Kazalo 
 Prejšnje 
 Naslednje 
 Celotno besedilo 
Postopek : 2018/0058(COD)
Potek postopka na zasedanju
Potek postopka za dokument : A8-0183/2018

Predložena besedila :

A8-0183/2018

Razprave :

PV 12/06/2018 - 17
CRE 12/06/2018 - 17

Glasovanja :

PV 13/06/2018 - 8.7
CRE 13/06/2018 - 8.7
Obrazložitev glasovanja

Sprejeta besedila :

P8_TA(2018)0255

Razprave
Torek, 12. junij 2018 - Strasbourg Pregledana izdaja

17. Nadaljnja makrofinančna pomoč Ukrajini (razprava)
Video posnetki govorov
PV
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  President. – The next item is the report by Jarosław Wałęsa, on behalf of the Committee on International Trade, on the proposal for a decision of the European Parliament and of the Council providing further macro-financial assistance to Ukraine (COM(2018)0127 – C8-0108/2018 – 2018/0058(COD)) (A8—0183/2018).

 
  
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  Godelieve Quisthoudt-Rowohl, deputising for the rapporteur. – Madam President, I am speaking on behalf of rapporteur Jarosław Wałęsa, who is not able to be here due to family reasons (he is about to become a father, which is always I suppose a very happy thing). Macrofinancial assistance is an exceptional emergency mechanism aimed at addressing severe balance of payment difficulties in third countries. In other words, it is a financial instrument and its purpose is economic stabilisation.

This is the fourth time that the Commission proposes macrofinancial assistance (MFA) for Ukraine since the beginning of the war in 2014. This time, the Commission proposes EUR 1 billion to be dispersed as medium- and long-term loans. The assistance is also intended to trigger reforms in Ukraine, which is done by agreeing with the Ukrainian authorities a Memorandum of Understanding. This Memorandum sets out the supporting policy measures which are conditional for the disbursements of the funds.

In that context, I would like to highlight three key elements. First, the worsening conflict and casualties in the east of Ukraine and all the many socio-economic consequences of this aggression. Second, the economic recovery, which remains fragile. Third, the reform process, which has been important but is not really steady until now. Hence, the need for support for these reforms in the context where many interests can play against, especially in pre-election years. That being said, to address any doubts that may arise during this debate, the MFA is not an unconditional support. There are firm conditions to ensure that this money will serve economic stabilisation and support the reforms.

It is very important to remind that the Commission cancelled the last tranche of the third MFA programme when some of Ukraine’s commitments were not fulfilled. Therefore, it is crucial that the two unfulfilled anti-corruption measures will be part of the new conditions. If corruption is not addressed drastically, MFA funds should not be delivered to Ukraine.

A step in the right direction is the adoption of the law on the high anti-corruption court this last week. In addition, the newly adopted law was signed yesterday by the President of Ukraine. The rapporteur welcomes this news with great satisfaction: it means that Ukrainians take the commitment seriously.

I believe that our common goal is to help Ukraine, but it is true that we need to closely follow the situation. If we are serious about our goal, we cannot slow down the procedures. This means that the rapporteur does not support any amendments tabled to the plenary and recommends closing the file at first reading.

To end, I would like to underline once again that this report is just a legal base for the Commission to disburse the money, but they will do so only when Ukrainians manage to fulfil all the agreed and outstanding conditions. The rapporteur is very sure that the Commission will take this role actively and will pay great attention to political evolutions in Ukraine.

 
  
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  Valdis Dombrovskis, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, let me first thank the rapporteur, Mr Wałęsa, and the Committee on International Trade (INTA) for their work on this report. I would also like to thank the Committee on Foreign Affairs (AFET) for its valuable contribution to this debate.

The partnership between Ukraine and the EU has grown deeper and stronger. Today I am seeking your support to maintain this momentum through the adoption of a further proposal for macro-financial assistance (MFA). A look at the past MFA operation from 2014 shows how important this support is for Ukraine.

First, back in 2014, the MFA was a key EU instrument to provide immediate financial assistance to Ukraine in order to stabilise its economic and financial situation. Ukraine returned to economic recovery and growth in 2016 and 2017, after two years of steep recession. It is an important success story, not only for Ukraine, but also for the EU.

Second, the MFA has played a major role in supporting reforms in Ukraine and, in particular, in stabilising Ukraine’s economy in the medium term. Through this programme, the EU has supported a broad range of anti-corruption reforms, including the establishment of the anti—corruption infrastructure, spearheaded by the National Anti-Corruption Bureau. Reforms to its energy and public procurement markets also helped to eliminate major sources of corruption. It has also helped Ukraine to improve its public finance management, to clean up its banking sector and to improve its business environment, for example, by automating VAT returns and reducing red tape.

However, despite its recovery, Ukraine’s economic situation remains fragile. Russia’s destabilising actions in eastern Ukraine continue, and the security situation remains tense. Ukraine is paying a high price. For example, its defence spending reached 5% of GDP last year, which otherwise could be used for the development of Ukraine. Ukraine’s debt repayment obligations will increase substantially in 2018 and 2019, putting a very heavy burden on the state budget. We cannot afford to let Ukraine fail. Therefore, the new MFA operation is necessary, along with other international support, in particular from the International Monetary Fund.

Having stressed the importance of this MFA proposal, let me add a clear message on the reforms in Ukraine. As always, this MFA proposal is strictly linked to reform conditions. Due to delays with the implementation of agreed anti—corruption reforms, the Commission cancelled the last disbursement under MFA III in January 2018. In order to give a clear political signal to the Ukrainian authorities that the newly proposed MFA operation will also be subject to state conditionality, Parliament, the Council and the Commission have agreed – on Parliament’s initiative – to attach a joint statement to the legislative decision. I am convinced that this joint statement adequately addresses the key concerns of MEPs voiced in the committee process.

First, the joint statement recalls that the political preconditions of the MFA require Ukraine to respect democratic mechanisms, including a multi-party system, the rule of law and human rights under the scrutiny of the Commission and the European External Action Service. Second, the statement makes clear that the fight against corruption will be at the heart of the policy conditions of the memorandum of understanding to be agreed between EU and Ukraine for this MFA operation. Related issues, like money laundering and tax evasion, will also be taken into account for the conditionality of this operation. Specifically, the unmet anti—corruption conditions from the previous MFA operation should be implemented. These conditions were the establishment of the verification system for asset declarations and verification of companies’ beneficial ownership data.

Further MFA assistance will be conditional on progress in setting up a well—functioning anti-corruption court. Importantly, last week the Ukrainian Parliament adopted the law on the high anti—corruption court by 315 votes. That is 88 votes more than needed for a majority. Yesterday, the law was signed by the President of Ukraine. Let me also say that, behind that, Commissioner Hahn and I have raised the issue of abolishing the obligation of e—declarations on anti-corruption activists. This remains an urgent issue to be addressed, just like the reform of the Central Election Commission.

We are at a crucial point in time in Ukraine, with the expiry of the IMF programme in March 2019 and presidential and parliamentary elections also looming next year. The window of opportunity for reforms may be closing as the election approaches, so it is important to get this MFA programme up and running in the shortest possible time. If we delay or turn our backs on Ukraine, the risk of reform reversals would be high. So I hope that we will have your full support going forward.

 
  
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  Michael Gahler, rapporteur for the opinion of the Committee on Foreign Affairs. – Thank you very much, Madam President, dear Commissioner and dear rapporteur. I am very grateful that we are where we are now. Indeed, Ukraine needs this support and it deserves this support, and it is very appropriate to have this next programme now.

As the Commissioner and the rapporteur outlined, we have attached conditions to it, and rightly so, because it is about the people in the country that expect their politicians to deliver, in particular as regards the fight against corruption. This endemic, systemic problem needs to be addressed, and I hope that, by the end of this legislature in March next year, we will see the Court working to address major violations of the rule of law in the area of corruption.

As Committee on Foreign Affairs (AFET), we were perhaps more ambitious than the Committee on International Trade (INTA). We wanted to attach real political conditions, namely the court, the abolition of e—declarations for NGO activists and the reform of the central and the other election commissions. I am grateful to the Commissioner that you – although it is not included in the joint declaration – explicitly referred to that, because that is what it is also about. We need to be very clear in this regard.

I was grateful that the President of the Parliament, when I was in Kyiv on Saturday and we were sitting together on the panel, showed me his fresh signature on this very law. He promised that he would go to the President and see to it that the President initiated the implementing law, which is still required. The Verkhovna Rada should then vote on the implementing law in the following week. We are looking forward to seeing that, and that is what we can expect.

 
  
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  Sandra Kalniete, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Madam President, our decision on the macro-financial assistance to Ukraine is a message of strong continued support for a democratic and European Ukraine. It is a message to the people of Ukraine, to its government and also to Russia.

I admire the Ukrainian civil society that has been the driving force behind many reforms in Ukraine. I commend the women and men in Ukraine’s public service who work hard on implementing these reforms. I encourage all the Ukrainian politicians to follow through on their promises to fight and prevent corruption. The Ukrainian people expect it and their patience is wearing thin. Work hard not to repeat the mistakes of the past. I would also like to send a message to Russia that building a democratic, strong and independent Ukraine remains our strategic objective.

 
  
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  Aleksander Gabelic, för S&D-gruppen. – Fru talman! Kommissionär Dombrovskis! Först vill jag tacka mina kollegor som arbetat med det här förslaget. Ukraina är en viktig granne. Det är därför av största betydelse att EU fortsätter att stödja landets utveckling åt rätt håll. Särskilt i tider av oro är det extra viktigt att vi inte ger upp. Vi kan inte överge de reformvänliga krafterna och det viktiga civilsamhället i Ukraina.

Ända sedan vi började arbeta i Europaparlamentets handelsutskott har jag varit mycket tydlig med att kommissionen inte kan förvänta sig att vi per automatik godkänner dess förslag. Vi måste ges tid att granska och debattera förslaget. Vi måste få göra vårt jobb som medlagstiftare. Vi vill därför vara lika tydliga i dag gentemot både kommissionen och Ukraina om vad som krävs för att det här makroekonomiska stödet ska göra faktisk skillnad till det bättre för hela samhället och inte bara några få.

De överenskomna villkoren om att bekämpa korruptionen måste vara omfattande och tydliga. En särskild domstol mot korruption har nyss godkänts av Ukrainas parlament, men nu måste den komma på plats och faktiskt fungera i praktiken. De överenskomna villkoren måste också främja en hållbar och socialt ansvarsfull utveckling, som skapar sysselsättning, bidrar till ökad jämlikhet och minskar fattigdomen.

Efter mycket diskussion i både handels- och utrikesutskottet tycker vi att vi har lyckats hitta en god kompromiss och en förstärkt position genom ett tydligt och starkt gemensamt uttalande från alla tre institutionerna. Nu förväntar vi oss att kommissionen och rådet fortsätter stå helt och fullt bakom vårt gemensamma uttalande. Vi förväntar oss att kommissionen fortlöpande rapporterar om det makroekonomiska stödet och uppfyllandet av villkoren. Vi förväntar oss också att kommissionen presenterar samförståndsavtalet snarast.

 
  
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  Petras Auštrevičius, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Madam President, I certainly welcome today’s deliberations and the good speed with which we are moving towards the adoption of a new package of macrofinancial assistance to Ukraine. Let me say from the outset: the proposal on the table, as adopted by the leading committee (Committee on International Trade, INTA), is a very balanced step forward.

Just to look back a little bit: in my view, the conditions set for the previous MFA package – 21 policy measures in total – were far too many and too complicated. In all fairness, it was also the EU’s mistake that the last MFA instalment to Ukraine was refused even though 17 conditions had been fulfilled. This time we are given proof: Ukraine is able to deliver once it receives clear-cut signals and expectations from our side.

Establishment of the High Anti-Corruption Court is with no doubt a very meaningful step in the creation of a future and European Ukraine. I would like to stress very clearly that, even though we are right to expect many more things to be accomplished by Ukraine on its European path, we cannot deny the truth. And the truth is that it is precisely Ukraine which is setting an example for the whole world on how a country which is in a state of war is able to progress with reforms and great transformation. Yes, implementation is that important, but there is always a stage of adoption beforehand. Let me mention just a few more acts of legislation recently approved by the Verkhovna Rada: the law on pension reform, the law on healthcare and the law on education. These are the facts.

I wish to conclude by saying that clear-cut responsibilities also remain with us, the EU: the EU’s policies and conditions must be tailored in such a way that eventually help to protect Ukraine’s independence and do not jeopardise the socio-economic life of its people.

 
  
  

Puhetta johti HEIDI HAUTALA
varapuhemies

 
  
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  Rebecca Harms, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin! Ich möchte mich in dieser Debatte bei meinen Kollegen Rosati, Gahler und Auštrevičius bedanken. Wir sind im letzten Jahr immer wieder zusammengekommen – in Kiew und in Brüssel. Wir haben die Vertreter der Antikorruptionsinitiativen AntAC und Transparency Ukraine getroffen. Wir haben unsere Kollegen Hrojsman, Klympusch, Marija Ionowa, Herrn Parubij und viele andere Kollegen aus der Werchowna Rada getroffen und um Schritte zur Korruptionsbekämpfung in der Ukraine regelrecht gerungen.

Die Entscheidung für die Schaffung eines Antikorruptions-Gerichtshofs ist eine Entscheidung, die in einer aktiv geführten Auseinandersetzung um eine bessere Zukunft der Ukraine getroffen worden ist. Und ich finde, dass diese Abstimmung in der Werchowna Rada wirklich ein Moment gewesen ist, den wir zusammen eigentlich feiern sollten. Ich wünschte, ich könnte hier ein Glas Champagner erheben.

Ich weiß, dass mit dieser Entscheidung nicht alles gewonnen ist. Ich weiß, dass diese Auseinandersetzung weitergeht. Die Erklärung von Herrn Dombrovskis und das aktive Engagement aller europäischen Botschafter und der EU-Botschaft und des IWF für die Reformen in der Ukraine mit den Ukrainern zusammen – das ist vielversprechend für eine erfolgreiche Reform in der Ukraine. Das wird nicht morgen zu Ende sein. Ich glaube, wir reden über einen Prozess, der über eine gesamte Generation gehen wird. Das Geld, das wir jetzt freigeben, ist gar nicht so wahnsinnig viel verglichen mit anderen Summen, die wir an andere Länder geben, auch innerhalb der EU, und das wird den Ukrainern helfen.

 
  
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  Helmut Scholz, im Namen der GUE/NGL-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin, Herr Kommissar! Unsere Anträge, die Makrofinanzhilfe an die Ukraine direkt im Gesetz mit klaren Konditionen zu belegen, wurden von Kommission, Rat und Berichterstatter mit der Begründung zurückgewiesen, dass die Zeit dränge. So hohe Summen im Eilverfahren zu beschließen, wird jedoch weder der Sache gerecht noch der Demokratie. Wohl nicht nur meiner Fraktion drängt sich der Verdacht auf, dass es sich bei dieser Eilentscheidung genau zu diesem Zeitpunkt auch um einen sehr teuren Akt der Wahlkampfhilfe für die Regierung Poroschenko handelt.

Ich respektiere jedoch, dass Sie in dieser Situation sogar bereit waren, wichtige Forderungen, auch der Linken, zu akzeptieren, Herr Dombrovskis. Sie haben sich schriftlich verpflichtet, dass die mit der Auszahlung verbundenen Auflagen den sozialen Zusammenhalt in der Gesellschaft der Ukraine nicht gefährden. Neben ökonomischen und fiskalischen Auflagen wurde Armutsbekämpfung nun erstmals zum Ziel erhoben. Die EU-Kommission wird über die sozialen Auswirkungen der Politiken berichten müssen und – ich ergänze – auch über die Umsetzung dieser Politiken und der vielen Gesetze, die jetzt schon genannt wurden.

Spätestens hier wird klar: Wir sprechen auch über einen politischen Schritt, der weit über die Bedeutung einer Vorwahl-Situation in der Ukraine hinausgeht – auch wenn wir über die überfällige Installierung des Antikorruptionsgerichts und der Bekämpfung der endemischen Korruption sprechen.

Beweisen Sie es jetzt in der Praxis! Der IWF fordert, Energiepreise nun völlig den Marktmechanismen zu überlassen. Für alle Haushalte würde das Heizen noch einmal um vierzig Prozent teurer werden. Fragen Sie Kommissar Hahn: Ein kalter Winter droht, und die Regierung befürchtet soziale Unruhen. Reden Sie dem IWF diese Forderung aus!

 
  
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  William (The Earl of) Dartmouth, on behalf of the EFDD Group. – Madam President, to start off with, let’s address corruption in Ukraine. The finance minister for Ukraine was dismissed last week. The stated reason for the dismissal was disseminating false information. One has to ask: what was this? Very simply, the now ex—finance minister revealed, exposed, spilt the beans on corruption in Ukraine.

Hopefully, everyone here will agree that we must not condone – let alone be fellow travellers to – corruption. Indeed, we must actively oppose it. Transparency International is a globally respected organisation, especially on anti-corruption. On its criteria, Ukraine is categorised as the second most corrupt country on the entire European continent. To put it another way: Ukraine rates even worse for corruption than the gangster—influenced regimes of Albania and Kosovo. Ukraine has delayed and delayed over and over again the establishment of an anti-corruption court. Vote or no vote, let us see how long it is before the president implements that vote. Worse, campaigners against corruption have been intimidated and, in some cases, imprisoned. To provide an example: on 15 March this year, one Nadia Savchenko testified on the corruption in the office of the President of Ukraine. One week later, Ms Savchenko was placed under arrest and charged with terrorism offenses. The same president had previously awarded Ms Savchenko Ukraine’s highest honour for bravery against terrorists.

These practices must be deemed to be unacceptable. Every informed person – and that has to include the EU embassy in Ukraine, and therefore the Commissioner – knows about the appalling level of corruption in Ukraine. The sacking of the finance minister last week for opposing corruption should have caused the alarm bells to ring. Instead, the considered response of the Ukraine groupies in the Commission and, regrettably, in this Parliament (and there are many honourable exceptions) is simply to hand out to Ukraine – without question, without adequate audits, and without enough consideration – these very large sums of money, all paid for by the taxpayer. What we are discussing this evening with such rapidity is over EUR 1 billion. By comparison, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) is holding back on its assistance programmes to Ukraine, precisely because of well—founded concerns on corruption. On the objective criteria of the IMF, Ukraine does not pass muster as a worthy recipient of large—scale funds. The EU should follow the same course as the IMF: these payments should not be made.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 162(8))

 
  
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  Rebecca Harms (Verts/ALE), blue-card question. – Could you name one other single country which gets macrofinancial assistance, is fighting corruption and has created independent institutions such as a national anti—corruption office and is preparing its own high anti—corruption court? And could you please also tell me what, in London, you are supporting as measures in the city against the international money—laundering systems?

 
  
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  William (The Earl of) Dartmouth (EFDD), blue-card answer. – I’ll just deal with Ukraine, and not the City of London. What Ukraine is doing is too little, too late – it’s not enough. These funds should be held back. I would point you again – if I may presume to do so – to the example of the IMF: that is the view that the IMF has taken. I strongly recommend that the EU and the Commission do the self—same thing. And thank you very much for your interruption.

 
  
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  France Jamet, au nom du groupe ENF. – Madame la Présidente, oui, vous avez raison M. Dartmouth! La situation en Ukraine, Mesdames et Messieurs, empire de jour en jour. La guerre du Donbass, la corruption – l’Ukraine occupe la 131e place sur 176 à travers le monde en matière de corruption –, déni de démocratie, liberté de la presse bafouée, criminalité en hausse, y compris jusqu’au sommet de l’État; et souvenons-nous de l’affaire Babtchenko.

Non, le régime de Kiev, Madame, ne fait aucun effort et vous le savez! Nous ne voyons dans cette énième assistance macrofinancière que l’expression d’une farouche volonté de la part de Bruxelles de maintenir des tensions avec la Russie.

Mais au-delà de cette forme d’interventionnisme de la Commission à l’égard de l’Ukraine, je dénonce ici l’intention de la Commission de profiter de la situation pour accroître ses compétences et réduire ainsi le rôle de notre Parlement à celui d’une simple chambre d’enregistrement.

Enfin, Madame le Président, chers collègues, ces sommes importantes seraient bien mieux employées à soutenir nos agriculteurs pris en otage depuis 2014 à la suite des sanctions prises contre la Russie et qui paient aujourd’hui le prix fort de choix politiques ubuesques et désastreux auxquels nous sommes fermement opposés.

 
  
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  Dariusz Rosati (PPE). – Madam President, first of all, I would call on this House to approve the macrofinancial assistance for Ukraine tomorrow. Ukraine has made a lot of effort and has taken a lot of important steps in order to fight corruption. I very much share the concerns that have been raised by a number of colleagues here. This is not work which has been completed; this is a work in progress. But the progress has been substantial. Just a few days ago, Ukraine established an independent anti-corruption court, which had been the key pre-condition for the release of macrofinancial assistance.

Of course, there is still a lot to be done. We want Ukraine to exempt NGOs from the e—declaration obligation, and this has been promised and is under execution. We want anti—corruption court legislation to be implemented by the president, and we have had a promise that it will be done as soon as possible – within the next few days. If we don’t take the decision right now, the whole thing may be postponed by several months. So I would kindly request colleagues to support this motion and open this possibility of financing to Ukraine.

 
  
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  Tonino Picula (S&D). – Gospođo predsjedavajuća, zahvaljujem izvjestiteljima na predstavljenim stajalištima i svima koji su pregovarali o tekstu zajedničke izjave. U proljeće 2014., Ukrajina je započela s provedbom programa reformi kako bi stabilizirala gospodarstvo i poboljšala životne uvjete građana. Ukrajina i Unija zajednički su utvrdili program reformi, poznati su podaci o prethodnim isplatama, kao i problemi s isplatom posljednje runde pomoći zbog neispunjavanja svih kriterija. To uključuje antikorupcijske reforme i transparentno trošenje dodijeljenog novca. Ti su uvjeti opravdani, ali potrebno je pozdraviti postignute rezultate u nepromijenjeno teškoj političkoj situaciji u Ukrajini, koja kao da tone na listi vanjskopolitičkih prioriteta uslijed pojave nekih novih kriza.

Pozdravljam usvajanje Zakona o antikorupcijskom sudu kao važan iskorak u traženim reformama za dobrobit građana Ukrajine, stoga sutra trebamo glasovati bez potrebe da usvojeni tekst nadograđujemo dodatnim elementima, koji bi otvorili međuinstitucionalne procese i dodatno odgodili isplatu. Međutim, podržavam i nastavak praćenja provedbe reformi, osobito kada je u pitanju ispunjavanje uvjeta povezanih s prošlim i budućim programima makrofinancijske pomoći. Radi se o jačanju neovisnog pravosuđa, sposobnog za učinkovitu borbu protiv korupcije te jamčenju poštivanja ljudskih prava, što treba biti sadržaj posebnog memoranduma o razumijevanju s Ukrajinom.

Makrofinancijska pomoć pomogla bi gospodarskoj stabilizaciji i strukturnim reformama u Ukrajini, našoj važnoj susjedi, zbog čega podržavam novu isplatu.

 
  
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  Eleonora Forenza (GUE/NGL). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, io sono una terrorista internazionale. Ovviamente non lo sono realmente, lo sono per il regime di Poroshenko, che mi ha accusato di terrorismo internazionale per essermi recata in Donbass insieme alla carovana antifascista a portare solidarietà e generi di prima necessità alle popolazioni che stanno subendo una guerra.

Io mi sono davvero stupita che questo Parlamento stia prendendo in considerazione di sostenere questa quarta tranche, perché parliamo di un governo non solo corrotto, di un governo appoggiato da forze neonaziste, di un governo che nega i più elementari diritti umani, che uccide i giornalisti, e stiamo sostenendo un colpo di Stato, come quello dell'Euromaidan, soltanto perché e filo-Unione europea. Stiamo sostenendo un governo che viola i diritti umani, viola gli accordi di Minsk.

Io credo che, se si vuole davvero costruire un'Europa antifascista, bisognerebbe smettere di finanziare regimi come quello di Poroshenko e sostenere invece opere e azioni politiche come quelle delle carovane antifasciste, che personalmente ringrazio.

 
  
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  Eduard Kukan (PPE). – Madam President, I support macroeconomic assistance, and I am glad that we are going to extend our help to Ukraine. This assistance should help Ukraine to balance part of its external financing needs for late 2018 and early 2019. It is therefore important that we could agree on sending the assistance at the right time. This, however, does not mean that Ukraine has already finished with the reform agenda. We should closely follow developments and, if necessary, put pressure on the Ukraine authorities to timely implement the agreed reforms.

I think that Ukraine has made progress in its transition from an oligarchic to a more Western, liberal, democratic system. Those of us who come from behind the Iron Curtain know that there is no easy way to do it. Ukraine has enormous potential to modernise and become a leader in the reforms. It is in our interests to support it in this difficult transition.

 
  
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  Laima Liucija Andrikienė (PPE). – Nepaisant besitęsiančios Rusijos agresijos prieš Ukrainą, praėjusią savaitę įveiktas sunkus etapas. Ukrainos parlamentas priėmė įstatymą dėl antikorupcinio Teismo įsteigimo. Tai labai svarbus ir ilgai lauktas sprendimas. Ukrainos valstybė vykdo savo įsipareigojimus, ir jai tenka veikti labai sunkiomis sąlygomis, kai beveik kasdien žūsta kariai ir civiliai, kai dalis valstybės teritorijos, Krymas yra okupuotas. Galime pasidžiaugti, kad mes ir Ukraina turime Asociacijos ir Laisvosios prekybos susitarimus bei bevizį režimą. Kita vertus, yra daugybė būtinų reformų, kurias Ukraina turi įgyvendinti. Situacija yra sudėtinga, todėl mūsų vertinimai turi būti ypatingai objektyvus. Dėl to palaikau Komisijos pasiūlymą suteikti naują vieno milijardo eurų vertės makrofinansinę paramą Ukrainai. Ši finansinė parama padės Ukrainai žengti pirmyn, vykdyti reikalingas reformas, stabilizuoti ekonomiką ir vykdyti struktūrines reformas.

 
  
 

Pyynnöstä myönnettävät puheenvuorot

 
  
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  Bogdan Andrzej Zdrojewski (PPE). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Państwa Partnerstwa Wschodniego oczekują od nas, po pierwsze, zainteresowania, po drugie, środków finansowych, czyli wsparcia, ale po trzecie, dzielenia się także własnymi doświadczeniami, praktyką. Stawianie warunków Ukrainie to dobry pomysł, przede wszystkim dlatego, aby środki finansowe – krótko mówiąc – nie były zmarnowane. Skoro jednak stawiamy warunki, wyznaczamy określone progi, przekazujemy sugestie dotyczące określonych rozwiązań, to te środki, które obiecaliśmy, koniec końców do tej Ukrainy powinny trafić. Powinniśmy pamiętać, że wschodnia granica Parlamentu Europejskiego Unii Europejskiej to właśnie Ukraina, Białoruś, to także Mołdawia. To także zainteresowania tymi państwami od strony ich kondycji gospodarczej, kondycji politycznej, kondycji także społeczno-politycznej. Bądźmy cały czas, z jednej strony cierpliwi, z drugiej strony – konsekwentni, ale pamiętajmy o tym, że bez tej pomocy Ukraina zostanie skazana wyłącznie na kontakty ze Wschodem.

 
  
 

(Pyynnöstä myönnettävät puheenvuorot päättyvät)

 
  
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  Tunne Kelam (PPE). – Madam President, macrofinancial assistance (MFA) is important for Ukraine, not only to cover its additional financial needs, but also to provide incentives for speeding up the nation’s reform efforts.

We now look forward to the signing of the Memorandum of Understanding next month. The EU is standing, and continues to stand, with the Ukrainian nation and Government. By adopting last Thursday the benchmark law on a special independent court for addressing corruption, a significant step was made. However, the eternally crucial issue remains: that of the implementation. We expect an informal but radical and determined effort by the rule of law establishment to enter into the space of shady business and to take accountability of all those who distort law and justice in their own or in their group’s interests.

At the same time, Putin’s regime will do everything to compromise the newly opened path to transparency justice. Only by taking real control of corruption can Russian aggression and intervention be credibly depleted.

 
  
 

Pyynnöstä myönnettävät puheenvuorot

 
  
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  Julie Ward (S&D). – Madam President, EU macrofinancial assistance should, of course, support Ukraine’s commitment to values shared with the Union, including democracy, the rule of law, good governance, respect for human rights, sustainable development and poverty reduction. As we know, this step change requires a strong civil society. So, as a long-standing friend of Ukraine, I wish to put on record that one of the things we must do is to guard against the continuation of an old boys’ club. The women and youth of Ukraine are immensely talented: full of ideas and energy, and ready to step up to make the changes that are required in a 21st—century modern democracy. But such a transformation requires men to step aside and to understand that, when women take a seat at the table, everyone wins.

 
  
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  Mark Demesmaeker (ECR). – Het leek wel de processie van Echternach, maar na twee jaar tegensputteren krijgt Oekraïne eindelijk een anti-corruptiehof. Dit is het noodzakelijke sluitstuk in de strijd tegen de endemische plaag van corruptie en een noodzakelijke voorwaarde voor nieuwe Europese macrofinanciële bijstand, die we dan ook voluit steunen. De bevolking en het maatschappelijk middenveld in Oekraïne steunen die strijd tegen de corruptie. Het Oekraïense volk heeft daarvoor overigens zeer zware offers gebracht tijdens de Euromaidan-revolutie.

Vandaar dat het mij blijft verbazen dat Kiev, met de huidige leiders aan het stuur, zo vaak het gaspedaal indrukt en tegelijk de handrem optrekt. Op die manier blijven hervormingen al te vaak haperen, verwateren ze en kon de strijd tegen corruptie tot nu toe niet echt overtuigen. De oprichting van het anti-corruptiehof, met onafhankelijke rechters, is een stap in de goede richting. We moeten de concrete implementatie goed opvolgen, net als de hele hervormingsagenda. Die zal bijvoorbeeld ook moeten leiden tot een modernere en democratischer kieswet en een operationele rechtsstaat.

 
  
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  Czesław Adam Siekierski (PPE). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Szanowni Państwo! Debatujemy dziś o pomocy makroekonomicznej dla Ukrainy. I nie ma wątpliwości, że bez wsparcia ze strony Unii ten kraj nie poradzi sobie z reformami. Jednakże jako przewodniczący Komisji Rolnictwa nie mogę nie odnieść się do kwestii nadużyć ze strony ukraińskiej, do jakich dochodzi w ramach umowy o wolnym handlu, o czym zaalarmowali mnie unijni producenci drobiu. Chodzi o import pewnych części kurczaka, które nie mieszczą się w kategoriach określonych w umowie handlowej. W rezultacie ukraińscy importerzy obchodzą postanowienia umowy i ustanowione tam kontyngenty na produkty wrażliwe i bezcłowo wwożą na teren Unii duże ilości niestandardowych wyrobów drobiowych, które po nieznacznym przetworzeniu na terenie Unii sprzedawane są jako tradycyjne produkty. Biorąc pod uwagę dużo niższe koszty produkcji, niższe standardy na Ukrainie, import ten poważnie zagraża unijnej branży drobiarskiej. Komisja Europejska poinformowała nas ostatnio, że zna sprawę i próbuje jej zaradzić, lecz mamy obawy, czy unijni producenci przetrwają do czasu uregulowania tej kwestii.

 
  
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  Stanislav Polčák (PPE). – Paní předsedající, já bych chtěl na úvod říci, že Ukrajina je tak trochu naše černé svědomí. Připomeňme si Budapešťské memorandum uzavřené v roce 1994, které garantovalo právě pod patronací i např. Velké Británie, USA, územní svrchovanost a nezávislost Ukrajiny. Protože jsme nemohli Ukrajině pomoci vojensky, tak musíme pomáhat alespoň tedy finančními nástroji a dalšími pomocemi právě pro Ukrajinu.

Nezávislý protikorupční soud, který byl zřízen před několika dny, je důkazem toho, že Ukrajina přeci jen postupuje v reformách, i když ten postup by měl být nepochybně razantnější. Je třeba udělat vše, nejde pouze samozřejmě jen o reformy, ale jde i o otázky osob, které plní určitou úlohu.

Já vnímám pokrok, ke kterému na Ukrajině dochází, byť bych i já přivítal razantnější postup. Myslím si, že Ukrajina potřebuje naši pomoc a já rád podpořím tento návrh usnesení.

 
  
 

(Pyynnöstä myönnettävät puheenvuorot päättyvät)

 
  
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  Valdis Dombrovskis, Vice-President of the Commission. – Madam President, I would like to thank you for the rich debate and for the support expressed to the Commission’s proposal to grant further macro-financial assistance to Ukraine. The Commission shares many of the concerns expressed here today about Ukraine and its reform path. Ukraine has made a lot of progress, but progress has also been uneven across areas, and a lot remains to be done in order to make reforms irreversible. This is precisely why the MFA is so important. It is an instrument for the EU to support reform-minded forces in Ukraine and to continue to exercise EU leverage so that the still strong vested interests can be overcome.

As I said during my opening remarks, if we turn our back on Ukraine, the risk of reform reversals could be high, and a lot of the achievements that Ukraine has without doubt made since 2014 would be at risk. Our message to Ukraine through this decision and the joint statement is crystal clear: solidarity goes hand in hand with a call for taking forward the reform drive with renewed vigour. One cannot go without the other. The EU committed to stand with the people of Ukraine. We cannot let Ukraine down and we cannot allow Ukraine to fail. Therefore, I count on your support tomorrow for the decision to grant further macro-financial assistance to Ukraine without further amendments.

 
  
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  Laima Liucija Andrikienė, deputising for the rapporteur. – Madam President, on behalf of our rapporteur, Jarosław Wałęsa, who is absent today for family reasons, I would like to thank all colleagues who participated in the debate tonight and also to thank Commissioner Dombrovskis for his statement on behalf of the Commission and for his work.

We will be voting on this file tomorrow, and I hope that Parliament will express its strong support and will give its consent to further macro-financial assistance to Ukraine.

 
  
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  Puhemies. – Keskustelu on päättynyt.

Äänestys toimitetaan keskiviikkona 13. kesäkuuta 2018.

Kirjalliset lausumat (työjärjestyksen 162 artikla)

 
  
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  Artis Pabriks (PPE), rakstiski. – Uzskatu, ka Eiropas Komisijas priekšlikums piešķirt Ukrainai makrofinansiālo palīdzību, lai samazinātu Ukrainas šā brīža finansiālo ievainojamību, ir viennozīmīgi atbalstāms. Vēl jo vairāk — šis aizdevums viena miljarda eiro apmērā tiek piešķirts ar stingriem nosacījumiem, kā arī tas ir tiešā veidā atkarīgs no reformu īstenošanas Ukrainā, kas cita starpā sevī ietver korupcijas mazināšanu un īpašās pretkorupcijas tiesas izveidi, tādējādi Ukrainai sniedzot neaizvietojamu atbalstu ceļā uz valsts ekonomisko un demokrātisko stabilitāti. Latvija vienmēr ir atbalstījusi Ukrainu, jo Eiropas Dienvidaustrumu stabilizēšanās veicina arī Latvijas drošību, tāpēc tas ir arī mūsu valsts stratēģiskajās interesēs. Diemžēl vakar 11. jūnija Normandijas grupas sarunas Berlīnē, kurās piedalījās Vācijas, Francijas, Krievijas un Ukrainas ministri, lai runātu par iespējamo miera procesu Ukrainā, nevainagojās ar atzīstamu progresu. Tomēr arī gadījumā, ja Minskas līgums tiktu ievērots, tas nesniegtu tūlītēju stabilitāti. Tādēļ Eiropas Savienībai ir jāturpina atbalstīt Ukrainu ne tikai finansiāli, bet arī — kas ir ne mazāk svarīgi — politiski. Mēs nekādā gadījumā nedrīkstam padoties, un ir jāapzinās, ka līdz situācijas atrisinājumam vēl ir tāls ceļš ejams.

 
Zadnja posodobitev: 18. september 2018Pravno obvestilo