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Utorak, 17. travnja 2018. - Strasbourg Revidirano izdanje

11. Napredak Globalnog sporazuma UN-a za sigurne, uredne i zakonite migracije te Globalnog sporazuma UN-a o izbjeglicama (rasprava)
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  President. – The next item is the statement by the Vice—President of the Commission and High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy on progress on UN Global compacts on safe, orderly and regulation migration and on refugees.

 
  
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  Dimitris Avramopoulos, on behalf of the Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. Mr President, I welcome this opportunity to join you today to discuss again the UN global compacts. In our globalised world, human mobility can only be addressed effectively by the international community as a whole. It is – and we all recognise it – a global phenomenon that requires global solutions. No country can manage this alone, but together we can set up a humane, dignified and secure mechanism for governing human mobility.

Over the past years, the European Union has built a comprehensive approach to addressing migration and forced displacement. In the face of the worst refugee crisis since the Second World War, we are the world’s first responder, granting asylum to persons in need of protection and offering safe and legal pathways through resettlement.

In the year 2016, Member States granted asylum to over 720 000 persons, and in the year 2017, 382 000. In the context of our partnership with Africa and with the help of the International Organisation for Migration (IOM), we are funding five transit countries where migrants receive assistance, medical care and psychological support.

In Libya, over 33 000 people have benefited from our support in detention centres at disembarkation points or in their host communities. Through the new Joint Task Force that the European Union has set up with the African Union and the United Nations, an additional 15 000 migrants stranded in Libya have been assisted in the voluntary returning to their homes, where they receive re-integration support. 1300 persons in need of international protection have been evacuated from Libya in view of future resettlement. The Commission has also launched a new resettlement scheme with at least 50 000 additional places for refugees from Africa, the Middle East and Turkey by the end of 2019, and set aside 500 million to support Member States’ resettlement efforts.

All this was possible thanks to our common work inside the European Union, and to strong cooperation with our partners in our region and worldwide. Our approach is based on solidarity, shared responsibility, multilateralism and engagement, and we would like these four principles to be reflected in the global compacts on refugees and migrants.

The crucial point for the global compact on migrants is to strike a balance in addressing regular and irregular migration. A person should never risk their life when seeking a better future abroad. Dangerous and irregular travellers must be differentiated, whilst also opening regular channels for human mobility.

As you are aware, we are working very closely with our Member States to develop targeted pilot projects on legal migration with certain third countries, the priority currently being African countries. At the same time, the global compact should promote effective return policies. In this respect, we have managed to engage with a few countries of origin in Asia and Africa.

As for the compact on refugees, it is an opportunity to modernise refugee responses by going beyond traditional humanitarian intervention and focusing on development. This is in line with the European Union’s approach to forced displacement, and it also meets the expectations of host countries and eases the pressure on them. I believe that the global compacts present a unique opportunity to share the lessons we have learned and the partnerships we have built, as well as to listen to the needs and priorities of others.

Comme l’a rappelé le Président de la République française, Emmanuel Macron, ce matin, nous avons besoin de plus de solidarité interne et externe pour affronter les défis migratoires.

Le pacte mondial pour des migrations sûres, ordonnées et régulières doit permettre de renforcer la solidarité entre l’Union européenne et les pays tiers pour une gestion responsable des flux migratoires. Ce pacte permettra de parvenir à une compréhension commune des défis migratoires auxquels est confronté chaque pays dans le monde et fournira une boîte à outils commune pour y répondre.

The two global compacts together present international cooperation frameworks that will guide our work over the next decades. They will serve as a toolbox to address the various situations which may arise in the future. They will serve as a platform to build new partnerships and to forge new alliances.

So it is clearly in the European interest to negotiate two strong and ambitious compacts, and to do it together as a Union. The future compacts are first and foremost about people, and they must be shaped not only by our interests but by our values. They must be shaped by a vision grounded on human rights, responsibility and mutual solidarity. A vision where the most vulnerable ones, are protected. A vision in which there is no place for traffickers, smugglers and criminal organisations. A vision where irregular migration is reduced, and instead we have the courage to invest in more regular and safe channels for migrants.

We have now reached a defining moment in the process. We are half-way through the negotiations and formal consultations on both compacts. Thanks to the European Union’s leadership and strong engagement, the current revised drafts of both compacts largely reflect EU legislation and policies.

We see a good chance to develop a common understanding on how to humanely and efficiently manage human mobility. The next months are crunch time to find the middle ground between the diverging views, different national migration realities and priorities.

We will continue our engagement toward reaching an agreement on the Global Compact on Migration, to be politically endorsed at the intergovernmental conference in Morocco in December as well as on the Global Compact on Refugees to be adopted under the auspices of the United Nations General Assembly later this year.

With the withdrawal of the United States from the Global Compact on Migration back in December 2017, the compacts need more than ever a strong and united Europe that speaks with one voice during these negotiations. In that light, I regret that one of our Member States has taken the position on the Global Compact on Migration that is not in line with the position of the 27 other Member States.

Here, our common work and your contribution as the European Parliament will be essential. This is a test of humanity. But let me add that we should also be very pragmatic in how we approach this discussion. Two good global compacts will help us manage human mobility in a much more orderly and effective way. Let’s not turn this into an ideological debate. Let us shape these two compacts together as a Union and for all Europeans.

 
  
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  Anna Maria Corazza Bildt, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Mr President, I welcome the UN Global Compact on migration and refugees. Global challenges need global solutions and the EU as a global actor must do more to address the root causes of migration, from conflict to poverty and climate change. It is time to have a global governance of flows, sharing responsibility for orderly and safe migration. The EU must take the lead to move from illegal to legal migration, combat smuggling of migrants, implementing resettlement and voluntary returns, and supporting countries of origin.

It is also time to put humanity back at the centre of our debates on migration and change the narrative. For many people, migration means slavery. I am just back from Niger and Agadez, the trafficking hub to Europe via the Mediterranean. We met women, children and young men coming back from Libya. Their stories are heart—breaking. Trafficking in human beings goes hand-in-hand with trafficking of drugs and weapons. People die in the desert in their thousands of hunger and heat, abandoned by traffickers. Libya is hell on earth. Migrants suffer ransom, forced labour, sexual abuse, torture. We have a responsibility to help people trapped in detention camps get out of there back via Niger.

The EU operation in Niger is effective, but more resources are urgently needed for resettlement with UNHCR and repatriation of returnees from Libya by OIM to home countries in Africa, and for reintegration projects in their local communities. Key are the projects for reconversion of traffickers into legal work, like handwork and building work. It is happening. Let’s do more: fewer traffickers in Agadez, Niger, means fewer irregular migrants to Europe, but also fewer deaths in the Mediterranean, in the desert and less labouring in Libya and I finish by saying that the Global Compact should also focus on children and promote gender equality in the world, with zero tolerance for violence against women and children. With the PPE, we call on the Member States to be united in negotiations on the Global Compact and focus on common solutions.

 
  
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  Elena Valenciano, en nombre del Grupo S&D. – Señor presidente, hoy en esta Cámara vamos a abordar cuestiones que son trascendentales para el futuro de la Unión y yo creo que en gran medida para el mundo. La respuesta al drama humano del refugio pone a prueba la fortaleza de nuestros valores y de nuestra identidad y, de momento, vamos mal.

La migración es una pieza clave para nuestro futuro, para nuestra continuidad en lo económico, en lo demográfico, en lo social, en lo político y en lo ético, pero en ambos casos solo una respuesta global basada en la cooperación y la responsabilidad compartida podrá ser eficaz, justa y humana.

Por eso, el Grupo socialista ha impulsado este debate y la Resolución que lo acompaña. Porque creemos imprescindible apoyar la acción de una Unión Europea que sea ambiciosa en ambos pactos mundiales, y que ejerza el liderazgo que nos corresponde. Para eso era muy importante alcanzar un gran consenso en esta Cámara, cosa que hemos hecho en torno a un texto común que defiende la dignidad de los derechos humanos de todas las personas – sean refugiadas o migrantes –, que aborda la situación de los más vulnerables, que reclama más vías legales y seguras para refugiados y migrantes y que pide expresamente que no se criminalice la asistencia humanitaria, como se está haciendo en este momento en el Mediterráneo con la ONG Open Arms.

Es cierto que los pactos mundiales no serán vinculantes y que, a pesar de que tienen un gran potencial, son frágiles; por eso debemos aprovechar esta oportunidad única. Solo con conseguir un relato más optimista, más positivo, sobre la migración, ya habríamos alcanzado un gran éxito.

No podemos perder la batalla finalmente frente a quienes siembran un discurso del odio; esa batalla tenemos que ganarla, empezando por ganarla en el Consejo Europeo. Señor Avramopoulos, señora Mogherini, tienen todos mis apoyos.

 
  
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  Helga Stevens, namens de ECR-Fractie. – Voorzitter, asiel en migratie zijn belangrijke thema's. Onze burgers zijn bezorgd over de niet-aflatende instroom van migranten. Ze zijn bezorgd over onze poreuze buitengrenzen en de sociaaleconomische uitdagingen en veiligheidsrisico's daaraan verbonden. Ik blijf van mening dat we in de Unie moeten evolueren naar een systeem waarbij erkende vluchtelingen enkel via hervestiging kunnen worden overgebracht, zodat wij weten wie binnenkomt en een maximum limiet kunnen afdwingen maar ook zodat gezinnen hun leven niet meer zouden wagen in gammele bootjes omdat ze weten dat een illegale binnenkomst niet meer met legaal verblijf wordt beloond. Op internationaal niveau gaat men ook de dialoog aan. Het doet me plezier dat afspraken over zo'n hervestigingsbeleid naar Europa, maar ook wereldwijd worden gemaakt. Ik zou de onderhandelaars willen oproepen om de nodige ambitie en realiteitszin aan de dag te leggen en ook voldoende aandacht voor terugkeer van illegale economische migranten, zodat het draagvlak bij de bevolking vergroot. Maak het onderscheid duidelijk tussen kwetsbare vluchtelingen die in het buitenland geen veilige haven vonden enerzijds en gelukzoekers anderzijds.

Ik vind het wel bedenkelijk dat het Parlement oproept tot het decriminaliseren van humanitaire hulp, een vingerwijzing naar Italië, die een ngo-boot in beslag nam op verdenking van hulp aan mensensmokkelaars. Ondanks bevelen van het Italiaanse reddings- en coördinatiecentrum en van de door de EU getrainde Libische kustwacht bracht de ngo de migranten naar een Europese hotspot. Ook humanitaire organisaties staan immers niet boven de wet of de gemaakte afspraken.

 
  
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  Hilde Vautmans, namens de ALDE-Fractie. – Voorzitter, wij van ALDE zijn eigenlijk heel erg blij dat we eindelijk einde van dit jaar de mondiale pacten gaan hebben. Het is weliswaar geen bindend kader, maar het is alleszins een kader waarin we internationale samenwerking gaan stimuleren om dit fenomeen aan te pakken. We beginnen hier al dadelijk het debat en iedereen spreekt over de negatieve effecten van migratie. Ik wil hier toch even kort zeggen dat gelukkig migratie in heel wat gevallen positief is. Mensen die de vrijheid hebben om te gaan wonen, werken en leven en zich te bewegen binnen de wereld.

Maar hier spreken we vandaag specifiek over de migratie die mensen zorgen baart, over de illegale migratie, over de vluchtelingen en de migranten. En ik wil hier een pleidooi houden voor één specifieke groep, namelijk de kinderen in migratie. Mag ik u eens vragen om gedurende 30 seconden, of laten we zeggen 10 want zoveel spreektijd heb ik niet, uw ogen dicht te doen en eens terug te denken aan uw eigen kindertijd? Wij kunnen gelukkig terugdenken aan gelukkige kinderjaren, aan spelen in vrijheid. Kinderen op de vlucht, die kunnen dat niet. Kinderen op de vlucht, die vluchten weg van chemische wapens, van bombardementen, worden door mensensmokkelaars op een gammele boot gezet met het risico om te verdrinken. Commissaris, ik wil hier vandaag een lans breken om in te zetten op kinderen in migratie. Europol heeft ook gezegd dat er tienduizend niet-begeleide minderjarige asielzoekers vermist zijn in Europa. Laten we eens een echt actieplan maken. Laten we zorgen dat in de mondiale pacten aandacht gaat naar de kinderen. Geen kinddetentie meer. Inzetten op registratie, inzetten op familiereünie, inzetten op menswaardige opvang van de meest kwetsbaren. Een kind in migratie is in de eerste plaats een kind en verdient onze bescherming.

 
  
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  Judith Sargentini, namens de Verts/ALE-Fractie. – Voorzitter, hoe verhoudt de inspanning van de Europese Commissie voor dit mondiaal pact zich eigenlijk met de interne Europese wetten over de opvang van vluchtelingen en migranten? Laten we eerlijk wezen. Papier is hier weer heel erg geduldig. Het pact erkent dat migratie een fenomeen is van alle tijden en stelt dat alles op alles gezet moet worden om legale migratie mogelijk te maken. Maar er is nog geen idee van een voorstel van de Europese Commissie voor een wet om migranten in Europa toegang te geven, ook tot lager betaald en lager geschoold werk. We moeten nog tot ruim na de Europese verkiezingen wachten op zo'n soort voorstel. Terwijl we weten dat in Zuid-Europa de oogst van het land gehaald wordt door migranten zonder papieren en daar is uitbuiting aan de orde van de dag.

Het mondiaal pact en ook onze parlementaire resolutie verwerpt het opsluiten van kinderen. Dat klinkt logisch, want kinderen horen niet in een gevangenis, maar - ook hier in dit Parlement durft men het niet hardop te zeggen - Europese landen sluiten kinderen op. Vluchtelingenkinderen die wachten op asiel of worden uitgezet, worden systematisch opgesloten. Of hulp aan migranten, iemand iets te eten geven, iemand een lift aanbieden, iemand uit zee redden, dat zijn allemaal normale, menselijke, humane acties. Dat mag je niet strafbaar stellen, dat zegt ook onze resolutie. Maar er zijn Europese lidstaten die hun eigen burgers die vluchtelingen een lift gaven, aangeklaagd hebben en vervolgen. Er ligt een Spaans reddingsschip in Italië aan de ketting omdat het mensen uit zee redde van een verdrinkingsdood. Dit zijn drie voorbeelden die laten zien dat Europese lidstaten in New York wellicht heel humane taal uitslaan, maar thuis gewoon verder gaan met business as usual, koste wat het kost migranten weren. Om politiek en bestuurlijk verantwoordelijk te zijn moeten we doen wat we zeggen.

 
  
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  Marie-Christine Vergiat, au nom du groupe GUE/NGL. – Monsieur le Président, nous ne pouvons que nous féliciter du travail entrepris par l’ONU sur les migrations. C’est assurément un enjeu de politique internationale et il est temps, pour les Européens et pour nos gouvernements, d’avoir une vision moins historiquement centrée et ethnocentrée de ces questions.

C’est un fait, les migrations internationales augmentent et, comme le dit si bien le secrétaire général de l’ONU, la majorité d’entre elles sont régulières. Mais l’Occident n’en est plus le centre. Les migrations se sont mondialisées, régionalisées. Les migrations Sud-Sud dépassent désormais les migrations Sud-Nord. Sur les 258 millions de migrants internationaux, 60 millions proviennent d’Europe, qui est donc, proportionnellement à sa population, le continent dont les habitants migrent le plus et sont les plus mobiles. Cela est normal car les Européens sont très largement ceux qui bénéficient d’un vrai droit à la mobilité, contrairement au reste de la planète. Et seule la moitié de leurs migrations sont intra-européennes. Par conséquent, qui mieux que les Européens peuvent montrer que les migrations sont une chance et une richesse? Nous sommes les premiers à bénéficier du droit de migrer. Prenons donc conscience que ceux qui sont en situation irrégulière sur notre continent, ceux qui risquent leur vie en mer Méditerranée, sont d’abord ceux qui sont privés de ce droit à la mobilité, n’ont pas de voie de migration régulière et fuient des situations inhumaines dont il est difficile de démêler les causes. Nous devons les accueillir dignement plutôt que d’en faire des boucs émissaires.

L’Union européenne se grandirait si elle se battait pour le droit universel à la migration et à la mobilité. Nous avons tous le droit de rêver.

 
  
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  Kristina Winberg, för EFDD-gruppen. – Herr talman! 65 miljoner människor är på flykt i världen. Kunde jag, så skulle hjälpa dem alla, men jag inser att det inte möjligt.

Jag och mitt land känner en vilja att hjälpa så många som möjligt som verkligen är på flykt. Samtidigt måste man konstatera att även våra resurser är begränsade. Vi måste inse att vi inte kan öppna vår dörr på vid gavel och låta landet fyllas av en överväldigande del ekonomiska migranter som vill åtnjuta vår välfärd mot en hög ekonomisk och, framför allt, social kostnad.

Det råder brist på bostäder och jobb och följderna blir en misslyckad assimilering där nya utanförskapsområden växer fram. Det är rimligare att till exempel hjälpa en miljon flyktingar på plats i stället för tiotusen i Sverige till ungefär samma kostnad.

UNHCR är i stort behov av hjälp för att hantera situationen i de flyktingläger som de sköter om. Det handlar om att kunna ge dessa flyktingar rent vatten, mat och en dräglig bostad, att ordna skola för barnen och skapa en framtidstro och ett hopp om att få återvända till sina hemländer. Det är här som jag tycker att vi ska lägga våra resurser och hjälpa så många som möjligt.

Jag stödjer ett mellanstatligt tillvägagångssätt där de suveräna nationerna frivilligt kommer överens med FN för att hjälpa flyktingar utan EU:s inblandning.

 
  
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  Auke Zijlstra, namens de ENF-Fractie. – Voorzitter, dit verslag vermengt twee zaken, vluchtelingen en migranten. Asielrecht voor een relatief klein aantal vluchtelingen wordt verward met de migratiewens van vele miljoenen mensen. Dit verslag bagatelliseert de hieruit voortkomende problemen. Het gooit de interne mobiliteit in de EU op één hoop met de ontvolking van Syrië en het suggereert dat de lidstaten van de Europese Unie te weinig migranten toelaten. Het verslag heeft nergens ook maar een suggestie dat er grenzen aan de groei van het aantal migranten zijn. Dat dit onhoudbaar is, moet toch duidelijk zijn?

Nu al zijn westerse landen nauwelijks in staat om te gaan met de massamigratie. We lezen in dit verslag dat er vanwege die migratie in ieder land van de EU nog heel veel extra moet gebeuren op het gebied van gezondheidszorg, onderwijs, kinderbescherming, huisvesting, sociale inclusie, justitie, werkgelegenheid, sociale bescherming, maar dit zijn zaken die in de lidstaten van de Unie nu al onder druk staan. Met voortgaande massamigratie zullen deze zaken verdwijnen in plaats van verbeteren. De Verenigde Staten nemen een miljoen migranten per jaar op. Dat is meer dan welk land dan ook. De Verenigde Staten zijn echter uit deze onderhandelingen gestapt. Dat moet ons toch iets duidelijk maken?

 
  
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  Krisztina Morvai (NI). – Mr President, I would like to say to Commissioner Avramopoulos that he speaks about Hungary as if we were some sort of deviant. Let me tell you that we are not the deviants; we represent the majority of the citizens, the population of Europe.

The majority are fed up with mass migration. They do not want any more migrants and they want to send back those who are now here. We are on one side and, on the other side, there is the whole corrupt political elite. The thing is that the majority of the citizens of Europe cannot really speak up because they are punished, they are oppressed, there are all these hate speech laws that silence people. It is really strange that we are the ones who are accused by the European Union of not being democratic and of not having freedom of speech. We do have freedom of speech and we speak up for the majority of the citizens of Europe, but they should also speak up and they should support Hungary in our efforts.

 
  
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  President. – Ms Morvai, I do not think there is any reason to enter into polemics separating you and your political party from all the rest, portrayed as corrupt politicians. I hope that was just a misunderstanding on my part.

 
  
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  Željana Zovko (PPE). – Poštovani potpredsjedniče Parlamenta, poštovani povjereniče, u kontekstu Njujorške deklaracije kao prvog međuvladinog sporazuma o izbjeglicama i migracijama po prvi put se obuhvaća cjelokupna dimenzija međunarodnih migracija. Globalni sporazum Ujedinjenih naroda o sigurnim, urednim i zakonitim migracijama i izbjeglicama kao sljednicima Njujorške deklaracije pomažu u unaprjeđenju upravljanja, kao i u rješenju izazova povezanih s globalnim migracijama.

Odgovornost tj. zaštita života, slobode i ljudskih prava izbjeglica u okviru globalnih obaveza, ovo podvlačim jer se ovdje ne radi samo o europskim problemima nego o globalnim obavezama, jedan je od ključnih elemenata ovog Prijedloga rezolucije Europskog parlamenta, a države članice Europske unije, kao i ostali globalni akteri, trebali bi se aktivnije angažirati u njihovom ispunjavanju.

Ispunjavanje globalnih obaveza uključivalo bi i mjere podrške državama u razvoju koje su već primile veliki broj izbjeglica u pogledu njihove integracije u društvo kao i njihove ekonomske samostalnosti u državama primateljicama. Zaključno, ono što smatram važnim jeste jačanje otpornosti društava i gospodarstava u državama koje su zahvaćene krizama, kao i donošenje mjera za suzbijanje siromaštva i jačanje inkluzivnosti gospodarskog rasta i razvoja kao jednog od ključnih rješenja za globalne migracije, što je ujedno i navedeno u tekstu rezolucije čija sam suautorica.

 
  
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  Tanja Fajon (S&D). – Mr President, in the last couple of years the world has witnessed an unprecedented volume of international migration. Both migrants and refugees leave their countries due to economic or social hardships, persecution, conflict, poverty or even climate change.

If we have learned anything over this time, it is that human mobility cannot be stopped or forcefully prevented, but it has to be managed globally. Therefore, the UN global compact is crucial. No country can face these phenomena alone. The EU has to speak with one voice and has to take a leading role, especially after the US has decided to leave the negotiations.

Managing migration requires major investment in comprehensive global development policy, especially in human rights, social inclusion, education, justice, health and employment, with a special focus on vulnerable groups and children. At the same time, we need to work in our countries on our perception of migration. The dangerous spread of misinformation and fake news poses a threat to our policies and provides fertile ground for xenophobia and racism.

Legal and safely managed migration can be beneficial and can be an engine for economic growth and innovation. And it will lead to fewer deaths, less abuse of irregular migrants by smugglers and less exploitation by employers. This is a process we can win if, as the EU, we work together as one.

 
  
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  Jussi Halla-aho (ECR). – Mr President, the global compact unfortunately keeps repeating old mistakes. It stresses the management of immigration, for example by distributing migrants more evenly or by creating new legal avenues for migrants in the hope that this would discourage illegal entry.

The real problem however, is the sheer number of people who are coming, or who want to come, from the third world. Europe cannot integrate them, regardless of whether they are legal or illegal. Therefore, the numbers should be brought down with a stricter asylum legislation and a more efficient return policy.

It is true that Europe is ageing and that the funding of welfare states presents a challenge. It should be understood, however, that immigration of this kind does not alleviate the problem, but makes it worse. In addition, it creates new problems.

 
  
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  Maite Pagazaurtundúa Ruiz (ALDE). – Señor presidente, yo soy más pesimista que el comisario Avramopoulos o que la señora... las personas que me han antecedido; tal vez porque soy hija de una niña que fue refugiada de guerra y veo que la gran mayoría de ellos no van a tener futuro, no van a tener el futuro que pudo conocer finalmente mi madre.

El problema de esta Resolución es que la evaluación no es del todo real: no existe la voluntad política que pueda convertir esta bonita Resolución en realidad. Estamos tapando con palabras las montañas de barro y de miseria de niños y niñas que no tienen futuro, de mujeres esclavizadas en Libia, de enfermos.

Pedimos en la propuesta que no se criminalice la ayuda humanitaria, pero no hemos hecho otra cosa, desde el acuerdo con Turquía, que quitar de en medio a las ONG.

Las autoridades dicen cosas pero, poco a poco, quitan testigos incómodos. Proactiva Open Arms, por ejemplo, hace lo que nosotros no somos capaces de hacer y ha pasado de recibir premios en 2016 a sufrir campañas de descrédito o a que los señores de la guerra libios —los que pagamos nosotros— la quiten de en medio.

14 500 muertes como mínimo en el Mediterráneo central desde 2015, tres años de crisis humanitaria y muchos niños sin futuro.

 
  
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  Malin Björk (GUE/NGL). – Herr talman! Jag vill lyfta några absolut nödvändiga utgångspunkter och principer för EU:s hållning i förhandlingarna kring de här global compacts.

Först och främst skulle jag vilja säga att EU måste ta ansvar för att förhandlingarna blir mer jämlika. Syd, det globala syd, måste ha en starkare roll. Det är faktiskt de länderna som är allra mest påverkade.

Vi måste också lyfta det större perspektivet. Det innebär att migration inte kan ses som ett problem, än mindre diskuteras i termer av säkerhetshot eller annat helt oansvarigt som vi ofta hör här. Migration har alltid funnits. Det är något i grunden positivt och det är någonting vi ska värna om. Vi måste också se till att skapa politik som bevarar och förstärker människors rätt till rörlighet globalt. Det som är ett problem är utnyttjandet av migranter. På arbetsmarknaden, sexuellt och på andra sätt.

Vidare måste jag också säga någonting om EU:s ekonomiska politik och utrikespolitik samt vapenhandeln från vissa medlemsstater, som faktiskt är ansvariga för att skapa många av de situationer vi ser och som driver folk på flykt och till att migrera.

Det är naivt och kanske också oansvarigt – eller, kanske vissa skulle säga, hyckleri – att tro att man ska fortsätta med den politiken och samtidigt säga sig vilja minska migrationen. Nej, vi behöver skuldavskrivning, vi behöver utveckling, vi behöver ekonomiska partnerskap som är jämlika och vi behöver stoppa militariseringen av framför allt Afrika och Mellanöstern.

Vidare, om vi ska ha en positiv förändring här så måste vi göra rätt på hemmanivå. Vi behöver en human flyktingpolitik och vi behöver se till att vi står upp för dem som står upp i solidaritet med flyktingar. Vi behöver en ny politik i EU.

(Talaren godtog att besvara en fråga (”blått kort”) i enlighet med artikel 162.8 i arbetsordningen.)

 
  
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  Maria Grapini (S&D), Întrebare adresată conform procedurii „cartonașului albastru”. – Domnule președinte, domnule comisar, stimată colegă, ați spus, printre altele, că nu trebuie să ne temem de migrație și aveți dreptate, nu trebuie să ne temem, oamenii de alți oameni. Problema pe care vreau să o pun acum: credeți că, acum, când discutăm problema migrației, Uniunea Europeană are un plan coerent prin care să se asigure, pe de o parte, securitatea migranților, pe de altă parte, o selecție corectă a celor care migrează din punct de vedere economic sau din perspectiva războiului? Credeți că avem o securizare corectă și o selecție corectă? Și avem și un plan de returnare a migranților?

 
  
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  Malin Björk (GUE/NGL), svar (”blått kort”). – Nej, jag tycker inte att vi har ett fungerade system. Som jag sa: Jag tycker inte att vi har vare sig en bra migrationspolitik eller en tillräckligt human flyktingpolitik.

Europa kan ta ett betydligt större ansvar vad gäller flyktingsituationen i världen och vi måste ordna upp och styra upp vårt flyktingmottagande för det. Men vi måste också se till att utveckla en global politik som inte, som i dag, ökar klyftorna mellan länder och mellan olika delar av världen. Det är också vårt ansvar. Det betyder en annan handelspolitik, en annan ekonomisk politik, det betyder att fattigdomsbekämpning måste upp på listan och det betyder också att vi måste sluta exportera vapen.

 
  
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  Laura Ferrara (EFDD). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, i flussi migratori degli ultimi anni verso l'Unione europea hanno fatto prendere coscienza della complessità di tale fenomeno e dell'esigenza di fornire una risposta globale in termini di cooperazione internazionale e di responsabilità condivisa.

Se da questo punto di vista la gestione europea dei flussi migratori si è dimostrata piuttosto fallimentare, quella mondiale, che è destinata a coinvolgere l'intera comunità internazionale di fronte al desolante quadro attuale, si preannuncia piuttosto problematica. Gli Stati Uniti hanno dichiarato da tempo il proprio ritiro dal Global compact, ritenendolo incompatibile con la propria linea politica governativa.

Le guerre, la destabilizzazione politica e lo sfruttamento economico che interessano aree geografiche intorno all'Europa e a cui non sono estranee le azioni del governo statunitense e di altre potenze occidentali rappresentano solo uno dei molteplici ostacoli a un'efficace patto internazionale per i rifugiati e per una migrazione sicura, ordinata e regolare.

Se analizziamo poi la situazione europea ci troviamo a fare i conti con quegli Stati che, preferendo muri e reticolati alla cooperazione e demonizzando e strumentalizzando il fenomeno migratorio, rendendolo fonte di intolleranza, creano delle divisioni sui negoziati del compact e ostacolano l'ottenimento di una posizione comune.

Se con questo accordo si intende dare una risposta globale ai movimenti umani causati da conflitti, persecuzioni, violenze, povertà e dal desiderio di cercare un luogo dove avere una vita migliore, come per tutti gli accordi internazionali, la sfida più impegnativa sarà quella di passare dalle dichiarazioni di principio ai fatti e agli impegni delle responsabilità dei singoli Stati.

 
  
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  Marie-Christine Arnautu (ENF). – Merci Monsieur le Président, les pactes des Nations unies pour l’immigration dégoulinent de bons sentiments pour justifier l’intensification des flux migratoires et rendre légale l’immigration clandestine que vous refusez d’empêcher, pour des raisons idéologiques ou bassement économiques, au détriment des identités, de la sécurité, et même de la pérennité des peuples européens.

Arrogantes, les élites mondialistes ne cachent même plus leur objectif suicidaire, telles le Secrétaire général de l’ONU, M. Guterres, déclarant qu’il faut convaincre que la migration est inévitable et que les sociétés multi-ethniques, multiculturelles et multi-religieuses qui se construisent sont une richesse, ou bien vous, Monsieur Avramopoulos, qui avez déclaré en décembre dernier «nous devons tous être prêts à accepter l’immigration et la diversité comme nouvelle norme, c’est un impératif pour notre continent». Mais cet impératif est criminel. Les États-Unis ont clairement énoncé que les politiques d’immigration ne doivent être prises que par les Américains. Notre devoir à nous est de penser aux Européens d’abord. C’est bien pour cela qu’il faut dénoncer ces pactes et non les applaudir.

 
  
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  Steven Woolfe (NI). – Mr President, too often immigration is considered good or bad. I take a different view. I see the benefits of immigration, but only if it is managed, controlled and legal. But I also see the negatives of immigration on communities if we continue the chaotic, uncontrolled mass migration policies that we see from many in this Chamber and the global elites who support it.

The problem with this UN Global Compact is that it assumes all migration is exactly the same, and it also ignores illegal migration. It also says, more importantly, that international bodies should have power over the nation states to determine the setting of immigration policies across the globe. The frustration of the people in Europe and the world to deal with the economic problems of mass migration is real. It should be the voters who elect parties to deal with this that have the power, not the unelected global elites or their lackeys.

 
  
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  Carlos Coelho (PPE). – Senhor Presidente, Senhor Comissário Avramopoulos, caras e caros colegas, a importância de um pacto global sobre refugiados revela-se em 3 simples factos: primeiro, vivemos a maior crise de refugiados desde a segunda guerra mundial; segundo, 50% das pessoas deslocadas no mundo estão no continente africano; terceiro, cerca de oito milhões de refugiados estão apenas em cinco países.

Sejamos claros: temos uma crise sem precedentes cujos efeitos se fazem sentir sobretudo nos países em desenvolvimento e para a qual a comunidade internacional não estava nem está preparada!

Temos de estar na linha da frente na defesa de um sistema mais coerente e justo, assente em mais solidariedade e partilha de responsabilidade, que proteja os mais vulneráveis, como as crianças. Isso já foi, aliás, muito bem sublinhado, entre outros, pela colega Corazza Bildt.

Senhor Presidente, este pacto global, proposto no âmbito das Nações Unidas, pode corrigir os erros do passado, pode melhorar o presente de milhões e antecipar um futuro em que quem foge da fome e da perseguição não fique entregue à sua sorte, mas seja apoiado pelo mundo. E a União Europeia não pode furtar-se ao seu papel liderante.

 
  
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  Birgit Sippel (S&D). – Herr Präsident! Worum geht es beim globalen Pakt für Migration der Vereinten Nationen? Flucht und Migration sind globale Herausforderungen, und die meisten Flüchtlinge befinden sich außerhalb der Europäischen Union in Regionen, die deutlich ärmer und häufig instabiler sind als unser Kontinent. Doch alle Staaten müssen einen Beitrag leisten, auch mit der Aufnahme und Integration von Flüchtlingen. Und dass ausgerechnet die USA, deren Bürger fast alle ursprünglich Migranten waren, sich dieser Herausforderung entziehen, ist ein Treppenwitz der Geschichte.

Die EU hat eine gute Position in den Verhandlungen – mit einer Ausnahme: Orbán schürt in seinem Land Ängste mit Lügen zu Ursachen von Flucht und Migration, und er will auch global Migration nicht gestalten, sondern verhindern. In unserer Entschließung fordern wir auch, Rassismus und Falschmeldungen zu bekämpfen. Ich finde es fast unerträglich, was ich heute hier hören muss, und wir sollten mit der Bekämpfung von Falschmeldungen auch hier im Hause anfangen. Es gibt in Europa keine Massenmigration. Hätten wir im Jahre 2015 die ankommenden Flüchtlinge gemessen an der Bevölkerungszahl auf alle Länder gleichmäßig verteilt, wären etwa in Ungarn genau 30 000 angekommen, in Deutschland wären genau 240 000 angekommen anstatt 880 000.

Ich finde es unverschämt, wie Sie hier behaupten, die Mehrheit der Bürger Europas wolle keine Migration …

(Zwischenrufe)

(Der Präsident entzieht der Rednerin das Wort.)

(Die Rednerin lehnt es ab, eine Frage von Herrn Woolfe nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“ gemäß Artikel 162 Absatz 8 der Geschäftsordnung zu beantworten.)

 
  
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  President. – Ms Sippel, you are off the microphone. I think that you should show sufficient courtesy to your colleagues by respecting in the same way the time slot that you have received. The moment the President asks you to cease further comments, I would appreciate it if you would do so.

 
  
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  Bernd Kölmel (ECR). – Herr Präsident! Diese Diskussion zeigt sehr deutlich, woran es in der Migrationskrise insbesondere hapert: Es ist viel zu viel Ideologie in diesem Thema drinnen. Und ich halte es, ehrlich gesagt, für genau inhuman, wenn einige hier jetzt so tun, als ob sie den Stein der Weisen hätten, der da lautet: Wir müssen uns einfach nur mehr öffnen, wir müssen mehr auf die Migranten zugehen, wir müssen denen eine sichere Überfahrt besorgen und so weiter. Das klingt ja alles wunderschön, aber das ist doch eine Illusion! Wir sehen doch: Selbstverständlich haben wir in Europa – speziell in einigen Ländern, unter anderem in Deutschland – eine Massenmigration, und da müssen wir die Machbarkeit im Auge behalten. Diese Machbarkeit ist nicht nur erreicht, sie ist in einzelnen Kommunen in Deutschland überschritten. Frau Sippel, Sie wissen sehr wohl, dass einige Bürgermeister in Deutschland Brandbriefe schreiben und sagen: „Wir haben die Lage nicht mehr unter Kontrolle.“ Wie man da sagen kann: „Es ist doch alles irgendwie theoretisch lösbar.“ – es tut mir leid, dafür habe ich überhaupt kein Verständnis.

(Der Redner ist damit einverstanden, eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“ gemäß Artikel 162 Absatz 8 der Geschäftsordnung zu beantworten.)

 
  
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  Tomáš Zdechovský (PPE), otázka položená zvednutím modré karty. – Pane kolego, já bych se Vás chtěl zeptat: Jak byste migrační krizi v tomto případě řešil? Jaké navrhujete konkrétní řešení? Byl jste někdy v Africe? Byl jste někdy na diskusi s africkými státníky? Víte, že v Africe řada států z toho, že jejich pracovníci pracují v Evropě nebo v jiných vyspělých státech, profitují? Jaké Vy byste navrhl řešení?

 
  
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  Bernd Kölmel (ECR), Antwort auf eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. – Vielen Dank, Herr Kollege, für diese Frage. Ich war in Afrika. Ich habe mich auch dort mit entsprechenden Parlamentariern unterhalten, und eines zeigt sich dort immer wieder: Wenn wir zum Beispiel in Deutschland 20 000 Euro im Jahr für einen Flüchtling aufwenden müssen, um den zu versorgen, dann könnten wir mit dem gleichen Betrag in Nordafrika fünfzig oder gar hundert Menschen helfen.

Allein das sollte uns mal zu denken geben, ob wir denn hier überhaupt am richtigen Punkt ansetzen.

 
  
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  Ilhan Kyuchyuk (ALDE). – Mr President, the UN Global Compact for Migration and Refugees will be the first intergovernmentally negotiated agreement prepared under the auspices of the United Nations to cover all dimensions of international migration in a holistic and comprehensive manner.

The global compact is a significant opportunity to improve governance on migration, to address the challenges associated with today’s migration, and to strengthen the contribution of migrants and migration to sustainable development.

The UN has a leading role in defending and advancing the negotiations and EU Member States must unite behind a single EU position in order to promote a common European vision on migration, a vision which will be people-centred and human-rights based, and should provide for long-term sustainable and comprehensive measures for the benefit of all parties involved, building on the principle of a partnership strengthening cooperation among transit and destination countries in the region.

 
  
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  Ignazio Corrao (EFDD). – Mr President, migration is a complex phenomenon that is not going to end, no matter how many fences we build or barriers we place. I believe that building legal avenues and stepping up pledging efforts to resettle those in need is a key aspect in order to tackle the problem.

I welcome the Compact on migration, and I appreciate its focus on people and the safeguard of their fundamental basic rights. This is of the utmost importance and should be the driver of any action taken. A safe, orderly and regular migration offers a wide range of opportunities to migrants, their countries of origin and the countries that host them. For instance, remittance has proved to be a tool that boosts development up to three times the total of the official development aid by contributing to the economy of the country of origin. In 2017, indeed, while migration was seriously challenging the global humanitarian aid system on the one hand, on the other hand an estimated USD 450 billion were transferred in remittances to developing countries.

 
  
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  Mara Bizzotto (ENF). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, l'ONU dice che dobbiamo accogliere tutti gli emigrati del mondo e che l'Italia deve continuare con la politica delle porte aperte per tutti. Siamo alla follia.

In cinque anni in Italia sono sbarcati 700 000 immigrati, falsi profughi. Nell'80 % dei casi sono immigrati clandestini, che non scappano da nessuna guerra e tra loro si nascondono anche potenziali terroristi, come ha denunciato Europol.

In questi anni Bruxelles e i governi di sinistra italiani hanno commesso la follia di favorire l'immigrazione clandestina. Negli ultimi quattro anni lo Stato italiano ha speso 14 miliardi di EUR – soldi nostri, soldi degli italiani – per mantenere questi clandestini in hotel con colazione, pranzo e cena. Per non parlare degli enormi costi sociali che questo tipo di immigrazione ha portato nelle nostre città: degrado, furti, violenze.

Ora basta! Gli italiani non vogliono più accogliere immigrati illegali che non hanno diritto di stare nel nostro Paese. Servono poche regole, chiare e ferree: difesa delle frontiere, lotta ai trafficanti di esseri umani, espulsione di tutti i clandestini. Non c'è altra soluzione.

 
  
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  Udo Voigt (NI). – Herr Präsident, werte Kollegen! Vor dem Besuch von Frau Merkel hier im Parlament hat Herr Vizepräsident Timmermans gesagt: Danke, Frau Merkel, nun ist es möglich, dass die 100 bis 140 Millionen Schwarzen aus Afrika nach Europa kommen sollen. Herr Avramopoulos, Sie sagen: Der erste Staat in Europa wehrt sich und will diesen globalen Pakt nicht mitmachen. Die USA sind ausgestiegen. Ja, woran liegt das denn? Warum machen Sie in Europa nicht mal ein Referendum und lassen die Bevölkerung darüber abstimmen, was die Bevölkerung eigentlich will? Ich sage: Europa kann diesen Massenansturm nicht integrieren, und Europa will diese Massen auch nicht integrieren. Fragen Sie doch mal die Menschen, die in den Städten, in den Gebieten, in den Vororten mit der Verausländerung leben wollen. Sie mussten ja extra in allen europäischen Staaten Sondergesetze einführen, damit sich heute kaum noch ein Bürger zu sagen traut: Ich habe die Schnauze voll. Wir müssen etwas ändern in dieser Politik.

 
  
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  Tomáš Zdechovský (PPE). – Pane předsedající, tento dokument, v kterém se Parlament odvolává na všechny mezinárodní závazky a opakovaně v dokumentu zdůrazňuje ochranu lidských práv v souvislosti s migrací, je určitě potřeba. Ale nicméně obsahuje řadu vágních frází: kde je nutné sjednotit státy v boji proti migraci, otázka zdrojů a sdílené odpovědnosti. Dokument pouze konstatuje stav, ale nenabízí žádná řešení. Dámy a pánové, víme, že migrace je globální problém, že je nutné, aby se k tomuto EU jako mezinárodní aktér postavila a vedla dialog s OSN.

Ale my potřebujeme hledat racionální řešení. My potřebujeme mluvit napřímo s africkými státy a říkat, jakým způsobem budeme migrační krizi řešit. A musíme si opravdu říct, kdo je skutečně migrant a kdo je uprchlík. Taky si musíme říct, že nebudeme do budoucnosti obcházet pravidla, že tady nebudou lidé, kteří budou chodit napříč Evropskou unií a říkat si, ve kterých státech budou a nebudou žít. Pokud je někdo v ohrožení, měl by přijmout nabídku prvního členského státu a projít procedurou v tomto státě. A my ostatní státy bychom měly pomoci tuto proceduru zvládnout co možná nejrychleji. Jen pokud si položíme jasnou otázku, můžeme hledat správnou odpověď. A ta bohužel v tomto dokumentu položena nebyla.

 
  
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  Knut Fleckenstein (S&D). – Herr Präsident, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Ich glaube, wir sind mit unserer Entschließung auf einem ganz richtigen Weg. Wir müssen unseren Bürgerinnen und Bürgern zeigen, dass wir Migration nachhaltig steuern wollen und können. Es geht uns um dauerhafte Lösungen, also um Neuansiedlung von Flüchtlingen, lokale Integration und auch um Rückkehr und vor allem um die Bekämpfung der Fluchtursachen vor Ort. Was wir dafür brauchen, sind eine bessere internationale Koordination, gemeinsame verbindliche Zielvorstellungen, Solidarität und Partnerschaft zwischen den Herkunftsländern, den Transitländern und den Aufnahmeländern. Darin liegt der Schlüssel, auch zu einem besseren Umgang mit Migration.

Der sogenannte Migrationspakt und der Flüchtlingspakt sind wichtige Schritte in diese Richtung. Sie tragen dazu bei, dass die bestehenden Grundsätze und auch die Verpflichtungen besser umgesetzt werden können.

Wir europäischen Sozialdemokraten stehen eindeutig und geschlossen hinter der Arbeit der Vereinten Nationen. Denn wir müssen Perspektiven schaffen und die Ursachen der globalen Ungerechtigkeit angehen – durch eine gleichberechtigte und faire Partnerschaft mit Afrika zum Beispiel. Dazu gehört auch ein fairer Handel, über den wir hier auch reden müssen. Auf dieser Grundlage können wir gemeinsam an effektiverer Entwicklungszusammenarbeit, Konfliktlösung und nachhaltigem Wirtschaftswachstum arbeiten. Das ist unsere Priorität. Es geht nicht um charity. Es geht um Gerechtigkeit und Solidarität.

 
  
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  Gerard Batten (EFDD). – Mr President, the United Nations wants an international compact on migration to cover what it calls ‘all dimensions of international migration in a holistic and comprehensive manner’. This is supposed to be a non-legally binding document, but the danger is that if enough nations sign up to it, it may become what is known as customary international law.

So let’s be clear what the compact is all about: it is an illegal migrants charter. Its purpose is to make illegal migration legal and to facilitate it in greater numbers. The United Nations includes many countries that are deeply corrupt, politically and financially. They cannot provide their citizens with anything resembling democratic and prosperous societies protected by the rule of law, impartially implied. But the one thing that they can produce is more people, millions of whom want to flee their homelands, and who can blame them? The global compact is part of the intention of a global political elite to flood Europe and Western nations with never—ending millions of migrants from Africa, the Middle East and beyond. It is their intention to change the continent of Europe into something else in terms of its existing populations, culture and civilisation.

Immigration is of itself neither good nor bad. It depends entirely on the context. Every democratic nation state should have the right and freedom to decide its own immigration policy. What we are seeing in Europe now can only be described as invasion and settlement: it has nothing to do with immigration policy, but is an unprecedented exercise in social engineering in pursuit of an ideological goal. If European nations need a global compact on migration, it is one for international cooperation to protect our borders and control immigration, not one to make the current situation worse.

 
  
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  Marcus Pretzell (ENF). – Herr Präsident, meine Damen und Herren! Der UN-Pakt für Migration und Flüchtlinge vermengt zwei Dinge: zum einen die Migration aus ökonomischen Gründen, zum anderen die Flüchtlinge und Asylanten, die eigentlich nur Schutz auf Zeit suchen und bekommen sollten, was genau genommen gar keine Migration ist.

Es ist völlig richtig angesprochen worden: Wir haben Millionen von Migranten, und nur ein Bruchteil davon kommt nach Europa. Und trotzdem streiten wir hier bereits darüber, ob es sich um Massenimmigration nach Europa handelt. Wir helfen aber dabei nur Bruchteilen, während wir mit demselben Geld vor Ort vielen, vielen Millionen mehr Flüchtlingen tatsächliche Hilfe leisten können.

Dieser UN-Pakt soll nun Anreize und Möglichkeiten für Migration erhöhen und damit die Probleme in den Zielstaaten verschärfen. Es hat schon einen ganz bitteren Beigeschmack, Frau Sippel – Sie können der Debatte ruhig weiter folgen –, wenn Sie ausgerechnet das katastrophalste Beispiel von Migration, nämlich die USA, hier als Beispiel anführen.

 
  
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  Agustín Díaz de Mera García Consuegra (PPE). –Señor presidente, la Declaración de Nueva York nos compromete a la adopción de un pacto mundial sobre los refugiados en 2018 y un pacto mundial para una migración segura, regular y ordenada, que se firmará en Marruecos en diciembre.

La migración forzada es un fenómeno humano, una realidad como consecuencia de conflictos armados, terrorismo o cambio climático. Según el ACNUR ya se sabe que, con datos de 2015, cerca de 65 millones de personas vivían en situación de desplazamiento forzoso. El Fondo Fiduciario de Emergencia para combatir las causas de la migración en África o el paquete legislativo sobre migración y asilo de la Unión son dos instrumentos fundamentales para ayudar a gestionar esta situación.

Es preciso que los Estados miembros se sumen al compromiso con la alta representante y que impulsen los acuerdos de la Declaración de Nueva York. Solo conjuntamente a escala mundial se pueden abordar estos retos. Hay que asistir, ayudar —y de forma sostenida— a los países en desarrollo que acogen a refugiados. Es fundamental la coordinación entre ayuda humanitaria y políticas de desarrollo para mejorar la eficacia, la eficiencia y la ayuda a los refugiados. Es obligada la cooperación entre países y regiones. Necesitamos el enfoque global como respuesta global, y que combine fundamentalmente tres áreas: el área de la diplomacia, el área de la seguridad y el área de la cooperación al desarrollo.

 
  
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  Claude Moraes (S&D). – Mr President, perhaps the most important thing to mention is that both UN global compacts are not binding. The quality and the importance of these compacts depend on what goes into them. It depends on the value of the compacts and that is why the first point I want to make is that the European Parliament should be closely involved, as Mr Díaz de Mera said, in the final Morocco conference.

The Parliament should be there. We should be at the table. Why should we be at the table? We should be at the table because whether you are in denial about migration or whether you’re talking about managed migration, whether you don’t want it or whether you understand, as we did, as Ms Corazza Bildt will say, because we were in Niger and we saw the suffering and the push-backs.

The Commissioner was there. We were in Agadez seeing what migration means – millions of people in West Africa outnumbering all of the refugees in the European Union. When you see that and you see the demographic needs in the European Union, if you want to deny it, deny it. But if we have no plan and we’re still depending on the Geneva Convention from just after the war and we have no plan, then say we don’t want it. But if we want to have a good-quality plan then we participate in the compact.

I want Parliament to be at the table. Let’s be at the table. Let’s be at the final Morocco conference. Let’s participate. It is not binding, but the quality of this depends on us. Let’s be at the table, let’s negotiate. I say to the Commissioner, we want to be in Morocco, with my colleagues and let’s make it a holistic approach and let’s talk the talk and let’s ensure that Parliament makes a significant contribution.

 
  
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  Gerolf Annemans (ENF). – Voorzitter, ik wil hier wijzen op een bijkomende hardnekkige verwarring in verband met migratie. Het idee dat we op het Europese grondgebied de mensenrechten van migranten moeten respecteren is verschoven naar een idee dat helemaal niet de bedoeling was, namelijk dat migratie een mensenrecht is. Wie dat zeer goed heeft begrepen is de Hongaarse regering, die in een documentje van amper twee bladzijden, de "Proposals by Hungary to the UN's Global Compact on migration", in punt 3 stelt : "Migration is not a basic human right". En dat is ook zo. En dat is ook de reden waarom wij als ENF de idee verdedigen dat de conventie van Genève zo snel mogelijk moet worden herzien. Ze dateert uit een heel andere tijd. Ze was bedoeld voor heel andere zaken. En ze hindert een normale en moderne visie op migratie, die aangepast is aan wat de bevolking in Europa op dit ogenblik vindt van de migratie die haar overkomen is.

 
  
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  Francisco José Millán Mon (PPE). – Señor presidente, asistimos a un elevado aumento del fenómeno de la movilidad, no solo por razones económicas sino también por persecución política, crisis o conflictos. Ninguna región del mundo es ajena con mayor o menor intensidad a estos flujos de población y, por ello, conviene reforzar la coordinación internacional para la mejor ordenación de estos flujos y, al mismo tiempo, que se vele por los derechos de los migrantes y de los refugiados. El diálogo entre países receptores, de origen y de tránsito es esencial.

Los europeos debemos desempeñar en las Naciones Unidas un papel protagonista en la elaboración de los pactos globales ahora que entramos en la llamada fase intergubernamental de la negociación: podemos brindar nuestras experiencias y nuestra visión de esta problemática.

Para mí, es necesario un análisis y también un debate realista de la migración, que tenga en cuenta su potencial positivo, pero no podemos ignorar las preocupaciones de seguridad de los Estados de tránsito o de origen, ni los límites de la capacidad de integración económica y social de estos.

Los europeos hemos conocido bien en los últimos años los fenómenos migratorios y su trágica problemática. Hemos vivido la llamada crisis de los refugiados, que afectó al Mediterráneo oriental y también al central. Todavía hoy, el Mediterráneo sigue siendo escenario de noticias cotidianas sobre intentos o flujos irregulares de migración.

Necesitamos continuar intensificando el diálogo y la cooperación con los países de origen y tránsito.

Quiero subrayar la importancia del Plan de Acción de La Valeta y de los acuerdos alcanzados con algunos países del Sahel.

En materia migratoria, en suma, tenemos que dar una atención prioritaria los europeos a nuestras relaciones con África y atacar las raíces profundas de los fenómenos migratorios. El subdesarrollo, las crisis y conflictos explican muchos de estos flujos.

Y termino. Yo creo que es necesario también intensificar – y termino con esta consideración – la lucha contra las mafias que trafican con las vidas y con los sueños de tantos seres humanos.

 
  
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  Norbert Neuser (S&D). – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Das, was an Beiträgen zum Teil von der ENF und von den Fraktionslosen kam, ist beschämend, weil wir keinen politischen Willen feststellen, die Probleme zu lösen, sondern lediglich die Absicht, aus dieser schwierigen Situation, in der wir sind, politisches Kapital zu schlagen. Fidesz und Jobbik haben das bei den Wahlen aus ihrer Sicht hervorragend gemacht – leider. Leider sind viele ihrer Mitbürger ihnen in dieser Situation auf den Leim gegangen.

Ich glaube, der globale Pakt ist eine gute Chance. Wir stehen in der EU vereint – mit Ausnahme eines Landes, nämlich Ungarns. Viktor Orbán ist derjenige, der uns als EU unglaubwürdig macht. Er und Ungarn müssen zu dem stehen, was gemeinsame Grundlage ist: Wir stehen ein für Menschenrechte, und dazu gehört auch das Recht, Flüchtlinge, die zu uns kommen, vernünftig zu versorgen. Wir müssen uns darum kümmern, was mit den Kindern und Frauen geschieht, und wir müssen Lösungen finden.

All das, was ich gehört habe, ist das Gegenteil von dem, was gebraucht wird. Wir brauchen – einige Vorredner haben das gesagt – eine Verstärkung der Entwicklungszusammenarbeit. Da waren wir zu spät. Aber wenn wir die Fluchtursachen bekämpfen, sind wir auf dem richtigen Weg.

 
  
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  Gilles Lebreton (ENF). – Monsieur le Président, le projet de l’ONU d’établir un pacte mondial sur les réfugiés est très inquiétant. Il repose en effet sur l’idée que les migrations de masse sont inévitables et qu’il faut accueillir toujours plus de migrants, qu’ils soient d’ailleurs de véritables réfugiés politiques ou de simples migrants économiques.

Aucune des raisons avancées pour justifier cet immigrationnisme forcené n’est convaincante. Le déclin démographique de l’Europe doit être combattu par des politiques natalistes et non par l’immigration. La prétendue richesse qu’apporterait la diversité culturelle n’est qu’un mirage destiné à camoufler la sinistre réalité du communautarisme. Quant à l’argument fondé sur le respect des droits de l’homme, il ne saurait dissimuler cette vérité que le premier devoir d’un État est d’assurer la sécurité et la préservation de l’identité nationale de son peuple.

Ce n’est pas d’un pacte mondial pour favoriser l’immigration que le monde a besoin, mais d’une coopération internationale qui permette à chaque État d’assurer une vie décente à ses ressortissants à l’intérieur de ses frontières.

 
  
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  Alessandra Mussolini (PPE). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, io ricordo il presidente Juncker dichiarare, all'inizio di questa legislatura, quando l'Italia subiva una fortissima pressione migratoria, che "il fenomeno migratorio e queste vicende drammatiche non possono essere un problema italiano, ma è un problema europeo". Qui si va oltre: diventa un problema da affrontare a livello internazionale; ecco perché noi dobbiamo sostenere questi patti.

Certo è che, va detto, gli Stati Uniti si sono defilati e va detto che in questo momento noi stiamo assistendo a un aumento della pressione migratoria da parte di minori, di bambini, di donne, che subiscono violenze inenarrabili, che non sono scolarizzati nei loro paesi di origine e non lo sono neanche quando vengono in Europa.

Allora, quello che manca all'interno di queste risoluzioni è implementare la politica estera dell'Unione europea, implementare la politica della difesa europea, anche perché c'è stato un aumento della conflittualità – il bombardamento in Siria – e l'Unione europea l'ha saputo dopo, come se fosse stata una trasmissione in differita e questo è molto grave. Deve andare di pari passo.

 
  
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  Kati Piri (S&D). – Voorzitter, het is goed dat er binnen de Verenigde Naties een serieuze poging wordt gedaan om tot onderlinge afspraken te komen om het migratievraagstuk beter beheersbaar te maken en er tegelijkertijd voor te zorgen dat mensen die moeten vluchten, veilig worden opgevangen. De EU moet hierin het voortouw nemen, ondanks het feit dat een klein aantal Europese regeringsleiders als Viktor Orban dwarsliggen. Het is dan ook van groot belang dat onze Europese regeringen het niet laten bij mooie woorden, maar daadwerkelijk in actie komen. Wereldwijd komen meer dan 1 miljoen kwetsbare vluchtelingen in aanmerking voor hervestiging. Maar de EU-landen samen zijn in twee jaar tijd niet verder gekomen dan het bieden van deze veilige en legale route aan 25000 mensen. Dit politiek falen leidt nog altijd tot vluchtelingen die overlijden onderweg naar een veilige plek. De regeringen die wel oplossinggericht willen denken moeten ervoor zorgen dat het VN-proces leidt tot substantieel meer aangeboden plekken voor deze groep kwetsbare vluchtelingen.

 
  
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  László Tőkés (PPE). – Tisztelt Elnök Úr! Az ENSZ migrációs dokumentumtervezete egészében véve pozitív jelenségként értékeli a globális méreteket öltött népvándorlást, melyet ösztönözni és szervezni kíván. Ezzel szemben Magyarország rossz és veszélyes folyamatnak ítéli a migrációt, melyet korlátozni kell és fel kell tartóztatni. Európa biztonsága érdekében, illetve a terrorveszély miatt a migrációs válság nem átmeneti krízis, hanem hosszan tartó kihívás mindnyájunk számára – figyelmeztet Manfred Weber.

Ezeket szem előtt tartva, ugyanakkor a globális együttműködés fontosságát nem tagadva, arra kérem fel az Európai Parlamentet, hogy opportunista módon ne támogassa az ENSZ migrációs paktumtervezetét.

Azt is elfogadhatatlannak tartom, hogy az Unió migrációellenes álláspontja miatt megbélyegezze és büntesse Magyarországot és szövetségeseit. Nem engedhetünk szabad utat a migrációnak. A migráció nem tekinthető alapvető emberi jognak.

Tiszteletben kell tartani a nemzetek ENSZ-alapokmánya által biztosított önrendelkezési jogát, valamint tagállami szuverenitását.

 
  
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  Boris Zala (S&D). – Mr President, migration is a big link in global governance. The two UN agreements rightly focus on easing the human suffering and safeguarding the rights of millions of refugees and migrants, but migration has now become a geopolitical challenge too. Governments cynically use refugees as a strategic bargaining chip, for example Turkey. But some countries of origin in Africa are doing the same. In the destination countries, the issue is abused by extremist forces. It has driven a wedge into the heart of European politics. The use of migration as a geopolitical weapon is an extremely dangerous phenomenon and will cause more instability unless there is a strong multilateral regime to govern migration flows. The European Union must be at the forefront of this effort.

 
  
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  Андрей Ковачев (PPE). – Президентът Макрон тази сутрин много правилно каза, че голяма част от европейските граждани са гневни. Но те не са гневни за това, че Европейският съюз е прекалено силен, а точно обратното – за това, че Европейският съюз е бавен и неефективен и бавно се адаптира към променящия се свят около нас. Парадоксално е, че същите тези хора, които критикуват Европейския съюз, не са готови да дадат инструментите на Европейския съюз ние да бъдем бързи и ефективни и да се адаптираме към промените около нас.

Европейските граждани искат от нас гарантиране на физическата и социалната им сигурност. Страховете на европейските граждани биват експлоатирани от различни политически играчи, които се опитват да получават дивиденти от това. Докато с икономическите проблеми можем в голяма степен да се справим сами, то въпросите, касаещи тероризма и миграцията, изискват глобален отговор.

За да се намери трайно решение на миграционния проблем, освен глобалната политика за управление на миграцията, трябва да се запази акцентът върху справянето с различните първоизточници на незаконна миграция и принудително разследване: конфликти, преследване, етническо прочистване, насилие и други фактори, като крайна бедност или природни бедствия.

И не на последно място, за да се справим с проблема, трябва да работим за опазване на външните граници, за обща отбрана, за общо разузнаване, за обмяна на информация по отношение на борбата с тероризма, за ограничаване на миграцията в Европейския съюз. Трябва да гарантираме много бързо връщане на тези мигранти от територията на Европейския съюз, които подлежат на връщане и нямат право да останат тук. И тук искам да призова също така да дадем на върховния представител – г-жа Могерини, много повече възможности за обща европейска политика по отношение на сигурността и миграцията.

 
  
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  Soraya Post (S&D). – Herr talman! Stora delar av resolutionen visar en riktning som EU måste ta. Särskilt formuleringarna om att vi måste säkra flyende och migrerande människors rätt till sina mänskliga rättigheter och att den utsatthet som uppstår till följd av omständigheterna i ursprungslandet när du migrerar och hur du tas emot är ett resultat av politiska val.

Det finns ju inga svaga människor, men svaga strukturer. Vi ser det i fråga om migration, såväl inom Europa som utom Europa.

Vi måste alltså öppna EU:s gränser. Vi behöver öka antalet kvotflyktingar. Vi behöver ta bort hinder för familjeåterförening. Vi behöver också ge amnesti för asylsökande som väntat länge och vi måste säkra papperslösas rättigheter och trygghet.

 

EU:s migrationspolitik måste stå stadigt i rättssäkerhet och i respekt för mänskliga rättigheter, och detta kommer aldrig att kunna vara förhandlingsbart.

 
  
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  Juan Fernando López Aguilar (S&D). – Señor presidente, comisaria Mogherini, pocas veces en política se produce una coincidencia entre lo urgente y lo importante, pero este es el caso, porque si hay algo urgente e importante es cambiar la mirada negativa de la Unión Europea sobre la inmigración, que no es una crisis, ni una amenaza, sino una constante en la historia que está aquí para quedarse.

Y la Unión Europea tiene el deber de abordarla de manera ordenada y segura contando con todas las partes implicadas, y de hacerlo además de conformidad con el Derecho europeo, que establece no solamente el deber moral de prestar ayuda a quienes huyen de la desesperación, sino además la obligación jurídica de hacerlo conforme al Derecho internacional y al Derecho europeo, en particular.

Este es el momento de cumplir con el objetivo de las Naciones Unidas: un global compact, un pacto global por la inmigración, que ordene el asunto y plante cara a los enemigos de ese compromiso global; fuera de la Unión Europea, la presidencia Trump, y dentro de la Unión Europea, el discurso xenófobo de algunos países, como el del Gobierno de Orbán. Pero es el momento de hacerlo, además, en correspondencia con el sistema europeo común de asilo e imponiendo, por fin, una vía legal y segura para la inmigración regular en la Unión Europea: visados humanitarios.

 
  
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  Elly Schlein (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, se l'86 % delle persone sfollate di tutto il mondo sono ospitate in paesi in via di sviluppo, è evidente che il tema di una maggiore condivisione delle responsabilità sull'accoglienza non sia solo europeo ma globale.

E ora che grandi potenze si sfilano, è necessario che l'UE si faccia guida in questo processo, trovando una voce sola e forte in questo negoziato. Ma saremmo più credibili nel chiedere solidarietà ad altri attori globali se fossimo in grado di dimostrarla al nostro interno, approvando la coraggiosa riforma di Dublino, proposta da questo Parlamento, che assicura che ogni Stato faccia la propria parte.

Quel che invece non vogliamo vedere nei compact è la tendenza alla esternalizzazione delle frontiere dei governi europei, così come non vogliamo vedere inserita e legittimata la tendenza a condizionare gli aiuti allo sviluppo a un maggior controllo delle frontiere africane.

Ecco: non perdiamo l'occasione con i global compact di ribadire che parliamo di persone con i loro diritti fondamentali, di creare vie legali e sicure per l'accesso a rifugiati e migranti come unico modo di contrastare i trafficanti e per contribuire, con lo sviluppo, a creare opportunità reali per i giovani africani.

 
  
 

Catch-the-eye procedure

 
  
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  Michaela Šojdrová (PPE). – Pane předsedající, já souhlasím s tím, že migrační vlna je prostě výzva, na kterou musí reagovat OSN i EU koordinovaným přístupem. Zejména bychom měli brát ohled na situaci dětí a žen. Nicméně k návrhu paktu OSN a rezoluce Evropského parlamentu mám zásadní výhrady. Především globální pakt OSN pojímá migraci jako velkou a pozitivní příležitost. S takovým viděním se prostě neztotožňuji, protože migraci do Evropy v té migrační vlně, jakou zažíváme, považuji za problém. Za druhé programy přesídlování by musely zůstat dobrovolné a EU nemůže usilovat o jejich závaznost. A konečně za třetí legální trasy pro uprchlíky nesmí fungovat jako motivační pull factor pro masivní migraci. Domnívám se, že prioritou EU by měl být mír a dodržování lidských práv občanů v jejich původních zemích.

 
  
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  Julie Ward (S&D). – Mr President, I am proud that the Socialists and Democrats Group took the lead on supporting Ms Mogherini in her efforts to strengthen the international framework for migration. Free movement is a human right, Article 13 of the Universal Declaration. It should be protected at all levels and we must support the international rules that ensure all migrants are treated in a way that respects their dignity.

It is also important to recognise and support the work of community groups who defend migrants’ dignity. In my north—west England constituency, RAPAR has been working alongside migrants for decades. Today, they are extremely worried about the UK’s hostile environment, which pressures migrants to voluntarily return to their home countries. RAPAR is exceptionally concerned that the Home Office is now infiltrating community groups and setting up voluntary returns clinics with the clear aim of pushing vulnerable people to leave the UK. Migrants in all European countries deserve to live in safe communities, supported by neutral organisations, without the pressure to return.

 
  
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  Ana Gomes (S&D). – Senhor Presidente, o projeto de pacto das Nações Unidas para gerir movimentos migratórios e de refugiados faz sentido. A questão é se a União Europeia vai fazer a diferença realmente, vai abrir vias legais e seguras, controladas, portanto, através da revisão do regime de Dublin, para que imigrantes e refugiados não tenham que continuar a pôr as suas vidas em perigo na mão de máfias traficantes para chegar a país seguro.

Porque os governos europeus efetivamente têm contribuído para alimentar essas máfias, não abrindo vias legais e seguras. É essencial que a União Europeia não continue a externalizar responsabilidades como tem feito com a Turquia e com a Líbia e efetivamente seja criteriosa no uso do dinheiro dos contribuintes, designadamente em políticas de desenvolvimento que sirvam regimes, governos que efetivamente querem dar condições de desenvolvimento, de democracia e de progresso aos seus povos, em vez de os reprimir e assim os tornar refugiados e migrantes.

Salih Mahmoud Osman, o Prémio Sakharov 2007, antes de voltar a ser preso no seu país, no Sudão, veio aqui avisar-nos exatamente contra essas supostas políticas de desenvolvimento, que contam com criminosos como Omar al-Bashir, como se fosse nosso amigo e cooperante com a política séria neste domínio.

 
  
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  Νότης Μαριάς (ECR). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η κατάσταση στα νησιά του Αιγαίου οξύνεται. Υπάρχουν πλέον αυξημένες προσφυγικές και μεταναστευτικές ροές. Σε σχέση με πέρυσι η κατάσταση είναι χειρότερη και βεβαίως έχουμε πάρα πολλούς οι οποίοι είναι παράνομοι μετανάστες. Τα νησιά του Αιγαίου λοιπόν δεν αντέχουν άλλους πρόσφυγες και παράνομους μετανάστες. Ταυτόχρονα βλέπουμε να υπάρχει μεταναστευτική ροή και από την πλευρά του Έβρου, στα χερσαία σύνορα δηλαδή Ελλάδας και Τουρκίας. Θεωρώ λοιπόν ότι πρέπει να δούμε την αναγκαιότητα επαναφοράς της διαδικασίας μετεγκατάστασης, διότι το προηγούμενο πρόγραμμα εκτελέστηκε μόνο κατά το 1/3 σε σχέση με την Ελλάδα, η Γερμανία έπρεπε να πάρει 17.209 άτομα με μετεγκατάσταση και πήρε μόνο 4.447 άτομα. Αντιλαμβάνεστε λοιπόν ότι, με τέτοια πολιτική, είναι αδύνατον να αντιμετωπιστούν οι τεράστιες προσφυγικές και μεταναστευτικές ροές προς την Ευρώπη και κυρίως προς την Ελλάδα.

 
  
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  Σοφία Σακοράφα (GUE/NGL). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση πρωτοστατεί στα παγκόσμια σύμφωνα του ΟΗΕ και διατείνεται ότι υπερασπίζεται και διεκδικεί ασφάλεια, μετανάστευση, αλληλεγγύη σε πρόσφυγες και σε κράτη, και ανθρωποκεντρική προσέγγιση στο προσφυγικό. Την ίδια στιγμή, πληρώνει την Τουρκία για να κρατάει τους πρόσφυγες αποκλεισμένους και τη χρηματοδοτεί για να αγοράζει τεθωρακισμένα για να τους αποτρέπει να φτάνουν στην Ευρώπη, παραβιάζοντας εν γνώση της τη Σύμβαση της Γενεύης για τους πρόσφυγες και τις ευρωπαϊκές Συνθήκες. Ανέχεται κράτη μέλη της να κλείνουν σύνορα, να μη δέχονται πρόσφυγες και να μπλοκάρουν την αναγκαία αναθεώρηση του Κανονισμού του Δουβλίνου και όχι μόνο δεν καταδικάζει, αλλά συμπαρίσταται στη Γαλλία και στη Βρετανία που βομβάρδισαν προχθές τη Συρία, περιφρονώντας και αυτά τα θεσμικά όργανα του ΟΗΕ, με κίνδυνο δημιουργίας νέων κυμάτων προσφύγων. Πείτε μου, κύριοι επίτροποι, με ποιο ηθικό κύρος θα υπερασπιστείτε στα Ηνωμένα Έθνη Συνθήκες και αξίες που περιφρονούνται από κράτη μέλη της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης και καταπατούνται από τον ίδιο τον θεσμό που εκπροσωπείτε; Ποια είναι τελικά η κοινή ευρωπαϊκή θέση για το προσφυγικό; Μόνο αυτό θέλω να μου πείτε.

 
  
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  João Pimenta Lopes (GUE/NGL). – Senhor Presidente, Senhora Mogherini, desde 2014 terão morrido no Mediterrâneo, à data de ontem, 15 907 migrantes. Aos que conseguem superar os muros da Europa-Fortaleza e chegar ao território da UE esperam-nos as crescentes limitações ao direito de asilo e integração, esperam-nos a perseguição, a violência, a discriminação, esperam-nos as vergonhosas e inumanas condições dos centros de detenção, autênticos campos de concentração dos dias de hoje, espera-os ou a repulsão forçada, ou a brutal exploração laboral e, pior, a exploração sexual.

Os que não conseguem desesperam e são explorados nos campos da Turquia ou alimentam o trabalho escravo nos campos da Líbia, realidades financiadas pela União Europeia. São as consequências das criminosas, xenófobas e racistas políticas migratórias que a UE impõe e promove, violando o direito internacional, os direitos humanos, a dignidade humana. A ausência de contribuições da UE na construção dos compactos será o maior contributo para que estes garantam de facto os direitos e proteção dos migrantes.

 
  
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  Τάκης Χατζηγεωργίου (GUE/NGL). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, νομίζω ότι δεν υπάρχει αμφιβολία ότι χρειαζόμαστε ένα Παγκόσμιο Σύμφωνο για την αντιμετώπιση του μεταναστευτικού ζητήματος. Τολμώ όμως να πω, τουλάχιστον σε σχέση με την ευρωπαϊκή διάσταση του μεταναστευτικού ζητήματος και τονίζω ότι λέγω «ζητήματος» και όχι «προβλήματος» ή πολύ περισσότερο «κινδύνου», ότι τα Ηνωμένα Έθνη ήταν απόντα από την ευρωπαϊκή του διάσταση και ότι αφέθηκε μόνη η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση να αντιμετωπίσει το ζήτημα των μερικών εκατομμυρίων προσφύγων από τη Συρία. Δεν υπάρχουν κυρώσεις εναντίον κρατών που δεν αναλαμβάνουν τις ευθύνες τους απέναντι στις μεταναστευτικές ροές, όπως είναι η Ουγγαρία. Κλείνω με μια αναφορά στην Τουρκία για να πω ότι, κατά την άποψή μου, είναι υπερβολικός ο φόβος ότι η Τουρκία θα χρησιμοποιήσει ως μοχλό τους μετανάστες που βρίσκονται στη χώρα και τούτο επειδή νομίζω ότι, όταν είναι κλειστά τα σύνορα από την Ελλάδα προς την Ευρώπη, δεν υπάρχει ισχυρή βούληση εκ μέρους των προσφύγων να ξεκινήσουν για να έρθουν στα ελληνικά νησιά και να έχουν τη μοίρα που έχουν οι μετανάστες σε αυτούς τους χώρους, μια μοίρα πολύ χειρότερη από την κατάσταση που επικρατεί στη χώρα που βρίσκονται.

 
  
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  Κωνσταντίνος Παπαδάκης (NI). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, ενώ οι Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες της Αμερικής, από κοινού με τη Γαλλία και τη Μ. Βρετανία, βομβαρδίζουν τη Συρία, με την πλήρη στήριξη της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης και του ΝΑΤΟ, η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, και με τα ετοιμαζόμενα Σύμφωνα του ΟΗΕ, παριστάνει τον προστάτη των δικαιωμάτων των προσφύγων που ξεριζώνονται από τους βομβαρδισμούς, τους δικούς της και των συμμάχων της. Επικαλείστε αρχές. Οι αρχές σας είναι οι βομβαρδισμοί, ο εγκλωβισμός στα ελληνικά νησιά, η ζωή σε άθλιες συνθήκες χιλιάδων προσφύγων, οι ανταγωνισμοί των ποσοστώσεων, οι fast-track απελάσεις, οι χιλιάδες εν αναμονή επανενώσεις οικογενειών. Εύτακτη μετανάστευση για σας είναι να ανοιγοκλείνει η κάνουλα και, όσοι μετανάστες περισσεύουν και δεν χρειάζονται άμεσα ως καύσιμη ύλη για τα ευρωπαϊκά μονοπώλια, να τους θεωρείτε παράνομους. Απαιτούμε ανθρώπινους χώρους υποδοχής και φιλοξενίας, απαιτούμε απεγκλωβισμό τους από τα ελληνικά νησιά και την ενδοχώρα και απαιτούμε να μπορούν να ταξιδέψουν στις χώρες τελικού προορισμού τους. Να δυναμώσει λοιπόν η αλληλεγγύη και η κοινή πάλη των λαών ενάντια στο σάπιο καπιταλιστικό σύστημα της εκμετάλλευσης των πολέμων της προσφυγιάς!

 
  
 

(End of catch-the-eye procedure)

 
  
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  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Mr President, I listened carefully to this debate and I thank this House for its support for the difficult work we are trying to do in the UN system on the global compacts on migration and refugees, in a global environment that, it is quite clear to all of us, is a challenging one and in particular on issues like this.

We are well aware of our responsibilities in this respect, I would say on two different levels, both of them extremely important. One is the investment in the UN system and in multilateral approaches, as such. We know very well that this is challenged from different sides in the world of today. And we know very well that the world looks at the European Union to create, consolidate and strengthen alliances globally to work in a multilateral manner.

This could be true for issues related to different things, from trade to human rights and crisis management, but also on migration and refugees. So we know that the UN system counts on us. We know that the partners around the world count on us to make sure that the multilateral approach and the multilateral method are the ones followed when tackling a global issue. I would never – never – say ‘problem’, because we’re not talking about a problem, if not for those fleeing countries at war or facing forced movements.

As for the specifics of our responsibilities, we know that we have a responsibility to uphold a certain approach to the migration issues and also on refugees. On refuges, this is clearly full respect of values and, in particular, full respect of international principles and regulations. And it is also a matter of the basic moral compass that for us as the European Union is a must, and this entails full respect of human rights and the consideration that every single person that is a refugee or migrant is first and foremost a human being and, as such, has individual human rights that are impossible to be considered as subject to discussions or negotiations.

We also know that we have a responsibility to build consensus globally on a certain way of managing migration. I say ‘managing migration’. I don’t say ‘stopping a problem’. I say managing migration, which is the partnership approach.

The European Union has not always been on this line. The European Union has, in the past, several times either turned its eyes away from this issue, leaving the front-line Member States alone. Or some other times – I still sometimes see this temptation here and there – it has taken the security approach, as if it were a border management issue. Migration movements are massive global phenomena that need to be managed together with partnerships that involve countries of origin, countries of transit, and countries of destination.

Some of these countries are at the same time the three and the international agencies of the United Nations system. I will give you an example of how this partnership approach is bringing results, because this is the basis on which we are going to work. And we are already working in the UN system to try to build a global alliance around this model.

Take the dramatic situation in the detention camps in Libya. We have discussed this in this chamber several times. And several times I have told you we are working to close these camps. Last December we established a joint task force between the European Union, the African Union, United Nations with UNHCR and the IOM, and we set the target of emptying the detention camps and, as an intermediate target, to save 15 000 of the people that were in the detention camps in Libya in the coming two months.

We have managed to save more than 16 000 of them in less than two months and have assisted them in returning voluntarily to their own local communities and supported them with reintegration projects and economic start-up activities. And we are about to completely empty the detention centres in Libya.

The news was shocking and striking when we saw the images and the stories from the detention camps. I would also like us to tell the stories of those whom we managed to save as we empty the detention camps. Because this helps us pass on the message inside Europe and outside of Europe, that this is not the policy we’ve chosen purely out of values and good feelings. This is also the policy that is bringing results.

It’s cooperation and partnership, and not walls, that is bringing results in migration policies, and we are starting to see good results. We will continue to take this approach, hoping for a united position between the Member States of the European Union

But let me tell you we will exercise our responsibilities and duties in the UN context on migration and refugees. We will, I imagine, continue to discuss this issue in this chamber in the coming months as we go towards the summit and then the finalisation of this work towards the end of the year.

I count on this Parliament to follow this work very closely on a day-to-day basis to help us to build this way of working, both internally within the European Union and outside it. I will not refer here to the issues related to Dublin or to other decisions related to solidarity internally that still, I believe, should be tackled. But today in this building I speak of a global compact both on migration and on refugees based on the principles of human rights and respectful partnership across the globe.

 
  
  

ΠΡΟΕΔΡΙΑ: ΔΗΜΗΤΡΙΟΣ ΠΑΠΑΔΗΜΟΥΛΗΣ
Αντιπρόεδρος

 
  
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  Πρόεδρος. – Έχω λάβει 2 προτάσεις ψηφίσματος σύμφωνα με το άρθρο 123 παράγραφος 2 του Κανονισμού.

Η συζήτηση έληξε.

Η ψηφοφορία θα διεξαχθεί την Τετάρτη 18 Απριλίου 2018.

 
  
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  Kathleen Van Brempt (S&D), schriftelijk. – Als we de toenemende terughoudendheid van delen van onze samenlevingen tegenover migranten willen omkeren, dan moeten we burgers tonen dat het migratiebeleid anders kan. We moeten Europese burgers én migranten een alternatief bieden voor de beelden van gammele bootjes in de Middellandse Zee, de jungle van Calais of de wantoestanden in overvolle asielcentra en vluchtelingenkampen.

Daarom zijn de Global Compacts een belangrijke kans die we ambitieus moeten invullen. Ik ben trots dat het Europees Parlement vandaag een sterke tekst kan voorleggen. In een groot deel van de wereld vormt migratie zowel een uitdaging voor de maatschappij als een kans voor de economie. Om niet ten onder te gaan aan de uitdaging en de vruchten te kunnen plukken van deze kans, moeten we samenwerken. Dat betekent financiële solidariteit voor kwetsbare regio’s en gemeenschappelijke organisatie van legale migratiekanalen. Een goed migratiebeleid versterkt daarbij mensen in plaats van ze kwetsbaarder te maken. Daarom ben ik blij dat er in de tekst ook specifieke aandacht uitgaat naar kinderen, die nu al, maar de komende jaren nog veel meer, een significant deel van het aantal migranten vormen. Het Parlement bevestigt vandaag nogmaals dat mensenrechten de sleutel, en niet de belemmering, tot degelijk beleid zijn.

 
Posljednje ažuriranje: 30. srpnja 2018.Pravna napomena