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Mercredi 14 novembre 2018 - Strasbourg Edition révisée

27. Les effets extraterritoriaux des sanctions des États-Unis à l'encontre de l'Iran pour les entreprises européennes (débat)
Vidéo des interventions
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  President. – The next item is the debate on the statement by the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy on the extraterritorial effects of US sanctions on Iran for European companies (2018/2922(RSP)).

 
  
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  Věra Jourová, Member of the Commission, on behalf of the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Madam President, honourable Members of the European Parliament, last week the United States unilaterally re-imposed all the sanctions that they had removed thanks to the nuclear deal with Iran, the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action. On 2 November, the High Representative issued a statement together with the Foreign and Finance Ministers of Germany, France and the United Kingdom, expressing deep regret at this development. The sanctions re-imposed on 5 November cover a wide array of sectors and, together with the designation of some 700 individuals and entities, impact large parts of the Iranian economy. As such, they are a serious challenge to the continued implementation of the plan of action.

The re-imposition of US sanctions may also bring substantial collateral effects, in particular it could weigh on the region’s trade flows and energy supplies, connectivity and ultimately the security and stability of states such as Iraq and Afghanistan.

Let me begin this debate with a few general comments.

First, we continue to support the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action as its provisions continue to ensure that Iran does not acquire material or equipment to develop a nuclear weapon. The deal with Iran is working and delivering on its goal, namely ensuring that Iran’s nuclear programme remains exclusively peaceful. This is an assessment based on scientific facts provided through a uniquely high number of inspections and 13 reports by the International Atomic Energy Agency. Moreover, there is no credible peaceful alternative to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action.

The deal with Iran is a key element of the global nuclear non-proliferation architecture. It is crucial for the security of Europe, the region and the entire world. Dismantling the agreement would not only destroy years of diplomatic efforts but also undermine other key multilateral negotiations in the nuclear field and beyond.

It is a matter of security and it is a matter of credibility for the international community. For these reasons, the EU and its Member States are determined to preserve it. We remain committed to the continued implementation of the nuclear deal in all its aspects and in particular we are at work to preserve the economic dividends arising from sanctions lifting.

Let me remind everyone that we are talking about economic benefits for the people of Iran which constitute an essential part of the deal. As we remain committed to our side of the deal we also expect Iran to continue implementing in full all its nuclear commitments under the plan of action.

The European Union has already taken a number of measures. First, we have updated our blocking statute to ensure that business decisions are not determined by the listed US extra-territorial legislation, which the Union does not recognise as applicable to EU operators. The Commission has significantly engaged with economic operators and Member States on the implementation of the statute.

Second, we have extended the European Investment Bank’s lending mandate. This allows the bank to lend in Iran in the future in line with relevant rules and procedures.

Thirdly, the European Commission is elaborating a range of tools to strengthen the activities of small and medium sized enterprises between the EU and Iran. We are working on technical exchanges to enhance trade, harmonisation of standards and due diligence and compliance efforts.

I am aware of the high level of interest regarding the design and state of play of the special-purpose vehicle. We Europeans cannot accept that a foreign power, not even our closest friend and ally, takes decisions over our legitimate trade with another country. The ongoing work, led by France, Germany and the United Kingdom, aims at preserving the full and effective implementation of the plan of action in all its aspects and in line with UN Security Council Resolution 2231.

Protecting legitimate trade is also a basic element of our own sovereignty and it is only natural that we are working in this direction. This is a hugely complex and unique undertaking requiring the best expertise available. Technical work has been advancing over the last days and weeks under the political leadership of Member States and supported by the EEAS and the Commission. Our goal is to build something that is workable, effective and viable.

The special-purpose vehicle is not directed against the United States. On the contrary, preserving the nuclear deal is essential to our common security both for Europe, for the United States and for our friends in the Middle East.

The special-purpose vehicle is not circumventing sanctions. It is about working in full transparency, ensuring due diligence for the most rigorous standards on anti-money laundering and on countering the financing of terrorism in full respect of UN Security Council resolutions and the primacy of the EU law.

I am aware that many of you have concerns regarding Iran’s foreign policy and respect for human rights. So does the European Commission, but the Plan of Action was never meant to solve all of our disagreements with Iran. We continue to voice our disagreements on Iran’s security role in the region and its ballistic missile programme and we have engaged in a frank and active dialogue with Iran on these issues. We maintain a range of EU autonomous restrictive measures. These include an arms embargo and measures against arms trade, against human rights violations, on Iran’s support for the Assad regime in Syria and for terrorism.

Some of these issues are addressed through our EU-Iran high-level dialogue. The EU has also led a dialogue together with France, Germany, Italy and the UK to engage Iran constructively on regional issues. The last meeting of this group was convened in Brussels on 12 September and discussed the situation in Syria and Yemen, and we hope to meet again before the end of the year.

This is also very much about our own security and regional security, but none of these issues is linked to the Plan of Action and they would not be easier to deal with without it. Preserving the nuclear deal with Iran is an essential security interest for Europe, for our region and for the whole world. So we will keep working to preserve a nuclear non-proliferation agreement that is working well, and to prevent a major security crisis in the Middle East.

 
  
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  Cristian Dan Preda, au nom du groupe PPE. – Madame la Présidente, Madame la Commissaire, chers collègues, ma conviction est que l’Union européenne ne peut pas répondre correctement à la question des effets extraterritoriaux que peuvent avoir, sur les entreprises européennes, les sanctions des États-Unis à l’encontre de l’Iran, si on ne replace pas cette question dans le contexte politique plus large de nos relations politiques avec l’Iran.

La situation dans laquelle nous nous trouvons aujourd’hui, qui nous oblige à défendre les intérêts économiques des entreprises européennes, est à mon sens aussi la conséquence d’une réponse politique insuffisante.

Nous avons soutenu la nécessité de poursuivre l’application de l’accord nucléaire avec l’Iran aussi longtemps que ce pays respectera ses obligations, et ce bien avant le retrait des États-Unis. La délégation de la commission des affaires étrangères, dont je faisais partie, qui s’est rendue à Téhéran au mois de février a d’ailleurs porté ce message.

La réalité est qu’avant la décision des États-Unis, le 8 mai, de se retirer de l’accord, nous disposions d’une certaine marge de manœuvre pour discuter sérieusement avec le gouvernement américain de ses inquiétudes sur l’accord nucléaire et pour trouver une solution qui nous aurait ainsi évité la discussion d’aujourd’hui.

La première conclusion que j’en tire est qu’il n’est pas trop tard. Nous devrions discuter sérieusement avec les États-Unis. La coopération avec eux reste vitale pour répondre à l’Iran. Les défis que nous avons à relever en commun sont nombreux: freiner les ambitions nucléaires de l’Iran, améliorer la situation désastreuse des droits de l’homme dans ce pays et aborder les questions du rôle néfaste de l’Iran dans le conflit en Syrie, des menaces proférées à l’encontre de l’État d’Israël, du soutien du régime iranien au terrorisme et des projets d’attentat sur le sol européen. Tous ces sujets sont devenus presque tabou, y compris au sein de notre Parlement, où toute tentative de discussion des droits de l’homme en Iran est systématiquement bloquée par nos amis socialistes.

Pour défendre les intérêts des entreprises européennes, la réponse ne peut pas se trouver dans une action purement économique, qu’il s’agisse de l’établissement d’une entité spéciale ou de l’aide accordée à l’Iran pour répondre aux conséquences des sanctions américaines. Elle doit se trouver avant tout dans une action politique cohérente qui –j’insiste sur ce point –n’isole pas les différents aspects de nos relations avec l’Iran et n’exclut pas la construction de ponts avec le gouvernement Trump sur ce sujet, n’en déplaise de nouveau à nos amis de gauche.

(L'orateur accepte de répondre à une question "carton bleu" (article 162, paragraphe 8 du règlement)).

 
  
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  Ana Gomes (S&D), question «carton bleu». – Il me semble que nous avons tous les deux participé à la mission de la commission des affaires étrangères en Iran cette année. Tu peux sans doute confirmer ici que c’est certainement moi, membre socialiste de cette délégation, qui ai posé le plus de questions sur les droits de l’homme à nos interlocuteurs iraniens. Je réfute donc catégoriquement l’accusation que tu as dirigée contre les socialistes.

 
  
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  Cristian Dan Preda (PPE), réponse «carton bleu». – J’ai bien sûr une réponse. Ana a toujours été une exception au sein du groupe socialiste, qu’il s’agisse de l’Iran et de la question des droits ou, par exemple, des partis socialistes à l’Est, et notamment du parti social-démocrate roumain. Elle a toujours eu une position droite sur ce sujet ainsi que sur les droits de l’homme et le terrible sort du socialisme à l’Est.

 
  
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  Josef Weidenholzer, im Namen der S&D-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin, Frau Kommissarin! Ich möchte mich auf den Kern der Diskussion konzentrieren. Das Atomabkommen mit dem Iran war einer der am intensivsten vorbereiteten multilateralen Verträge der letzten Zeit. Jahrelang wurde von verschiedenen Parteien intensiv der Ausstieg des Irans aus dem Atomprogramm behandelt. Damit wurde nicht nur eine ständig schwelende Kriegsgefahr gebannt, sondern auch der Boden für eine friedliche Entwicklung gelegt. Der damit einhergehende Entfall der wirtschaftlichen Sanktionen sollte die Isolation der iranischen Wirtschaft beenden, ökonomischen Win-win generieren und die Grundlage für Wohlstand im Inneren schaffen. Die Hoffnung war, dass damit auch eine neue Stabilitätszone in einer seit Jahrzehnten unruhigen Region entstehen könnte. Gerade für Europa wäre das ganz wesentlich. Die Europäische Union spielt ja auch eine wesentliche Rolle beim Zustandekommen des Vertrags, und es liegt im Interesse der Union und ihrer Mitgliedstaaten, dass der Prozess nicht ins Stocken gerät.

Die iranische Seite hat bisher alle ihre Verpflichtungen ernst genommen. Alle internationalen Kontrollen haben das bisher bestätigt – zwölfmal hintereinander. Warum der Prozess nicht wirklich vorankommt und immer mehr Unternehmen zögern, sich wirtschaftlich zu engagieren, das hängt vor allem daran, dass sich die USA unter Trumps Einfluss vom Multilateralismus verabschiedet haben. Der US-amerikanische Unilateralismus stellt eine große Herausforderung dar, nicht nur in der Iranfrage. Daher müssen wir zu unseren Vereinbarungen stehen, ohne Wenn und Aber. Es sind Maßnahmen wie die Aktivierung des blocking statute notwendig. Und es müssen auch vertrauensbildende Maßnahmen gesetzt werden, bloße Beteuerungen bringen uns nicht weiter.

 
  
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  Anna Elżbieta Fotyga, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Madam President, the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) is far from being a good deal. Iranian companies – our partners in trade – are heavily controlled by the Revolutionary Guard – the organisation directly responsible for financing terrorism, bloody martyrs and meddling in the region. Moreover, there is money laundering present in the Iranian economy – that was admitted even by Foreign Minister Zarif himself in the Iranian Parliament. We have to take all of this into consideration.

 
  
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  Marietje Schaake, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Madam President, the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), or the nuclear deal that was agreed by the major global powers at a critical time, was actually fatally damaged by President Trump’s withdrawal. But that doesn’t mean that there’s nothing we can do and that all is lost. A reduced nuclear agreement may still work, but I think we, in Europe, have to be realistic.

Of course, High Representatives Ashton and Mogherini stuck out their necks for diplomacy, and that was the right thing to do, but preserving that legacy cannot be a goal in and of itself because it also had a shadow side. I think human rights and the violations that we see every day in Iran, as well as Iran’s troubling role in the Middle East, were overlooked, and rebalancing our European approach towards Iran is very important and should not be hindered by needing to defend the JCPOA.

Attempts to maintain policy independence and to give European companies maximum choice to do business are the right steps to take; they are positive. The EU lifted sanctions as it’s part of the deal, while Iran commits to verification of nuclear enrichment. But to push or even punish European companies for choosing to drop business with Iran under threat of US repercussions is taking it too far. Additionally, the whole impression that the EU and Iran are in one sort of camp and that the United States is in another camp is deplorable. We are both liberal democracies, and that should be leading. I think the way forward for us in Europe is to broaden our Iran policy and to include, very ambitiously, human rights and foreign policy concerns while continuing to take reasonable steps to stay committed to our part of the nuclear agreement.

 
  
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  Reinhard Bütikofer, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin, sehr verehrte Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Das tiefe Bedauern, das geäußert wurde, teilen wir natürlich alles. Aber ich bedaure auch zutiefst, dass wir es nicht schaffen, zu einer realistischen Sprache vorzudringen, sondern die Situation ständig beschönigen. Davon hat noch niemand etwas.

Das sogenannte blocking statute ist ja lächerlich! Kein einziger internationaler Konzern kann es sich leisten, sich darauf zu verlassen. Deswegen, glaube ich, sollten wir anfangen, uns selbst ernster zu nehmen – einschließlich der Schwächen, die wir haben. Eine der Schwächen ist meines Erachtens, dass wir zwar zu Recht den Nukleardeal mit dem Iran aufrecht erhalten, aber keinerlei Grund haben, die negativen Seiten der iranischen Außenpolitik so zu beschönigen, wie Sie das gemacht haben, Frau Kommissarin. Sie haben gesagt:

We voice these agreements, and we have frank and active dialogue.

Mehr fällt uns nicht ein? Ist das angemessen gegenüber der Außenpolitik des Iran? Ich bezweifle das sehr.

Zweitens: Wir werden hier mit den Chinesen und mit den Russen zusammenzuarbeiten haben, weil an dieser konkreten Stelle die Amerikaner sich auf eine Position begeben, die für uns nicht auszuhalten ist. Aber trotzdem sind wir nicht jetzt plötzlich in einem camp mit Iran, China und Russland. Was wir entwickeln müssen, ist eine stärkere europäische Eigenständigkeit. Das heißt auch, die Rolle des Euro international voranzutreiben.

Und was ich als Letztes sagen will, Herr Preda: Wer jetzt einfach sagt: “We have to have serious discussions with the US”. That’s not a serious person, sorry, forgive me.

 
  
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  Eleonora Forenza, a nome del gruppo GUE/NGL. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, le sanzioni di Trump mettono a rischio l'accordo sul nucleare e violano il principio pacta sunt servanda. Il ripristino unilaterale delle sanzioni, come conseguenza del ritiro degli USA dall'accordo, è un atto di pirateria internazionale, di bullismo diplomatico, di inaccettabile prepotenza contro tutta la comunità internazionale e non ha nulla a che fare con i diritti umani, come dimostra il fatto che contro l'Arabia Saudita e il suo regime non si fa nulla, anzi le si vendono armi per la guerra in Yemen.

L'Iran è stato sottoposto al regime di monitoraggio e sorveglianza più completo al mondo da parte dell'Agenzia internazionale per l'energia atomica, la quale ha più volte verificato l'adempienza iraniana agli obblighi sottoscritti con l'intesa. Sono inoltre le sanzioni provvedimenti che colpiscono la popolazione e non il regime e l'Unione europea farà bene a difendere l'accordo, non solo attraverso strumenti che garantiscono la possibilità per le imprese europee di commerciare con l'Iran e quindi di dare seguito all'accordo che altrimenti rischia di cadere, ma se necessario anche prevedendo controsanzioni europee per le imprese americane e iniziando ad usare l'Euro per la nostra bolletta energetica.

 
  
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  John Stuart Agnew, on behalf of the EFDD Group. – Madam President, you may or may not be a Trump fan, but at least President Trump does not allow politically correct thinking to muddy his vision when dealing with some of the world’s worst tyrants. He understands how these people think, and he acts in what he believes to be the best interests of his country. The US believes that the deal is a bad one, one which is not built upon long—term stability. Whether or not this is the case, we are now in the de facto situation where the Iran deal no longer exists. Iran is considering abandoning the terms set out in the deal, as it sees no economic benefit from adhering to them – a very worrying development.

Clearly, a solution needs to be found to the problem, either by saving the existing agreement or producing something new. The EU must forget about posturing power politics and allow the USA to get on with its own foreign policy. After all, you do not have your own EU army yet to enforce your ideas. The Iranian President has even suggested that the country now faces a war situation, and air defence drills have been taking place. This is obviously extremely concerning. It not only impacts trade and business, but of course on the humanitarian level as well.

In 1998, the US and the EU had similar issues with sanctions, this time involving Cuba. An agreement was struck and the sanctions were lifted. Again the EU must work alongside the US to solve this Iran problem. The United States are not the enemy, and they must not be treated as such. It would be wise to remember the many great sacrifices the American people made during the 20th century in order to promote freedom and peace in Europe. Any thoughts of a potential EU trade war with the US are delusions of grandeur and nothing more.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue—card question under Rule 162(8))

 
  
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  Reinhard Bütikofer (Verts/ALE), blue-card question. – Mr Agnew, would you concede that the Iranian leadership has so far stuck to the letter and the spirit of the agreement, so it is not justified to blame them for deviating from that, as you did?

 
  
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  John Stuart Agnew (EFDD), blue-card answer. – No, I’m not that naive. Thank you.

 
  
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  Jacques Colombier, au nom du groupe ENF. – Madame la Présidente, au-delà des belles paroles et des vœux pieux, j’irai au cœur du problème pour l’Europe.

Les entreprises françaises, et non des moindres, particulièrement investies sur le prometteur marché iranien, ont dû récemment renoncer à leurs investissements dans ce pays. C’est notamment le cas des constructeurs automobiles PSA et Renault, mais aussi de Total, pourtant présent en Iran depuis 1954. Les entreprises françaises et européennes paient en fait la passivité, pour ne pas dire la complicité, des dirigeants bruxellois avec les oukases des administrations américaines successives.

Dans les années quatre-vingt-dix, personne dans les milieux européistes ne s’était alarmé de la portée de la loi d’Amato-Kennedy, que les États-Unis réactivent actuellement contre l’Union européenne après leur décision unilatérale de sortir de l’accord de Genève sur le nucléaire iranien. On voit aujourd’hui, hélas, le résultat. À force de tout céder à Washington, on finit par plier devant ces forfaitures juridiques.

Alors, une attitude plus ferme sur les négociations commerciales, la fin de tout alignement sur les intérêts exclusifs de Washington comme la sortie de cette stupide politique d’affrontement avec la Russie pourrait envoyer… (la Présidente retire la parole à l’orateur)

 
  
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  President. – I’m sorry, sir, but your time is up. We didn’t hear the rest of your contribution because I had to cut the microphone.

 
  
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  Knut Fleckenstein (S&D). – Frau Präsidentin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Wir sind uns, glaube ich, einig über die Außenpolitik des Irans. Aber das ist heute nicht das Thema.

Ich bin entsetzt – jeden Tag wieder – über den amerikanischen Präsidenten, der nahezu alles verrät, was die Amerikaner uns Deutschen nach der Nazizeit mal beigebracht haben. Ich bin in den 50er Jahren in Berlin groß geworden. Ich kann gar kein Antiamerikaner werden. Ich werde ihnen ewig dankbar sein. Aber deshalb schmerzt es umso mehr, dass diese Partnerschaft im Moment so leidet.

Die USA sind ohne jeden triftigen Grund aus dem Abkommen ausgestiegen, das haben wir gerade wieder von den Behörden, die das untersuchen, bestätigt bekommen. Es sollen die schärfsten Sanktionen aller Zeiten sein. Es sind Sanktionen gegen unsere europäischen mittelständischen Unternehmen; die großen gehen dieses Risiko gar nicht ein. Insofern brauchen wir dringend und bald die special purpose vehicles, um dem Mittelstand, der weiterhin auch mit dem Iran arbeiten möchte, zu helfen.

Frau Kommissarin, Sie haben gesagt: Es richtet sich nicht gegen die USA. Sie haben gesagt: Es ist nicht zur Umgehung der Sanktionen. Es ist falsch, was Sie gesagt haben. Natürlich richtet es sich gegen die USA, die unsere Firmen bedrohen, und natürlich ist es dafür da, ungerechtfertigte Sanktionen zu umgehen! Europa wird langsam wach dank Herrn Trump. Ich würde Sie bitten, auch wach zu werden.

 
  
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  Ana Gomes (S&D). – Senhora Presidente, as sanções americanas vão contra doze sucessivas confirmações de que o Irão está a cumprir os compromissos no quadro do acordo nuclear. A última, da AIE, chegou-nos ontem.

Trump e a sua administração mentem ao afirmar que as sanções não vão afetar o povo iraniano. Medicamentos essenciais e alimentos já estão a escassear. Os preços disparam, a inflação soma-se a uma desvalorização galopante. As sanções afetam também a companhia aérea iraniana, impedida de reabastecer em aeroportos europeus, pondo em causa a segurança de todos, desde logo iranianos e também aqueles que visitam o país, incluindo europeus e americanos. E, perversamente, este ataque ao povo iraniano mais o empurra para os braços das forças mais radicais do regime. Não ajuda os setores da sociedade que, corajosamente, se batem pelos direitos humanos e que se batem por mudanças democráticas.

A atualização da legislação de bloqueio e a criação de um special purpose vehicle, previsto pela Sra. Mogherini, têm de ser apoiadas. Os Estados-Membros têm de se pôr de acordo para garantir que este mecanismo tem personalidade jurídica e começa a operar o mais rapidamente possível. Está em causa a segurança internacional e a nossa própria credibilidade na garantia do GSPOA.

 
  
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  Pier Antonio Panzeri (S&D). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, penso che Trump non vincerà la sua scommessa con l'Iran. Con l'uscita dall'accordo sul nucleare e l'avvio delle sanzioni, l'Amministrazione americana ha fatto tre scommesse: fermare l'arricchimento dell'uranio, costringere gli altri firmatari a ritirare la propria adesione, penalizzando le aziende europee, e far crollare il regime iraniano sotto la pressione economica. Realisticamente non vincerà soprattutto la terza scommessa. Come molti osservatori hanno fatto notare, l'accordo sul nucleare aveva favorito la parte moderata guidata dal Presidente Rohani a danno della parte conservatrice, della Guida suprema Khamenei.

La reintroduzione delle sanzioni farà il gioco solo degli ultraconservatori, quelli che da sempre sono contrari al dialogo con gli Stati Uniti e l'Occidente in generale. Perciò è difficile che le sanzioni imposte da Trump possano stimolare grandi cambiamenti nella politica iraniana, se non in peggio anche per i diritti umani.

Per tutto questo io ritengo che l'Europa non deve avere paura e deve perseguire fino in fondo i propri rapporti di collaborazione con l'Iran, certo ponendo le questioni che deve porre, ma con forza e determinazione.

 
  
 

Catch-the-eye procedure

 
  
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  José Inácio Faria (PPE). – Senhora Presidente, Senhora Comissária, ao denunciar unilateralmente o plano de ação conjunto global e ao decretar o restabelecimento das sanções ao Irão, o Presidente Trump não só agravou as tensões no Médio Oriente como aumentou a responsabilidade da União Europeia na defesa da segurança mundial.

Ainda que imperfeito, principalmente por deixar de fora o programa de testes de mísseis balísticos iraniano, o Plano de Ação Conjunto Global é um instrumento histórico em matéria de diplomacia multilateral e constitui um marco importante para o desarmamento nuclear global, conforme atestam doze relatórios consecutivos da Agência Internacional de Energia Atómica que monitorizam o cumprimento das obrigações assumidas pelo Irão nesta matéria.

Por isso, Sra. Comissária, quero saudar a Sra. Mogherini pela firmeza com que tem defendido a manutenção deste acordo, mas espero que a operacionalização de instrumentos que permitam contornar os efeitos das sanções norte-americanas nas relações institucionais e comerciais com o regime dos mullahs, como o anunciado veículo para fins especiais, continue a ser condicionada pelos progressos registados no campo dos direitos humanos.

Não nos esqueçamos que continuamos a lidar com um regime antidemocrático e opressor que não se coíbe de torturar e assassinar os seus próprios cidadãos.

 
  
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  Νότης Μαριάς (ECR). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, καταρχάς, δεν πρέπει να εξωραΐζουμε τον ρόλο του Ιράν, αλλά ούτε βέβαια και των Ηνωμένων Πολιτειών. Είναι προφανές ότι οι ΗΠΑ και η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση έχουν αντιτιθέμενα πολιτικά, οικονομικά και στρατιωτικά συμφέροντα στην περίπτωση του Ιράν. Είναι προφανές ότι η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση -και κυρίως η Γαλλία- έχουν κάνει σημαντικές επενδύσεις στο Ιράν, στην αυτοκινητοβιομηχανία και στα θέματα ενέργειας με την Total. Το βασικό θέμα, όμως, είναι ότι οι κυρώσεις των ΗΠΑ κατά του Ιράν έχουν εξωεδαφική εφαρμογή, δηλαδή εφαρμόζονται εναντίον όσων ευρωπαϊκών επιχειρήσεων δεν ακολουθούν τις κυρώσεις των Ηνωμένων Πολιτειών. Πρόκειται ξεκάθαρα για τη λογική του παγκόσμιου «χωροφύλακα» που έχουν οι Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες, που νομίζουν ότι μπορούν να κάνουν ό,τι γουστάρουν. Πρόκειται για μια νεοαποικιακή αντίληψη και πρακτική. Η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση πρέπει να αντιδράσει. Η νομοθεσία θωράκισης (Blocking Statute) είναι ένα πρώτο μέτρο, αλλά πρέπει να υπάρξουν αντίμετρα της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης απέναντι στις ΗΠΑ, προκειμένου να σταματήσει αυτή η εξωεδαφική επέμβαση των Ηνωμένων Πολιτειών.

 
  
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  Γεώργιος Επιτήδειος (NI). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, η επαναφορά των κυρώσεων των Ηνωμένων Πολιτειών της Αμερικής εναντίον του Ιράν πλήττει σημαντικούς και καίριους τομείς της οικονομίας του Ιράν, όπως τις εξαγωγές πετρελαίου, την αυτοκινητοβιομηχανία, τις αερομεταφορές και, κυρίως, πλήττει και τις εμπορικές συναλλαγές των ευρωπαϊκών εταιρειών με τις αντίστοιχες του Ιράν. Υπό την έννοια αυτή, η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση καλώς προτρέπει τις ευρωπαϊκές εταιρείες που έχουν συναλλαγές με ιρανικές εταιρείες να παραβλέψουν αυτές τις κυρώσεις των Ηνωμένων Πολιτειών. Όμως, δεν μπορώ να φανταστώ έναν τρόπο με τον οποίον μπορεί να εγγυηθεί η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση την προστασία των συμφερόντων αυτών των εταιρειών. Πρέπει να υπάρξει συνεργασία με τις Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες και συμφωνία με το Ιράν, ούτως ώστε να πειστούν οι Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες ότι οι επαφές και η υποστήριξη της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης προς το Ιράν δεν στρέφονται κατά των συμφερόντων των Ηνωμένων Πολιτειών. Επιπλέον, θα πρέπει η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση να εξετάσει και το ενδεχόμενο να επιβάλει και αυτή κυρώσεις σε αμερικανικές εταιρείες εάν τα πράγματα φτάσουν στο απροχώρητο.

 
  
 

(End of catch-the-eye procedure)

 
  
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  Věra Jourová, Member of the Commission, on behalf of the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Madam President, this has been a very useful exchange and I thank the honourable Members for their interventions. From this debate I conclude that we share a common interest in using the diplomatic power and instruments of the EU and its Member States to their full potential in support of preserving and implementing the joint comprehensive plan of action, which is vital for EU and international security. May I close by signalling once again my appreciation of Parliament’s role in keeping this important issue on its agenda.

 
  
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  President. – The debate is closed.

 
Dernière mise à jour: 8 avril 2019Avis juridique