – the so-called mercy killings of disabled children and women – that take place in Uganda each year, this is an abominable situation.

It is incredible that, in the 21st century, we should face such a situation. The practice is taking place mainly among the rich elite. I would like to express my concern over the lack of data, which makes the fight against this practice very difficult. There are no official numbers available, as it is the police, and not the justice system, in Uganda who investigate these phenomena.

I strongly condemn these cruel acts of violence, especially towards children, while I strongly share the opinion that it is primarily the responsibility of the state to protect its citizens, including the vulnerable. The European Union definitely has to address this situation, in one way or another, and especially with regard to the funds that the European Union is giving to the Ugandan Government.

 
  
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  Νότης Μαριάς (ECR). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, πραγματικά είναι ιδιαίτερα δύσκολο να πιστέψει κανείς αυτό το οποίο συμβαίνει στην Ουγκάντα. Και όμως συμβαίνει! Δεν αμφισβητείται. Ότι δηλαδή δολοφονούν νεογέννητα ή μεγαλύτερα παιδιά, επειδή είναι ανάπηρα· άλλες οικογένειες τα εγκαταλείπουν, τα παρατάνε να πεθάνουν. Και αυτές τις δολοφονικές πρακτικές τις ονομάζουν «ευθανασία»! Οι δολοφονικές αυτές πρακτικές πρέπει όχι μόνο να καταδικαστούν, αλλά και να τιμωρηθούν, διότι υπάρχει ένα ταμπού στην Ουγκάντα: να θεωρούν ντροπή να έχουν σε κάποια οικογένεια ένα παιδί το οποίο είναι ανάπηρο. Νομίζω ότι χρειάζεται αποφασιστική καταδίκη, παρέμβαση της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης στο θέμα αυτό. Και φυσικά δεν υπάρχουν στοιχεία, διότι κανείς δεν το αναφέρει· διότι το θεωρούν δήθεν μια πρακτική η οποία συμβαίνει. Ε λοιπόν, πρέπει αυτό να σταματήσει και άμεσα να καταδικαστεί η κυβέρνηση της Ουγκάντα.

 
  
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  Maria Heubuch (Verts/ALE). – Frau Präsidentin! Meine Fraktion ist wirklich besorgt darüber, mit welchem Mangel an Ernsthaftigkeit dieses Thema als Dringlichkeit hier ausgesucht wurde. Es gibt keine Anhaltspunkte, inwieweit das Umbringen von behinderten Kindern in Uganda verbreitet ist. Wir haben es jetzt mehrfach gehört, und lediglich ein Dokumentarfilm mit Einzelfällen war die Grundlage für diese Entscheidung. Ich möchte damit nicht das Leid dieser Kinder und dieser Familien kleinreden. Aber ein Dokumentarfilm führt jetzt dazu, dass Uganda in den Fokus der internationalen Öffentlichkeit gerät. Uganda, ein armes Land, das bereit war, mehr als eine Million Flüchtlinge aufzunehmen. Ich glaube, das ist jetzt kein Ruhmesblatt, wenn wir hier so über Uganda sprechen. Das ist auch der Grund, warum wir als Fraktion diese Entschließung nicht mit unterzeichnet haben.

 
  
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  Seán Kelly (PPE). – Madam President, the behaviour and attitudes towards children and adults with disabilities in part of Uganda is truly horrifying, as has been said. Innocent children are marginalised, stigmatised, attacked and even murdered under the guise of ‘mercy killing’. What an unmerciful abuse of the word ‘mercy’!

This is a clear and tragic case of extreme violation of the most fundamental human rights. Human rights groups have attempted to better the situation, but have at times fallen victim to violence themselves. I urge the Ugandan Government to cooperate with human rights organisations, and the EU, to develop and implement education, health and social programmes that will be effective in changing attitudes towards disabilities and supporting disabled people and their families. We cannot allow these gross abuses of human rights to continue. A huge cultural change is needed in Uganda and we must do all we can to bring it about.

 
  
 

(Pyynnöstä myönnettävät puheenvuorot päättyvät)

 
  
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  Johannes Hahn, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, honourable Members, over the years, Ugandans and partners have expressed outrage at cases of child sacrifice, essentially perpetrated by witch doctors for certain rituals. Yet, there is an equally alarming practice referred to as ‘mercy killing’. This implies parents of children with disabilities killing their children or deliberately letting them die of starvation or through the denial of medical attention.

Poverty and social stigma play a significant role, but not much information is available on the scale of the problem or the number of children concerned. In a recent documentary by a local TV station, some parents confessed to having engaged in mercy killings to save their children from severe suffering throughout their lives. Some also confessed to acts of mercy killing to save themselves from the difficulties of raising a child with a disability.

Although Uganda’s legal framework provides for the protection of children, and specifically that of children with disabilities, only limited initiatives have been taken to avert the practice. This is partly attributed to the apparent social tolerance of such killings. The situation is further complicated by the fact that people with disabilities often face marginalisation and rejection. Such entrenched social barriers, coupled with inadequate support from communities and government, as well as families, can leave carers with the feeling of having no choice.

The European Union, through the European Instrument for Democracy and Human Rights and other initiatives for the justice and law and order sector, provides support to the Government and to non-state bodies to address issues affecting children and discrimination against marginalised women and children.

We ask the Government to address the problem of mercy killings. Parents of children with disabilities need support in providing special care for these children. The Government is encouraged to put in place adequate social services, medical care, special needs education and other facilities to enable children with disabilities to enjoy the same rights as any other children. The Government should, furthermore, ensure that the perpetrators of mercy killings are brought to justice. The EU stands ready to work with the Government of Uganda in addressing this issue.

 
  
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  Puhemies. – Keskustelu on päättynyt.

Äänestys toimitetaan keskustelujen päätteeksi.

Kirjalliset lausumat (työjärjestyksen 162 artikla)

 
  
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  Rolandas Paksas (EFDD), raštu. – Žmogaus teisių apsauga ir tinkamas jų užtikrinimas yra kiekvienos valstybės pareiga ir tvaraus vystymosi pagrindas. Privalo būti kuo skubiau imtasi efektyvių veiksmų siekiant efektyviai užkirsti kelią neįgaliųjų vaikų žudymo praktikai, kildinamai iš įsitikinimo, kad tokiems vaikams geriau mirti, negu kentėti dėl skausmingos ir nepagydomos negalios. Motinos, nenužudžiusios neįgaliųjų, yra smerkiamos visuomenės. Esama problema turėtų būti sprendžiama pasitelkiant kokybiškas švietimo, mokslo priemones, pavyzdžiui, suaugusiems rengiant seminarus ir specialius mokymus, į mokyklų ir aukštųjų mokymo įstaigų programą įtraukiant paskaitas apie neįgaliųjų sveiko vystymosi visuomenėje teisę. Taip pat būtina skatinti politinį bendradarbiavimą su Uganda remiant šios šalies vyriausybės, NVO ir pilietinės visuomenės pastangas parengti ir įgyvendinti politikos priemones, skirtas neįgaliųjų poreikiams ir teisėms.

 
  
  

(Istunto keskeytettiin klo 11:55)

 
  
  

IN THE CHAIR: MAIREAD McGUINNESS
Vice-President

 

9. Reluarea şedinţei
Înregistrare video a intervenţiilor
 

(The sitting resumed at 12.01)

 
  
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  Anja Hazekamp (GUE/NGL). – Voorzitter, miljoenen dieren worden dagelijks door heel Europa gesleept. Ze staan dagenlang aan de buitengrenzen van Europa in de brandende zon te wachten.

Één miljoen burgers hebben gevraagd om een einde te maken aan deze situatie. 223 leden van dit Parlement hebben gevraagd om een speciale onderzoekscommissie. Vanmorgen hebben drie leden op de eerste rij besloten dat ze dat niet willen. En ik heb daar maar drie woorden voor: shame on you!

 
  
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  President. – Thank you. I will forward your comments to the President of Parliament.

 
  
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  Miguel Urbán Crespo (GUE/NGL). – Señora presidenta, esta noche han asesinado a la concejala del PSOL Marielle Franco en Río de Janeiro. Han asesinado a una activista, feminista, de los derechos humanos, anticapitalista; una activista asesinada en un clima de violencia política preelectoral en Brasil.

Desde aquí, nuestra solidaridad a sus compañeros y a sus compañeras y, sobre todo, nuestra condena, firme, desde el Parlamento Europeo, a este clima de violencia en Brasil.

 
  
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  Daniele Viotti (S&D). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, volevo comunicare a Lei e alla Presidenza che ieri si è svolto un fatto veramente increscioso in questo palazzo, perché durante la conferenza stampa di un nostro ex collega, l'onorevole Salvini, la claque che si è portato dietro l'onorevole Salvini ha impedito alla stampa di fare domande e alla stampa di chiedere le cose che dovevano essere chieste. Sono stati anche minacciati fisicamente dei giornalisti all'interno di questo palazzo, è stato impedito ai giornalisti di fare delle domande. Io chiedo che si intervenga su questo.

 
  
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  Clare Moody (S&D). – Madam President, I am speaking on behalf of my colleagues, Julie Girling, Molly Scott Cato, and myself. We all represent Salisbury, in the south-west of England. It is also the city where I live. As British pro-EU MEPs, the Brexit resolution meant this has been a difficult week, but the unwavering solidarity ...

(Interruption by the President)

 
  
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  President. – Could I just say to you that this is a disgrace. The lady is making a statement about a serious issue. Please listen.

(Applause)

 
  
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  Clare Moody (S&D). – Madam President, as I said, as British pro-EU MEPs, the Brexit resolution meant this has been a difficult week, but the unwavering solidarity we have received from this Chamber, in the face of the nerve agent attack, has been deeply appreciated. Our constituents will be reassured by your determination to work with us to ensure their future security.

(Applause)

 
  
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  President. – Thank you, Ms Moody. You can hear the applause.

Excuse me, Madam, I am going to call you. Madam Atkinson would you please take the floor now – with a point of order I hope.

 
  
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  Janice Atkinson (ENF). – Madam President, can I ask whether Ms Moody condemns her party leader for not condemning what is going on in Russia, and I would say to you, colleagues, I’m flying to Russia this afternoon ...

(The President cut off the speaker)

 
  
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  President. – Colleagues, this is not question time or a debate. I will now move to the vote.

(Applause)

 

10. Votare
Înregistrare video a intervenţiilor
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  President. – I have started the vote so I am going to go through this vote.

Mr Coburn, I am going to continue this vote. I will come to you at the end. Please resume your seat.

 

10.1. Situația din Maldive (RC-B8-0168/2018, B8-0168/2018, B8-0169/2018, B8-0171/2018, B8-0172/2018, B8-0174/2018, B8-0175/2018, B8-0176/2018) (vot)
 

– After the vote:

 
  
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  David Coburn (EFDD). – Madam President, thank you. That was very gracious. It is a serious point of order. Ms Moody’s was not a point of order. This was a political speech, not a point of order, and she should not have been allowed to do that.

 
  
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  Enrique Calvet Chambon (ALDE). – Señora presidenta, me parece que no hemos votado, en el apartado 7, el texto original, lo cual invalidaría el resultado de la votación.

Compruébelo, por favor.

 
  
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  President. – Just to clarify that we voted on amendment 3, which was adopted, and therefore the original text fell. Thank you for double checking.

 

10.2. Arestarea unor apărători ai drepturilor omului din Sudan, în special cazul lui Salih Mahmoud Osman, laureat al Premiului Saharov (RC-B8-0159/2018, B8-0159/2018, B8-0160/2018, B8-0161/2018, B8-0162/2018, B8-0163/2018, B8-0164/2018) (vot)

10.3. Ucideri din milă în Uganda (RC-B8-0165/2018, B8-0165/2018, B8-0166/2018, B8-0167/2018, B8-0170/2018, B8-0173/2018) (vot)

10.4. Acordul de parteneriat în sectorul pescuitului UE/Comore: denunțare (A8-0058/2018 - João Ferreira) (vot)

10.5. Acordul de parteneriat în sectorul pescuitului UE/Comore: denunțare (rezoluție) (A8-0055/2018 - João Ferreira) (vot)

10.6. Europass: un cadru pentru abilități și calificări (A8-0244/2017 - Thomas Mann, Svetoslav Hristov Malinov) (vot)

10.7. Programul „Europa creativă” (2014-2020) (A8-0369/2017 - Silvia Costa) (dezbatere)

10.8. Stabilirea sediului Agenției Europene pentru Medicamente (A8-0063/2018 - Giovanni La Via) (vot)
 

– Before the vote:

 
  
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  Giovanni La Via, relatore. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, il Parlamento europeo non può essere chiamato ad apporre timbri su decisioni altrui, tra l'altro prese informalmente a margine di incontri ministeriali senza una base giuridica legalmente vincolante, e per di più attraverso un sorteggio.

Per questi motivi, insieme ai colleghi di tutti i gruppi politici, che ringrazio per la collaborazione, abbiamo deciso di ricordare le prerogative di colegislatore del Parlamento europeo e insistere sul pieno rispetto della procedura legislativa ordinaria in relazione all'ubicazione degli organismi e delle agenzie europee.

Infatti, in quanto unica istituzione direttamente eletta che rappresenta i cittadini dell'Unione, il Parlamento è il primo garante del rispetto del principio democratico, e intendiamo far nostro questo principio con il voto di oggi, in cui diciamo sì alla sede individuata, ma un sì condizionato al rispetto delle regole e dei tempi necessari a garantire la piena operatività dell'agenzia.

Questa, però, per quanto ci riguarda, sarà l'ultima volta. Aspettiamo un confronto in sede negoziale per ribadire il ruolo che il Parlamento europeo merita e che si vede riconosciuto dai trattati.

 
  
 

– After the vote, request for referral back to committee:

 
  
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  Giovanni La Via, rapporteur. – Madam President, I ask for the referral of the matter back to the committee for interinstitutional negotiation in accordance with Rule 59, paragraph 4, subparagraph 4.

 

10.9. O bază fiscală consolidată comună a societăților (A8-0051/2018 - Alain Lamassoure) (vot)

10.10. O bază fiscală comună a societăților (A8-0050/2018 - Paul Tang) (vot)

10.11. Orientări pentru bugetul 2019 – Secțiunea III (A8-0062/2018 - Daniele Viotti) (vot)
 

– Before the final vote:

 
  
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  Reinhard Bütikofer (Verts/ALE). – Madam President, have we voted on paragraph 39?

 
  
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  President. – Yes we did.

 

10.12. Situația din Siria (RC-B8-0139/2018, B8-0139/2018, B8-0141/2018, B8-0142/2018, B8-0143/2018, B8-0144/2018, B8-0146/2018, B8-0150/2018) (vot)

10.13. Amenințarea lansată de guvernul SUA la adresa sistemului de sprijin al UE pentru agricultori în cadrul PAC (în contextul măslinelor spaniole) (B8-0137/2018, B8-0137/2018, B8-0138/2018, B8-0145/2018, B8-0147/2018, B8-0148/2018, B8-0149/2018, B8-0151/2018) (vot)

10.14. Responsabilitatea socială a întreprinderilor (B8-0140/2018, B8-0152/2018, B8-0153/2018, B8-0154/2018, B8-0155/2018, B8-0156/2018, B8-0157/2018, B8-0158/2018) (vot)
 

– Before the vote:

 
  
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  Enrique Calvet Chambon (ALDE). – Señora presidenta, ruego a sus señorías, en aplicación del artículo 190, apartado 4, del Reglamento interno, que acepten posponer la votación de este punto, además de, por supuesto, dilatar la fase de enmiendas ampliando el plazo para su presentación. El motivo para ello es que hemos tenido 36 horas prácticamente para trabajar sobre un tema tan importante por encargo de la Conferencia de Presidentes y hemos llegado a la conclusión —la gran mayoría de los grupos— de que, en un tema tan delicado, nuevo, complejo e importante, como es el de la responsabilidad social de las empresas, probablemente podremos alcanzar —lo digo como coordinador encargado de intentar lograr una resolución común—, por lo menos, más puntos en común si podemos debatir con más tiempo.

Por lo tanto, ruego a sus señorías que acepten, sobre la base del mencionado artículo, el aplazamiento de la votación.

 
  
 

Parliament approved the request

 

11. Comunicarea Preşedintelui
Înregistrare video a intervenţiilor
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  President. – Could I ask for your attention for a special announcement please. Members, we often forget those who work in this House. I would ask Mr José Holguera to stand, please. This is his last day in Strasbourg before retirement.

(Applause)

This gentleman – because this is a gentleman, I have checked his credentials – has been in charge of the plenary Minutes and has worked for Parliament, mostly for plenary sittings, for 32 years.

Mr Holguera, enjoy your break and thank you for your services.

(Sustained applause)

 

12. Explicații privind votul
Înregistrare video a intervenţiilor

12.1. Europass: un cadru pentru abilități și calificări (A8-0244/2017 - Thomas Mann, Svetoslav Hristov Malinov)
Înregistrare video a intervenţiilor
 

Oral explanations of vote

 
  
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  Момчил Неков (S&D). – Г-жо Председател, подкрепих доклада за реформата на обща рамка за предоставяне на по-добри услуги в областта на уменията и квалификациите, защото той акцентира върху два много важни момента.

На първо място трябва да отбележим, че в сегашната си форма документите „Европас“ се използват предимно от високообразовани хора за сметка на трайно безработните, нискоквалифицираните и хората с увреждания. Една от целите на реформата е именно подобряване на достъпността. Всеки млад човек, независимо от икономическата и социална ситуация, в която се намира, трябва да има равен достъп до възможностите за стажове и работа.

На второ място, всички знаем колко важна е автобиографията при кандидатстване за работа. Уменията, придобити от доброволчество или престой в чужбина например, могат да се окажат много по-ценни за един работодател в сравнение с една допълнителна магистратура. С реформата автобиографията „Европас“ ще бъде персонализирана, което означава, че младите хора ще могат да изтъкват свои умения и компетентности, които са усвоили извън училище или университета.

 
  
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  Ангел Джамбазки (ECR). – Г-жо Председател, уважаеми колеги, гласувах в подкрепа на този толкова важен доклад „Европас“, защото е важна онлайн платформа за консолидиране на ресурсите на Европейския съюз, свързани с умения и квалификации, самооценки и информация за възможностите за обучение в Европейския съюз.

С модернизацията на текста всички наши граждани ще могат да използват разширения портал с електронни инструменти, за да документират и представят всичките си умения и квалификации, както и образователно-професионалния опит. Обновеният инструмент значително ще опрости образователната и професионалната мобилност в цяла Европа, което е напълно необходимо.

Нашите приоритети в преговорите бяха защита на личните данни, повишената видимост на платформата и най-високите стандарти за достъпност на хората с увреждания. Ще ги видите отразени в окончателната версия на текста. Важно е нашите граждани да разполагат с най-добрите и лесни за употреба инструменти, за да покажат своите умения и своите квалификации в най-добрата възможна светлина.

 
  
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  Seán Kelly (PPE). – Madam President, I voted in favour of this report. I welcome revision of the Europass framework and the opportunity to increase transparency of skills and qualifications across Europe. Europass is the top European initiative for documenting skills, qualifications and professional experience. This report is a significant step in ensuring we use this framework to the best of our ability for the benefit of all EU citizens.

The revision of Europass brings with it many important advantages. It will allow for the inclusion of non-formal skills and newer skills such as digitalisation. Development of the framework will allow citizens to use online services, such as the creation of an e—portfolio and skills assessment.

Dá bhrí sin, vótáil mé ina fabhar mar is tuarascáil an-mhaith í agus tá súil agam go n-éireoidh léi.

 

12.2. Programul „Europa creativă” (2014-2020) (A8-0369/2017 - Silvia Costa)
Înregistrare video a intervenţiilor
 

Oral explanations of vote

 
  
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  Jan Zahradil (ECR). – Paní předsedající, já jsem si tu zprávu přečetl s velkým pobavením. Já jsem hlasoval proti ní. Jsou tam takové úžasné věci, jako třeba European Union Youth Orchestra. Já proti tomu samozřejmě nic nemám, ale když tady čtu, že tento orchestr, jehož patronem je předseda Evropského parlamentu a předseda Evropské komise, v roce 2014 nesplnil kritéria pro financování a že tedy lobboval u pana Junckera a pan Juncker tam orchestr ve své kapacitě zařadil zpátky jakožto těleso, které je způsobilé obdržet přímé finanční dotace, a že je to asi 600 000 EUR za rok, tak se opravdu musím smát, jaké velmi roztodivné projekty tento titul Kreativní Evropa skrývá. To by se spíš mělo jmenovat kreativní Juncker a já mám velké pochyby o tom, zda to stojí za podporu, takže jsem hlasovat proti tomuto celému tisku.

 
  
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  Ангел Джамбазки (ECR). – Г-жо Председател, уважаеми колеги, подкрепих доклада, тъй като той предлага създаването на орган, определен с основен акт и следователно отговарящ на условията за финансиране чрез статут, а ние гарантираме неговото продължаване и неговата следваща дейност. Важно е да не забравяме, че този орган е създаден през 1976 г.

След промяната на културната политика на Европейския съюз през 2014 г., която преди това беше подкрепена от фондовете на Съюза като посланик на културата, финансирането ще бъде достъпно само чрез „Творческа Европа“. След трудния период от гледна точка намирането на подходящо финансиране ние сме в позиция и в момент, в които имаме правомощия да осигурим приемственост на този орган и да въплъщава пълния спектър от културни разнообразия, които представляват Европейския съюз.

 
  
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  Seán Kelly (PPE). – Madam President, I welcome this report, which aims to solidify the European Union Youth Orchestra’s status and ensure its continuation long into the future. The European Union Youth Orchestra has been supported by the Creative Europe programme in various ways in the past and it is imperative that we create a legally sound and transparent solution to ensure sustainable support for the orchestra in the long term.

The orchestra has been a great way to bring musicians across the continent together. Regular training is provided for young musicians and there are countless performance opportunities in festivals and tours within the EU and at international level. This is an excellent way to teach young people professionalism and provide them with the skills necessary for a career in the cultural and creative sector. The orchestra’s 3 000 alumni have gone on to work with major orchestras around the world, and I for one would love to see young Irish musicians given more opportunities to showcase their talents like this.

Hopefully the orchestra will have an opportunity to play Dóchas Linn Naomh Pádraig on St Patrick’s Day.

D’aontódh tú leis sin, a Uachtaráin.

 

12.3. O bază fiscală consolidată comună a societăților (A8-0051/2018 - Alain Lamassoure)
Înregistrare video a intervenţiilor
 

Oral explanations of vote

 
  
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  Jan Zahradil (ECR). – Paní předsedající, já samozřejmě uznávám nutnost boje proti takzvaným daňovým rájům, i když je velká otázka, co to vlastně je, daňový ráj. Já myslím, že za daňový ráj určitě nemůžeme označovat zemi, která si rozhodnutím vlastních autonomních ústavních orgánů, vlastní vlády, vlastního parlamentu udržuje nižší daně, než je třeba průměr Evropské unie. Já naopak daňovou konkurenci považuji za zdravou a považuju ji za motor evropské ekonomiky a růstu ekonomik jednotlivých států.

Jakékoliv snahy o vytváření společných daňových základů já považuji za jakési postupné, plíživé vlamování se do daňové suverenity členských zemí. Myslím, že tím to nekončí, tím to jenom začíná, že od těch základů se potom dostaneme k daňovým sazbám, napřed k daním nepřímým, potom k daním přímým, a proto jsem tuto zprávu podpořit nemohl. Myslím, že je to otevírání Pandořiny skříňky a že je to velmi nebezpečné.

 

12.4. O bază fiscală comună a societăților (A8-0050/2018 - Paul Tang)
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Oral explanations of vote

 
  
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  Gerolf Annemans (ENF). – Voorzitter, de Europese Unie trekt hier vandaag de vennootschapsbelasting naar zich toe.

In België hebben we circa twintig decennia lang een beweging gekend voor meer Vlaamse autonomie, meer autonomie voor Vlaanderen. Een Vlaamse beweging die die evolutie heeft zien stilleggen door de huidige Belgische regering, die op een nogal brutale manier een eind heeft gemaakt aan die evolutie.

Maar tot voor enkele jaren was de kern van die autonomiebeweging fiscale autonomie. Dat was de spits. En de gedachte daarachter was heel simpel: met fiscale autonomie zal Vlaanderen beter in staat zijn om welvaart en economische ontwikkeling voor de Vlaamse bevolking te waarborgen. Dus we probeerden als Vlaamse beweging die bevoegdheden terug te krijgen van België.

Nu gaan we ze zien verdwijnen naar Europa, terwijl zeven nationale parlementen zich daartegen hebben verzet. Het is een schandaal en geen goede evolutie. We hadden een andere oplossing moeten vinden voor de problemen die we voor ons hadden. Ik hoop dat hier snel een einde aan komt, want dit is niet wat we willen.

 

12.5. Orientări pentru bugetul 2019 – Secțiunea III (A8-0062/2018 - Daniele Viotti)
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Oral explanations of vote

 
  
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  Момчил Неков (S&D). – Г-жо Председател, уважаеми колеги, дадох подкрепата си за доклада относно общите насоки за изготвяне на бюджета за 2019 година, защото напълно подкрепям тезата, че когато Съветът предлага нови политически приоритети, следва да бъдат финансирани с нови бюджетни кредити. Създаването на условия за реализация и разгръщане на потенциала на младите хора в Европейския съюз би следвало, когато се правят програми за тях и са приоритет, да получават сериозна финансова подкрепа от бюджета на Европейския съюз.

Вместо това се налага практиката всяка нова инициатива да бъде финансирана за сметка на съществуващи програми, които са доказали своята добавена стойност. Такъв е примерът с Европейския корпус за солидарност. Аз напълно заставам зад инициативата, която ще позволи на млади хора от целия Европейски съюз да участват в доброволчески дейности и допринасят за социалнополезни каузи. Това обаче не трябва да бъде в ущърб на Еразъм+, която е доказано най-успешната програма на Европейския съюз в областта на младежта и образованието.

 

12.6. Situația din Siria (RC-B8-0139/2018, B8-0139/2018, B8-0141/2018, B8-0142/2018, B8-0143/2018, B8-0144/2018, B8-0146/2018, B8-0150/2018)
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Oral explanations of vote

 
  
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  Andrejs Mamikins (S&D). – Madam President, the conflict in Syria is probably the most outrageous disaster we are confronted with. This resolution has a critical meaning not only for Syrians and for the Middle East region, but also for Europe and the future security structure in the world.

When we take a decision on Syria with the scope to target Assad’s regime, in practice, we make an impact on a very fragile regional framework that will determine our future safety. From this consideration, I voted against this resolution. The report in the way it has been drafted puts the EU on the side of the problem and not on the side of the solution.

Let us ask ourselves what concrete results we managed to achieve by introducing restrictive measures against Syrian officials. Is the EU really acquiring the face of diplomacy, and can we really call our approach inclusive and multilateral if we exclude big players such as Russia or Iran? That is why again and again, I voted against this resolution.

 
  
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  President. – We did not vote on corporate social responsibility so we should not have an explanation of vote on that.

 

13. Corectările voturilor şi intenţiile de vot: a se vedea procesul-verbal
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(The sitting was suspended at 12.47)

 
  
  

VORSITZ: RAINER WIELAND
Vizepräsident

 

14. Reluarea şedinţei
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(Die Sitzung wird um 15.03 Uhr wieder aufgenommen.)

 

15. Aprobarea procesului-verbal al şedinţei precedente: a se vedea procesul-verbal
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16. Rezerva de performanță pentru fondurile ESI (dezbatere)
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  Der Präsident. – Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Aussprache über die Anfrage zur mündlichen Beantwortung an die Kommission über die leistungsgebundene Reserve der ESI-Fonds von Iskra Mihaylova im Namen des Ausschusses für regionale Entwicklung (O-000005/2018 - B8-0006/2018) (2018/2546(RSP)).

 
  
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  Lambert van Nistelrooij, replacing the author. – Mr President, thank you for having this specific point together with Johannes Hahn, the former commissioner for regional policy. Mr Hahn, I remember that you were always there when we were negotiating on the regulations for this period, 2014-2020, and that you were in the debate when we talked about the performance reserve. The performance reserve is really an innovation. We talk in this House about performance-based budgeting; we talk about the fact that those partners in the Member States, regional cities and Member States themselves reach the milestones and they are rewarded for it. It is to praise those who really perform and to give them another incentive to do their utmost.

And what happens now? Now we stand with the question: what’s the point? The Regional Development Committee wants to test the Commission on the feasibility, to do a reality check on the performance reserve. As the President already said, it’s about the ESI funds, it’s about the Regional Development Fund, about the European Social Fund and the Cohesion Fund... and in these funds we put aside EUR 21 billion. That’s 6% of the whole budget for the 7 years, for the best to serve the best.

Parliament, already last year – it was in Westphal report, on 13 June last year – established their building blocks for the rest of the period and gave a glimpse into the next period. Parliament there said that we wanted to have quicker decision-making, a faster track if possible, for this reserve that we had made. Since then we have had no answer from the European Commission on this point. So we want to hear clearly what the Commission is willing to do. The questions are clear. First, does the Commission intend to commence performance earlier when those programmes in the Member States are ahead of schedule and the evaluation can be done earlier. Second, depending on the outcome of any such anticipated performance review, is the Commission willing to release the performance reserves earlier?

Next year, we go to the citizens. We have our elections. We did our negotiating in the year 2013; in 2014 we started; 2016... 2017... 2018, and now we have to wait until 2019 to have an evaluation, and then this money that’s already in the envelope of the Member States can be committed to be spent later in 2021-22-23.

How can I explain to my voters that Europe delivers, that Europe has better regulation, that Europe has an open ear and delivers, where companies and schools and public authorities take the right path? So this is the question: where is the flexibility on the side of the Commission? But then something happened: the Commission itself came forward in December with a new proposal to take the money of the performance reserve, and they had the intention, and I quote the College, to test the main features of the reform delivery tool in a pilot already in 2018-2020. And that was for quite another goal: to prepare countries, if they want to, to join the eurozone. And this got us to the question: what are we doing with the performance reserve? Who can explain this way of acting?

So this is the question the REGI Committee wants to bring forward and I hope that you can come with at least a clear message – because it was so silent, it was too silent. We were surprised when near St. Nicholas, at the beginning of December, we got this present and we didn’t understand it anymore.

 
  
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  Johannes Hahn, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, indeed it’s a kind of coming home to participate again in a debate about structural funds and regional policy, and everything which is related to this. It’s also good to see some well—known faces again here in the plenary.

I am speaking primarily representing my successor and I don’t want to intervene too much, but there is a common Commission view, of course, on this issue. I would really like to emphasise – and to begin this intervention by underlining – that the applicable provisions of the common provisions regulation as adopted by the co-legislators don’t foresee an earlier performance review, or an earlier release of the performance reserve. Hence, it would be necessary to amend these provisions if the performance review was to be carried out ahead of the deadlines specified in the current legislation. The Commission does not intend to propose such a change in the current provisions applicable to the date of the performance assessment and the allocation of the reserve for the following reasons:

First, the rate of project selection is an important indicator of progress of programmes and of their potential final achievements, but it’s not an automatic or a sufficient guarantee that the physical and financial intermediate objectives, so—called milestones, of the programmes measured by the performance framework will be achieved. Moreover, the so—called selection rate is not among the indicators included in the performance frameworks and the performance reserve may be released only when and if all indicators included in the performance framework meet the milestones in line with the applicable legal provisions.

Secondly, in order to avoid excessive burden on Member States and regions, reporting on the achievement of milestones takes place in the framework of the annual implementation reports. Any anticipated performance review would require separate reporting on the achievement of the milestones to take place before that date. Moreover, the performance framework and performance reserve are included in the programmes at the level of priority axes, and anticipated performance reviews may therefore result in a situation where some priority axes in one programme receive their reserve while others have still to undergo another performance review in 2019. This would therefore add complexity to the system and increase the burden on Member States and regions without bringing tangible benefits.

Therefore, the Commission doesn’t intend to use its right of initiative to propose amendments to these rules as the potential benefits are significantly outweighed by the associated disadvantages, such as administrative burden, complexity, inconsistency across Member States and programmes, and unplanned changes to the indicative budgetary profile. The additional work for the legislators to process a potential amendment comes in addition to this. Having said that, the Commission stands ready to listen and to discuss specific ideas to improve this instrument with the European Parliament.

 
  
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  Lambert van Nistelrooij, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Mr President, thank you for giving me the floor again for the PPE Group. There are, of course, no inconsistencies between the two stories. You can understand that. We think – and we want to underline this – that the visibility of our policy should be underlined. With all the complexities maybe we have created a very heavy instrument with this performance reserve, but that does not mean that, in the sense of better regulation and even on the request of a Member State, it can present these milestones on the priority axes at the speed we need. So there should be flexibility and I am happy that the total silence until now on this subject in this House is broken and that you are offering us this dialogue. We will definitely take it.

Secondly, this debate is also in the framework of the new proposal by the Commission, and I can say that, if nothing is moving and no flexibility is coming from the performance reserve, I think that we will have serious doubts as to whether we have to be positive on the extent of the proposal that the Commission made in December alone. If you don’t move on the one side and you add full flexibility on the other side, I don’t think that the College is being consistent. So we have to speak. Otherwise it won’t fly.

 
  
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  Nicola Caputo, a nome del gruppo S&D. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, ogni Stato membro dispone di una riserva di efficacia dall'attuazione dei fondi strutturali e di investimento europei pari al 6 % delle risorse stanziate.

Alcuni paesi hanno già adottato decisioni per oltre il 70 % della spesa relativa alle rispettive assegnazioni al Fondo di sviluppo regionale e al Fondo sociale. Tuttavia, in seguito alla risoluzione di questo Parlamento, adottata quasi un anno fa, sulla costruzione di pilastri per una politica di coesione dell'Unione europea post 2020, non sono pervenute ulteriori informazioni in merito allo sblocco della riserva di efficacia.

La Commissione deve assolutamente, a mio avviso, sbloccare tale riserva, anticipando la verifica dell'efficacia dell'attuazione per i programmi che sono avanti sulle scadenze previste. Tra le iniziative del pacchetto di completamento dell'Unione economica e monetaria, recentemente presentato dalla Commissione, vi è la proposta di modifica del regolamento generale sui fondi strutturali per permettere agli Stati membri di lasciare in tutto o in parte la riserva di efficacia nella disponibilità della Commissione, allo scopo di realizzare un proprio piano di riforme strutturali, che l'Europa pagherebbe attraverso una procedura semplificata e senza bisogno di cofinanziamento nazionale.

La Commissione ha anche teorizzato una bipartizione tra regioni a basso reddito e regioni a bassa crescita. Si tratta di un meccanismo che, per quanto semplice all'apparenza, può generare equivoci e perplessità, anzitutto rispetto alla nozione stessa di riforme strutturali che, per come intesa dalla Commissione, appare in completa antinomia rispetto a quella di infrastrutture.

La mia posizione è chiara, proprio perché sono consapevole del ritardo infrastrutturale che continua a penalizzare le regioni in ritardo di sviluppo – come il Mezzogiorno d'Italia, che ho il privilegio di rappresentare in quest'Aula – e delle difficoltà che quotidianamente il loro tessuto produttivo incontra, sono convinto che la politica di coesione debba perseguire, contrariamente a quanto proposto dalla Commissione, il suo fine originario: ridurre, cioè, il gap tra i territori, ma tra tutti i territori, senza distinzioni tra "buoni" e "cattivi", che nelle intenzioni di qualcuno dovrebbe tradursi in obiettivi diversi per i fondi della coesione.

Dobbiamo sgombrare il campo dall'equivoco che i fondi europei, che sicuramente possono contribuire a tanto, da soli possano fare tutto. Sarebbe un errore imperdonabile, non solo accettare, ma addirittura promuovere l'idea che essi possano diventare la riserva per tutti i bisogni e per tutte le emergenze che l'Europa si trova ad affrontare. Al contrario, cerchiamo tutti insieme di rilanciare la politica di coesione modernizzandola, riscoprendone gli obiettivi e restituendo ai territori l'unica vera politica europea di investimenti strategici di lungo periodo.

 
  
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  Kosma Złotowski, w imieniu grupy ECR. – Panie Przewodniczący! Panie Komisarzu! Środki z rezerwy na wykonanie stanowią bardzo ważne narzędzie zachęcające państwa członkowskie do szybkiego i efektywniejszego realizowania projektów finansowanych z Europejskiego Funduszu Rozwoju Regionalnego i Europejskiego Funduszu Społecznego. Zasady korzystania z tej rezerwy powinny być jasne, a państwa członkowskie powinny być informowane o jej uruchomieniu w takim momencie, który pozwoli te środki jak najlepiej wykorzystać. Komisja powinna umożliwić państwom członkowskim uruchomienie rezerwy na wykonanie, biorąc pod uwagę fakt, że znaczna część programów jest realizowana z wyprzedzeniem. Pociąga to za sobą konieczność dostosowania daty przeglądu wyników dotyczących osiągnięcia celów pośrednich, od którego zależy uruchomienie tych środków. W maju 2017 r. Parlament Europejski jednoznacznie stwierdził, że obecnie czas pomiędzy spełnieniem warunków a uwolnieniem rezerwy na wykonanie jest zbyt długi, przez co ogranicza się jej skuteczność i efektywność. Problem ten jest szczególnie widoczny teraz, gdy zbliża się koniec obecnej perspektywy budżetowej i kreślimy kształt wieloletnich ram finansowych po 2020 r. Chciałbym usłyszeć jasną deklarację Komisji w tej sprawie oraz precyzyjną odpowiedź na pytanie Komisji Rozwoju Regionalnego.

 
  
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  Ana Miranda, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Mr President, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group I would like to thank Mr van Nistelrooij for this initiative. It is important that we have the opportunity today to speak about the performance reserve for the European Structural Funds. Commissioner Hahn, you may remember that the Verts/ALE Group supported the performance reserve in the current funding period. We are convinced that it’s very useful for the quality of the funding programmes. It is based on a new focus on results and milestones that have to be achieved. Some – if not all – regions and territories have done their job and are working hard towards the results by putting in place support for energy transition, creating new jobs and continuing to fight poverty and social exclusion. They have done everything the Commission asked of them, and now, Commissioner Hahn, the same Commission wants to take away the money that was put in reserve to honour their efforts? Seriously? Commissioner, the latest proposal from the Commission on the performance reserve has damaged the credibility of the European Union in the regions. For the Verts/ALE Group it is not acceptable to destroy the performance system at the moment, when it is at full speed. The regions have committed themselves to quality spending and result orientation. The Commission must not discourage them. More in general, Commissioner, we observe that the Commission continues to propose new budgetary instruments. So what is the Commission doing to resolve the problem? Deviating resources that have already been allocated? We fundamentally disagree with this approach.

 
  
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  Rosa D'Amato, a nome del gruppo EFDD. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, lo diciamo senza giri di parole: dirottare ben 21 miliardi – circa 2,4 per l'Italia – destinati alla politica di coesione, e quindi alla coesione economica, sociale e territoriale, per rivolgerli ad altri obiettivi, tipo privatizzazioni o Jobs Act, è l'ennesimo schiaffo ai nostri territori, che mai come adesso hanno bisogno di investimenti per lo sviluppo.

Il Movimento 5 Stelle, sulle riforme strutturali, è assolutamente contrario a tutte quelle misure che intaccano il welfare state, inclusi gli interventi sul mercato del lavoro, mentre siamo aperti a misure relative, ad esempio, al miglioramento sulla capacità amministrativa o alla lotta all'evasione fiscale.

Le elezioni italiane hanno dimostrato che i cittadini non vogliono queste riforme calate dall'alto, che servono solo le multinazionali per abbassare i diritti dei cittadini. Siamo rimasti francamente sorpresi dalla proposta della Commissione di liberare anticipatamente queste risorse per destinarle, tra l'altro, alle riforme strutturali. Non capiamo la fretta, tanto più che le norme attuali prevedono che una verifica avrà luogo soltanto nel 2019. Le riforme strutturali non hanno nulla a che vedere con la ratio della politica di coesione.

Chiediamo alla Commissione di ascoltare le richieste e gli appelli che arrivano dalle autorità regionali e locali, quindi non tagliare i fondi della coesione, non distorcere gli obiettivi di queste preziose risorse che servono alle regioni più povere. Faremo di tutto, anche grazie alla forza che arriva dai cittadini italiani, per trasformare questa Europa in una terra in cui nessuno – nessuno – rimarrà indietro.

 
  
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  Seán Kelly (PPE). – Mr President, I would like to welcome the Commissioner back to regional development. I would also compliment my good friend, Lambert van Nistelrooij, on the great work he has done in this area for many years. When he speaks, he speaks with authority and knowledge and we would be well advised to listen to him.

Therefore, I believe it is necessary to call on the Commission to commence the performance review earlier for programmes that are ahead of schedule. In Ireland, for instance, we have established many programmes with ESI funding for 2014—2020. For recovering from the recession in 2008, the Programme for Employability, Inclusion and Learning, for example, has been a fantastic development in providing employment training and educational opportunities. This programmes aims to help one million people integrate into the working world and encourages a continuation of third level education, including those with disabilities and those with financial disadvantages. The programmes implemented aim for sustainable and quality employment. Some examples of these programmes include training for the unemployed and Springboard Plus, which offer free part—time and full—time conversion courses at certificate, degree and postgraduate level.

However, in order to keep on track and continue progressing, it is important that performance reviews be delivered. These programmes have been funded by ESI, so I think these reviews should be made earlier than 2019 for the programmes ahead of schedule. The European Regional Development Fund has had a significant impact in decentralising development from main cities and spreading this development into rural parts of the country by developing the Southern and Eastern Regional Operational Programme and the Border, Midland and Western Regional Operational Programme. It is important for these programmes to be reviewed so that their strengths and weaknesses can be established and work done rather than endlessly spending EU funding without knowing if it is actually effective.

So I would encourage the Commission to consider commencing these performance reviews before 2019, in order to avoid a backlog, and to allow the performance reserve to be utilised effectively.

 
  
 

Spontane Wortmeldungen

 
  
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  Maria Grapini (S&D). – Domnule președinte, domnule comisar, vreau să o felicit pe colega mea, în primul rând, pentru întrebarea adresată și, ca un om care a lucrat în business, spun că a bloca 21 de miliarde și a nu le da acolo unde trebuie, mi se pare absolut de neacceptat și nu înțeleg motivația dumneavoastră, domnule comisar, potrivit căreia n-ați putea începe mai repede evaluările, pentru că ar crea o birocrație suplimentară pentru cei care trebuie să raporteze. Păi consultați statele, consultați regiunile și o să vedeți că vor vrea să raporteze.

Orice întârziere în a da niște bani pe reforme înseamnă o pierdere. Și nu mai înțeleg un lucru - cum să existe ideea de a lua acești bani, am înțeles din luările de cuvânt de aici? Factorul motivațional: a fost gândită această sumă pentru a se da pentru cei care au performanță. Și, sigur că nu pot să nu fac referire la ce a spus colega noastră, că nu au legătură reformele structurale cu politica de coeziune, mi se pare straniu. Vă rog, domnule comisar, să ne răspundeți.

 
  
 

(Ende der spontanen Wortmeldungen)

 
  
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  Johannes Hahn, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, the performance framework and the reserve are among the main elements of the reinforced result—orientation of cohesion policy in the current period and the Commission remains committed to the strong performance orientation of ESI funds. For reasons of consistency, coherence, simplification and having a level playing field across Member States, it is essential to maintain uniform conditions for applying the performance framework and to ensure that the achievement of milestones is assessed at the same time.

Let me reiterate that the Commission is always ready to listen to ideas and proposals from the European Parliament. Mr President, honourable Members, thank you for this debate. May I say very personally that you can be reassured that, as a former Commissioner for this policy and having invested a lot of energy in the reform of this policy, I still have a very close eye on it and on performance in particular.

 
  
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  Der Präsident. – Die Aussprache ist geschlossen.

 

17. Decizii privind anumite documente: a se vedea procesul-verbal

18. Calendarul următoarelor ședințe: consultaţi procesul-verbal
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19. Transmiterea textelor adoptate în cursul prezentei ședințe: consultaţi procesul-verbal
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20. Ridicarea ședinței
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(Die Sitzung wird um 15.30 Uhr geschlossen.)

 

21. Întreruperea sesiunii
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  Der Präsident. – Ich möchte allen Kollegen danken, die noch bis zum Schluss geblieben sind und möchte insbesondere den Diensten und den Dolmetschern für ihre Arbeit in dieser Woche und den Gästen für ihr Interesse danken.

Ich erkläre die Sitzungsperiode des Europäischen Parlaments für unterbrochen.

 
Ultima actualizare: 16 iulie 2018Notă juridică