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Streda, 28. novembra 2018 - Brusel Revidované vydanie

18. Stratégia dlhodobého znižovania emisií skleníkových plynov v EÚ v súlade s Parížskou dohodou (rozprava)
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  President. – The next item is the debate on the Commission statement on the strategy for long-term EU greenhouse gas emissions reduction in accordance with the Paris agreement (2018/2941(RSP)).

We have two Commissioners with us this evening. You are both very welcome. I will now give the floor to Vice—President Šefčovič, who is also responsible for the energy union.

 
  
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  Maroš Šefčovič, Vice-President of the Commission. – Madam President, under this mandate we focused primarily on what needs to be done for the clean energy transition between now and 2030, and by the end of it, also thanks to the great cooperation we had with this House, we will have delivered on all our commitments. The policies put in place will go a long way even after 2030, but they will only bring us to emission reductions of around 60% by 2050, and this is not sufficient for the EU to contribute to the Paris Agreement temperature goals.

Climate change is already impacting on the European Union. We had extreme heat waves in four of the last five years and this summer temperatures in the Arctic Circle were five degrees higher than normal. Central Europe was so dry that the Rhine was in places too shallow for inland navigation. And this is just the beginning: a planet with a climate that’s out of control would not be a safe and prosperous home, and we have to act.

Today we are therefore looking further ahead towards 2050 and towards a climate-neutral Europe, not only to contribute but to lead on the Paris goals. The Commission is responding to a call by this Parliament from last October which was renewed last month. In March the European Council also called on the Commission to present a long-term strategy by the first quarter of 2019, taking into account national plans.

Parliament called for an ambitious mid-century zero emission strategy for the EU, providing a cost-efficient pathway towards a net zero carbon economy in the Union by 2050 at the latest.

The Commission has taken up this challenge and we are starting from a good basis: we have reduced emissions by 22% while our economy grew by 58% since 1990 and this was accomplished by investing in clean energies, energy efficiency, innovation and cleaner transport.

We have seen that this not only produces benefits for the environment and therefore for the citizens, but that it also creates growth and jobs. Four million green jobs already exist in the European Union.

Under this Commission we have learned how to better integrate climate, energy, transport and other policies into the energy union and we are the world leader in designing coherent policies that drive investment, and investment that delivers results.

The strategy we are presenting today builds on this comprehensive approach. The strategy looks at all the key economic sectors, at innovation, finance, agriculture, the circular economy, trade... in short, how to make climate neutrality a cornerstone of a modern European economy fit for the 21st Century that will leave the planet clean.

Climate neutrality in 2050 will require additional investment – EUR 175 to 290 billion a year – but it will drastically reduce our bill for fossil fuel imports, which today is EUR 266 billion a year. The mathematics are clear, instead of paying to burn fuels that pollute our climate and our air, we can invest in cleaner and modern European industries that provide good local jobs.

I’m particularly proud of one aspect. It’s a strategy that makes sure that we do not leave any Europeans or any regions behind. It analyses which sectors will benefit, which will transform and which will lose out, and it looks into how to mitigate these losses, especially through upskilling for higher quality jobs, and it has European solidarity at its core.

Honourable Members, there are many strong reasons to put forward the long-term strategy now: global commitments, economic rationale, but also a key political reason. More and more people are asking in the run-up to the European elections about the future of Europe. There is widespread public support for climate action and actually widespread optimism: 85% of Europeans agree that fighting climate change and using energy more efficiently can create economic growth and jobs in Europe, and I am one of them.

 
  
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  Miguel Arias Cañete, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, the long-term strategy adopted by the Commission today spells out a clear vision for the European Union climate and energy policy, one that can lead to net-zero greenhouse gas emissions by 2050, through a socially fair transition in a cost-efficient manner.

The strategy is meant to set the direction of travel for European Union climate efforts and to frame the European Union contribution to achieving the Paris Agreement goals. In Paris, the world committed to keeping the global temperature rise to well below 2°C and to pursue efforts to limit it to 1.5°C, and thanks to the support of the European Parliament, the European Union has adopted all the legislation needed to meet our Paris commitment, and in fact in doing so we have de facto increased the level of ambition to some -45%, and the role of the Parliament was instrumental in this process.

We should now follow through and start preparing the next step, looking at the 2050 perspective. The difference between 1.5°C and 2°C is considerable, and the IPCC Special Report presented this year provides a clear signal. If we are to avoid the more disastrous impact of climate change we should seek to limit it to 1.5°C.

The IPCC report also told us what we have to do collectively to limit climate change. The world will have to go to net zero greenhouse emissions in the second half of the century, but if the aim is to pursue 1.5° this goal needs to be reached at global level by 2070.

The European Union should lead in this transformation, demonstrating to others that the transition to net zero greenhouse gas emissions is possible and opens up many opportunities, and this is what the Commission is doing today. With this strategy, the European Union would become the first major economy to be climate neutral. If we succeed, others will follow. If we do not lead, nobody else will, and if nobody else acts unrestrained climate change will severely impact Europe and rest of the world.

The Commission proposal is based on a detailed assessment looking at the possibilities for economic and social transformation that deliver such decarbonisation pathways. Some pathways are looking at reductions going to 80% by 2050, while others look into pathways leading to net zero greenhouse gas emissions by 2050.

The results clearly point to a comprehensive vision with seven key strategic building blocks that will be required to achieve a net zero greenhouse gas economy by 2050.

First, energy efficiency plays a central role. In the future our economy will grow but we need to prepare for reducing energy consumption by as much as a half compared to 2005. Energy efficiency is central to continue reducing emissions from industry but equally in the housing sectors.

Second, we need to advance the deployment of renewables. By 2050 more than 80% of electricity will be coming from renewable energy sources and these will have beneficial effects on our security of energy supply and deliver cumulative savings on our import bill of between EUR 2 and 3 trillion over the period 2031-2050.

There will also be additional benefits due to the reduced fugitive emissions of fossil fuels used in the energy sector and in this context, the Commission is looking into policy options for addressing methane emissions. A central tenet here is the electrification of our energy system, at least doubling its share in final energy demand by 2050 and with electricity generated by renewable sources, spreading to more uses such as heating and transport.

Thirdly, we have to embrace a clean mobility system. The automotive industry already invested in this new future and electrification is a promising option but some transport modes will not be able to electrify. For them alternatives in the form of advanced biofuels and e-fuels would need to be applied. And it’s not only the vehicle or the fuel that can change. With 75% of our population living in urban areas, cities are breeding grounds for new solutions and we already see movement towards smart urban planning and traffic management. These, together with clean public transport, have the potential to reduce emissions and improve the quality of life.

Our industry is already one of the most efficient globally, but the transformation will converge with the need for modernising industrial assets. Steel, cement and chemicals dominate industrial emissions and in the next 10 to 15 years technologies already known in these sectors will need to be demonstrated at a scale to facilitate investment in clean and competitive industrial installations. Electrification, hydrogen, biomass and synthetic fuels are part of the solution.

The transformation will require an adequate smart network infrastructure and interconnections and we need also to harmonise the potential of the bio-economy while preserving our carbon sinks.

European Union agriculture and forestry will continue to provide food, feed and fibres as well reduce emissions. Continued efficiency improvements, better fertiliser application and nutrient management, and healthy animal stocks will benefit both farmers and the climate.

Agriculture and forestry will contribute also to decarbonising other sectors and EU forests will play a central role in providing biomass.

The transition of our economy will always have to be careful of how to make best use of scarce land and other natural resources.

And finally, we need to look into how to tackle with carbon capture and storage those CO2 emissions which we cannot otherwise reduce. Thanks to the rapid deployment of renewable energy this is no longer the silver bullet to decarbonising. Still, CCS has a crucial role to close the circle for a net-zero economy, notably for energy intensive industries. If combined with sustainable biomass it could create negative emissions, helping to compensate for remaining emissions in our economy.

While by no means easy, these options, if deployed together, can make our path towards net-zero greenhouse gas emissions a reality. But to achieve this vision we will need additional investment of around 0.8% of our GDP. But this can also benefit our GDP by up to 2% by 2050.

This transformation will also save on health costs, with estimated reductions in premature death of more than 40% and health damage reduced by around EUR 200 billion per year.

The European Union climate policy relies on global cooperation and next week’s Conference of the Parties – COP 24 – is decisive for the future of the Paris Agreement.

In Katowice the European Union has a good story to tell. We have adopted all the legislation needed for implementing our Paris contribution and our 2030 targets are projected to reduce greenhouse emissions by around 45% by 2030, which is the starting point for long-term planning. With the strategic vision that we adopted today we can also show our partners that we have started preparing for a climate-neutral economy fully in line with the Paris Agreement. It demonstrates our determination to shape together the best future for our planet, and this should inspire others to follow.

In the months ahead our proposals and different pathways should be studied in detail to understand how the European Union can best achieve a net-zero greenhouse gas emission economy in 2050 in a cost-effective way. We look forward to engaging with you, the European Parliament, Member States, national parliaments, business, NGOs, cities, communities and our citizens on the EU’s long-term ambition and its contribution to the Paris Agreement.

Whatever the outcome of this debate, the European Union objective needs broad and deep endorsement, not only by our decision-makers, by our legislators, but also by all stakeholders and citizens. These debates and discussions should allow the European Union to adopt and submit an ambitious and broadly supported long-term strategy by 2020 to the UNFCCC. I look forward to continuing this essential work with you in the months to come.

 
  
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  Ivo Belet, namens de PPE-Fractie. – Voorzitter, collega's, commissarissen, goedenavond. Dit plan komt inderdaad op het juiste moment, aan de vooravond van de klimaatconferentie in Katowice. We kunnen de wereld nu een duidelijk signaal geven dat we in Europa onze verantwoordelijkheid nemen om de Overeenkomst van Parijs in de praktijk om te zetten.

Onze fractie steunt dit plan voluit. Wij steunen alle investeringen die u in het vooruitzicht stelt op het vlak van onderzoek en ontwikkeling. Die zijn uiteraard cruciaal. Wij steunen uw voorstellen, mijnheer Šefčovič, om in Europa een batterijenalliantie tot stand te brengen om in Europa zelf batterijen te realiseren en te produceren. Wij steunen ook uw voorstellen om CO2-opslag te realiseren. U hebt verwezen naar de chemiesector, de staalsector en de cementsector, waar dat uiteraard essentieel is.

Op een aantal punten kunnen we nog ambitieuzer zijn. Ik verwijs naar het transport. Ik verwijs naar de luchtvaart en de scheepvaart. De luchtvaart wordt een van dé grote bedreigingen voor ons klimaat de komende jaren. Deze sector dreigt alweer te ontsnappen en zijn verantwoordelijkheid te ontlopen. De Corsia-onderhandelingen (over de koolstofcompensatie- en -verminderingsregeling voor de internationale luchtvaart) dreigen geboycot en uitgehold te worden. Wij rekenen op u, mijnheer Šefčovič en mijnheer Cañete, om dat tegen te houden.

Tot slot nog een opmerking over de flankerende sociale maatregelen. Die zijn alleen realistisch als we het sociale draagvlak behouden. Werknemers wier baan bedreigd wordt in de automobielnijverheid of in steenkoolgebieden, moeten zeker zijn dat we hen zullen begeleiden bij de overgang naar een koolstofarme economie. Dat dubbele aspect van deze transitie moeten we goed in het oog blijven houden.

Ik wens u veel succes, volgende week in Katowice.

 
  
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  Kathleen Van Brempt, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Madam President, we can say ‘yes we can’. Yes, we can take the right decision to go to a fully climate-neutral economy. This is one of the real ‘TINAs’ – there is no alternative to taking this decision.

But let me also be very clear. There are different pathways to get there and we need to change that as well. it is not just about greening the economy. it is about making a just transition to do so.

We’ve witnessed the gilets jaunes in Belgium, and more in France. We should not say these are climate sceptics. We should not say that. We need to make sure that moving in that direction – and we really need to do that – is done in such a way that takes everybody on board. I’m looking to my good colleague, Ivo Belet. I liked your speech and I hope that next time, if we vote on CO2 car emissions or energy efficiency that we have your support to do so.

That is really very clear because it is not good enough just to give speeches. We need to get results, and one of the results that we have to work on – and we need your support, Commissioners – is: we need to change the governance in Europe. We need to change the European Semester, take ecological and social indicators into account and change the way we govern the European Union. I sincerely hope that we will have the support of the EPP on that as well.

 
  
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  Jadwiga Wiśniewska, w imieniu grupy ECR. – Pani Przewodnicząca! Panowie Komisarze! Polityka klimatyczno-energetyczna jest szczególnie trudnym wyzwaniem dla Polski, w której węgiel jest podstawowym surowcem w procesie wytwarzania energii elektrycznej i ciepła. Doceniam fakt, że w strategii dostrzeżono rolę lasów w pochłanianiu CO2, które jest efektywną metodą zmniejszania koncentracji dwutlenku węgla w powietrzu.

Polska jest otwarta na uczciwą, rzetelną i konstruktywną dyskusję o tym, jak wspólnie osiągnąć cele klimatyczne w sposób efektywny kosztowo, akceptowalny społecznie i bez wpływu na bezpieczeństwo energetyczne kraju. Obawiam się jednak, że restrykcyjne scenariusze będą miały nikłe znaczenie w skali globalnej, za to wywołają ogromne problemy w Unii Europejskiej, szczególnie w mojej ojczyźnie, Polsce.

 
  
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  Gerben-Jan Gerbrandy, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Madam President, I would like to thank both Commissioner Šefčovič and Commissioner Arias Cañete very much. I would like to congratulate them on this visionary document. It’s a really fundamental document. I would argue that it’s the most radical transition of our economy and society in 150 years, and that is quite something. It means that climate change is not business as usual. We have to do things differently, not in an incremental way, but in a quite radical way. In that sense, it’s essential that we build the trust of citizens, as my colleague, Ms Van Brempt emphasised, but also the private sector.

One other thing is very obvious to me. We have to be focused, we have to be united and our policies have to be coherent. That means not just mainstreaming a part of our budget like we’re doing now. It means climate-proofing the entire budget. My plea is that the Commission should launch a climate-proofing exercise of the next 2021—2027 budget proposal. I do not think we can leave it like this after you have published this fundamental document. The Commission should also look again at its plans for sustainable finance because just sustaining a very small part of the financial sector will not be sufficient for this fundamental change of our economy and society.

 
  
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  Bas Eickhout, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Madam President, I would like to thank the Commission for this strategy. I quote Mr Šefčovič, ‘our strategy now shows that by 2050 it’s realistic to make Europe both climate neutral and prosperous, while leaving no European and no region behind’ – it’s beautiful – and Mr Arias Cañete, ‘going climate neutral is necessary, possible and in Europe’s interest’. It’s a beautiful press release, so I was eager to read it. I’m a bit confused now because, at the end of the document, you conclude, ‘well, you know, the EU should adopt and submit an ambitious strategy by early 2020 to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), as requested under the Paris agreement’, so our mid—century strategy for this beautiful scenario will be published sometime in early 2020. Now I’m really confused. I thought we were doing that here. This is just eight scenarios on the table and, more importantly, it’s avoiding one of the key questions: what are we going to do by 2030? If you are sketching a beautiful scenario out there that we should do it for everything – for people, for the economy, for the environment – so we are creating a heaven on earth, but we wait until 2030 before we take additional action, it doesn’t make sense economically. Environmentally it doesn’t make sense because the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) was very clear: we need early action to meet the 1.5 degrees goal. 2030 is not early action and for Katowice, it doesn’t make sense because everyone will watch Europe. Are you going to raise ambition before 2030? There is a gap in reaching the Paris commitments. This document is beautiful, but this document is avoiding the question ‘what is Europe going to do by 2030?’ That’s the question in Katowice. That’s our economic and our environmental challenge, and the Commission is just postponing, as always. Unfortunately, I can only conclude that, despite the nice words, climate change policy is not a priority for this Commission.

 
  
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  Lynn Boylan, on behalf of the GUE/NGL Group. – Madam President, this is an ambitious strategy. On paper it’s aiming to keep all Member States on board and reacting to the alarm bells from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) UN Special Report. If it’s lived up to, it would be a step in the right direction, but is the strategy really safeguarded, given that it is so dependent on the strong political will that we need across the board in every single Member State.

If we want to be serious about curbing global warming at 1.5° Celsius rather than 2°, we have to make sure we are providing a realistic chance to achieve this. We firstly need to avoid factoring in reliance on technologies that are not even proven yet. We cannot cross our fingers with techno-fixes when it comes to the climate.

Secondly, to ensure that this target is actually achieved and that we don’t miss it, has the Commission considered any pathways looking at reaching carbon neutrality already by 2040? Taking account of the EU’s huge responsibility for historical emissions, logically we should be aiming for zero net emissions before 2050. We are talking about human existence on this planet, so we cannot risk missing this contribution to curbing global warming at 1.5°.

 
  
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  Mireille D’Ornano, au nom du groupe EFDD. – Madame la Présidente, tandis que le Parlement débat d’environnement, de pollution atmosphérique et automobile, un mouvement citoyen inédit est né en France: les gilets jaunes, soutenus par 80 % des Français.

Écrasés de taxes, certains compatriotes ne pourront bientôt plus se rendre à leur travail en voiture tellement le carburant est cher. Au même moment, les Nations unies alertent sur l’écart croissant entre l’action des États et les engagements de la COP21. Or, c’est la mondialisation qui a favorisé la pollution, et ce, via l’importation massive de produits conçus à l’autre bout du monde. Alors, qu’attendons-nous pour sanctionner non pas les citoyens, mais les vrais pollueurs? Le transport maritime utilisant du fioul de très mauvaise qualité avec des rejets d’oxyde de soufre, d’oxyde d’azote et de particules fines est bien pire que le diesel. Qu’attendons-nous pour favoriser les circuits courts?

Soyons lucides, ce n’est pas en favorisant le libre-échange avec le monde entier que l’Union européenne remplira les objectifs annoncés.

 
  
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  Barbara Kappel, im Namen der ENF-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin, Herr Kommissar Cañete, Herr Kommissar Šefčovič! Sie haben heute ihre Netto-Null-Emissionsstrategie für das Jahr 2050 vorgestellt.

Die vollständige Dekarbonisierung soll jährlich 290 Mrd. Euro kosten und es sind bis 2050 positive Effekte von 2 % der Wirtschaftsleistung zu erwarten. Einige Branchen – also speziell die, die an fossilen Energieträgern hängen – können in diesem Szenario komplett vom Markt verschwinden, aber das wird in Kauf genommen. Auch für die Mitgliedstaaten bedeutet es enorme Anstrengungen, die Klimaneutralität zu erreichen, bisher wurde der CO2-Ausstoß lediglich um ein Fünftel reduziert. Selbst wenn die kürzlich auf EU-Ebene beschlossenen Maßnahmen, wie der Ausbau der erneuerbaren Energie, die Steigerung der Energieeffizienz und die Reform des Emissionshandels umgesetzt würden, würde der Ausstoß bis 2050 um 60 % reduziert. Das ist ja noch weit entfernt von der Hundert-Prozent-Grenze des Null-Prozent-Szenarios.

Der Weg dorthin führt über einen höheren CO2-Preis, bis zu 68 Euro/Tonne, sagt der Emmissions Gap Report. Derzeit liegen wir bei 19,77 Euro/Tonnen, eine Erhöhung also um das Dreifache – der Tod für manche Industrien. Deshalb bitte ich Sie: Lassen Sie uns weltweit hier im Einklang mit anderen Regionen handeln, lassen Sie uns die Energiewende nicht allein vollziehen. Lassen Sie Europa Vorreiter sein für eine klimaneutrale Wirtschaft – aber im Einklang mit den anderen.

 
  
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  Jerzy Buzek (PPE). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Panowie Komisarze! Ta strategia jest najbardziej ambitną próbą realizacji Porozumienia paryskiego, które mówi o neutralności klimatycznej dopiero w drugiej połowie XXI wieku. O sukcesie strategii zdecydują dwa czynniki: wewnętrzny i zewnętrzny.

Wewnętrzny – na ile nasz przemysł, małe i średnie firmy, ośrodki naukowo-badawcze będą w stanie tę strategię zrealizować. Mówię o technologiach, ich dostępności i koszcie. Ważne jest też poparcie obywateli, dobrze więc, że strategia pojawia się przed wyborami europejskimi. Pojawia się również przed COP24.

I tu przejdę do czynnika zewnętrznego – tytuł strategii to „Czysta Planeta dla wszystkich”. Unia Europejska jest istotną, ale małą częścią tej planety i odpowiada za 10% emisji CO2. Już w Katowicach dowiemy się, na ile poważnie reszta świata traktuje porozumienie z Paryża i czy jest gotowa w swych ambicjach do roku 2050 iść nawet dalej. To kluczowe dla uratowania całej planety i przed nami wielkie zadanie na spotkaniu w Katowicach. Jak przekonać wszystkich największych emitentów do tego, żeby poszli w nasze ślady, bo przecież naszym planem jest ograniczenie temperatury do 2 stopni. A według najnowszych badań, według tego do czego się zobowiązaliśmy w Paryżu, to może być nawet około 3 stopni, a może więcej. A więc jest to groźne.

 
  
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  Miriam Dalli (S&D). – Sinjura President, Kummissarji, Jekk hemm messaġġ li dan id-dokument iwassal b’mod b’saħħtu, huwa l-fatt li ma nistgħux nibqgħu nipposponu d-deċiżjonijiet li rridu nieħdu. Jekk verament irridu li sas-sena 2050, tletin sena biss ’il bogħod mil-lum, ikollna ekonomija dekarbonizzata, irridu naħsbu għaliha mil-lum.

Il-liġijiet li qegħdin niddiskutu llum se jwittu t-triq għat-tnax-il sena li ġejjin. Eżempju tipiku hija l-liġi dwar it-tnaqqis fit-tniġġis mill-karozzi. Huwa llum li nistgħu, jew nieħdu d-deċiżjonijiet li verament jagħmlu d-differenza, jew inkella noqogħdu sottomessi għall-interessi ta’ min ma jaqbillux li din it-tranżizzjoni sseħħ.

Dan id-dokument jidher pożittiv, imma ma nistgħux nibqgħu biss kliem fuq karta. Dan id-dokument wassal messaġġ ċar li fl-Unjoni Ewropea, l-agħar li se jkunu milquta, huma dawk il-pajjiżi li qegħdin fil-Mediterran, dawk il-pajjiżi li jmissu mal-kosta, jew il-pajjiżi li qegħdin taħt il-livell tal-baħar. B’indikazzjonijiet li l-baħar jista’ anki jogħla b’seba’ metri jekk it-temperaturi globali jitilgħu b’1.5 gradi Celsius jew 2 gradi Celsius, inħallikom taħsbu x’jistgħu jkunu l-konsegwenzi għal min, bħali u bħan-nies li jiena nirrappreżenta, jgħix qrib il-baħar.

Għalina u għal ħafna ċittadini madwar l-Ewropa, il-prezz tan-nuqqas ta’ azzjoni huwa għoli żżejjed, ifisser l-eżistenza ta’ pajjiżna u tal-ħajja tagħna. Sakemm se nibqgħu naħsbu li l-ekonomija u l-ambjent huma separati minn xulxin m’inix konvinta li se jinbidlu l-affarijiet. Irridu, illum, naqblu biex ninvestu fl-innovazzjoni u fir-riċerka biex ikollna soluzzjonijiet li jagħmlu sens ekonomiku u li jpoġġu lill-Unjoni Ewropea fit-triq tad-dekarbonizzazzjoni.

 
  
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  Evžen Tošenovský (ECR). – Paní předsedající, určitě souhlasím, že musíme zvyšovat ochranu životního prostředí a chránit je před narůstajícími vlivy civilizace – růst dopravy, výrobní aktivity a obecného vlivu na přírodní bohatství je v současné době enormní.

Na druhé straně ale získáváme nové technologie a věda a výzkum přináší neuvěřitelný pokrok, poznání a pomoc s technologiemi vstřícnými vůči životnímu prostředí. Na druhé straně při definování cílů a strategií pro nejbližší desetiletí v oblasti klimatu musíme být velmi obezřetní. Při přehnaném nastavení limitů, které dnes vypadají velmi hezky a ambiciózně, bychom mohli dosáhnout velmi negativního vývoje v mnoha oblastech.

Taktéž jsem přesvědčen, že naším zájmem musí být komplexní přístup, tak jak se to nakonec povedlo v programu platformy pro postuhelné regiony. Za tuto aktivitu panu komisaři velmi děkuji. Jsem pro výraznou podporu vědy, výzkumu a inovací, které jedině umožní vstřícné a rozumné chování lidí vůči životnímu prostředí.

 
  
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  Michèle Rivasi (Verts/ALE). – Madame la Présidente, je remercie les commissaires de présenter enfin une stratégie sur le long terme, mais vous nous proposez huit scénarios, dont seulement les deux derniers visent à atteindre zéro émission en 2050. Ceux-ci reposent sur des techniques d’apprentis sorciers pour capturer d’énormes et irréalistes quantités de carbone, voire à les éliminer de l’atmosphère.

Si nous voulons montrer au reste du monde que l’Union européenne reste le champion du climat et faire en sorte de rester sous la barre de 1,5 degré, la priorité est d’abord la réduction de nos émissions. La barre doit être mise plus haut pour arriver, au sein de l’Union européenne, à une économie à zéro émission d’ici 2040. C’est cela être leader au niveau du changement climatique.

D’autre part, le dernier rapport du Groupe d’experts intergouvernemental sur l’évolution du climat (GIEC) appelle à des transitions rapides et de grande envergure pour limiter le réchauffement planétaire à 1,5 degré. Que nous dit la Commission européenne pour 2030? Rien. Elle commence les scénarios en 2030, comme si l’Union européenne était en bonne voie.

Le dérèglement climatique est là. Il faut agir dès maintenant. Soyons ambitieux: il faut réduire les émissions de 65 % par rapport à 2010 si on veut vraiment atteindre la neutralité en gaz à effet de serre.

 
  
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  Robert Jarosław Iwaszkiewicz (EFDD). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Poziom ograniczenia emisji gazów cieplarnianych, jaki został narzucony przemysłowi, osiągnął już granice absurdu. Nie ma technologii, które zadowoliłyby Wasze wybujałe ambicje, i żadne zaklęcia tego nie zmienią. Porozumienie paryskie było błędem, z którego już wycofują się najważniejsi partnerzy. Emisja CO2 w Chinach jest prawie trzy razy większa niż we wszystkich krajach Unii Europejskiej i nie da się tego zmienić.

Podkreślacie zyski z rozwoju zielonej energii i ograniczenia emisji, ale dlaczego milczycie o kosztach? Dlaczego nie mówicie o ucieczce przemysłu do krajów wschodnich graniczących z Unią Europejską? Tymczasem koszty unijnej polityki energetycznej dla mojego kraju, Polski wynoszą około 5 mld złotych rocznie i ciągle rosną. Polska już wkrótce będzie miała najwyższe ceny energii w całej Europie. To realny efekt Waszej polityki. Należy natychmiast zawiesić ramy czasowe polityki klimatycznej i zlikwidować tzw. uprawnienia do emisji.

 
  
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  Seán Kelly (PPE). – A Uachtaráin, déanaim comhghairdeas leis an mbeirt Choimisinéirí Cañete agus Šefčovič as ucht na lainseála inniu. Is dúshlán mór é chun ár n-astaíochtaí carbóin a laghdú go náid faoi 2050 ach, tá sé indéanta.

So as one who represented Parliament at COP 21 and 22 and will be at COP 24 in Poland, and as the rapporteur for the renewable energy file here for the EPP Group, I welcome these announcements today. Also, I think that we are being ambitious, regardless of what people say, and as the Commissioner said: ‘if we don’t lead, nobody will follow’. Europe is doing that and I think that’s what we need to do.

I am going to mention something I haven’t mentioned before, and that is those who might be left behind. I welcome the emphasis on the socio-economic impact. Citizens and workers were made redundant in my own constituency. Bord Na Móna has announced 430 job losses because of the closure of peat factories or power stations. I would be the last person to say these should be left open – obviously they should not, but we do need to show empathy with these people and I think there are opportunities for us to have a just transition fund at national level to use the MFF. I’m the rapporteur for my Group on InvestEU. All these possibilities need to be explored so that nobody is left behind. This is a very important point. I think if we do that, we can make progress, but it has to be inclusive and fair, and I think we can bring citizens with us in that way.

 
  
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  Sylvie Goddyn (EFDD). – Suite aux conclusions alarmistes du Groupe d’experts intergouvernemental sur l’évolution du climat (GIEC), la Commission européenne a décidé d’accélérer la réalisation des objectifs des accords de Paris pour 2050. Les peuples européens vont devoir expier ce qui a structuré leur mode de vie depuis un siècle et faire pénitence.

La pénitence sera douloureuse, et la Commission le sait puisqu’elle envisage prudemment un traitement différencié selon les États membres.

Mon pays, la France, est classé parmi les pays riches. La réalité est pourtant différente: 10 millions de Français vivent sous le seuil de pauvreté, l’économie française stagne et le chômage ne descend pas sous la barre des 10 %. Sur ce sujet, le président de la République, M. Macron, s’est heurté à la réalité sociale, il a déclenché la colère des gilets jaunes en augmentant les taxes sur l’essence.

Cela doit servir d’avertissement: l’écologie punitive, qui presse les plus démunis, est sans issue.

Je vais donc vous faire des propositions: tout d’abord, pour diminuer les gaz à effet de serre et pour financer la transition écologique, il faut taxer les flux mondiaux avant de taxer les peuples. Nous pouvons aussi utiliser la Banque centrale européenne, comme vous l’avez fait pour sauver le système bancaire. Enfin, il faut mettre en place un protectionnisme intelligent, fondé sur des normes environnementales vertueuses et qui donneront un avantage compétitif à nos entreprises par rapport à leurs concurrentes étrangères.

 
  
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  Giovanni La Via (PPE). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, ringrazio il Commissario Šefčovič e il Commissario Cañete per la proposta oggi pubblicata, che delinea la strategia per un'Europa a emissioni zero al 2050. Così, come avete sentito, in quest'Aula, c'è chi ritiene la vostra proposta, da un lato dell'Aula, poco ambiziosa, e chi invece, ritiene che sia una proposta che vada molto in avanti. Quindi, è chiaro che avete centrato l'obiettivo: avete dato un percorso a quest'Europa perché continui ad essere leader sul piano internazionale e a guidare la lotta al cambiamento climatico; così come abbiamo fatto dopo Parigi e così come stiamo continuando a fare.

Come tutti voi sapete, quest'anno abbiamo avuto diversi eventi avversi sul continente europeo – eventi scatenati sicuramente dal cambiamento climatico – che hanno comportato anche la morte di centinaia di persone. È chiaro che questo ci deve spingere ad agire, a fare di più, soprattutto per salvare le zone che sono più sensibili. Dobbiamo tutelare, da un lato, il nostro ambiente, ridurre ovviamente l'incremento della temperatura; però, dall'altro lato, dobbiamo sempre essere attenti a quello che è il sistema economico, perché non dobbiamo andare troppo in là dove non possiamo spingerci.

Credo che la strategia che avete delineato è una strategia equilibrata che potrà raggiungere gli obiettivi al 2050 ma che potrà senz'altro aiutare la crescita di un'economia verde e sostenibile.

 
  
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  Dario Tamburrano (EFDD). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, sono molto orgoglioso come cittadino europeo di ricevere questa comunicazione. È un segnale importante – e lo è – se è il primo firmatario di Parigi a darsi un obiettivo preciso per un'economia a zero emissioni nette al 2050. Infatti, gli effetti dell'instabilità climatica, previsti già da tempo dalla scienza, sono oggi fatti di cronaca quotidiana, delineando quella che è la nostra nuova quotidianità. Inoltre, noto con piacere un cambio di passo anche terminologico, dal momento che già nel titolo della comunicazione è citata non la parola "crescita" ma la parola "prosperità": le parole sono importanti, oltre ai contenuti.

Tuttavia, per evitare effetti più disastrosi, sappiamo che è necessario un più profondo cambio di paradigma. Siamo entrati in un'era di sfide enormi, dove l'economia neoliberista basata sul mercato non sempre è in grado di gestire più il nostro futuro. Per superare queste sfide, sono necessarie politiche economiche fortemente espansive e il superamento dell'austerity, dando finalmente attenzione al bilancio del capitale naturale e non solamente ai bilanci finanziari che hanno perso di vista quello che è l'equilibrio termodinamico, che regola l'economia e la nostra esistenza sulla Terra, prestando quindi attenzione a quello che è il cosiddetto spread ecologico.

Contemporaneamente, è inefficace pensare alla leadership nella lotta al cambiamento climatico senza considerare l'effetto degli scambi commerciali; i prodotti non sono sottoposti a un'analisi del carbonio emesso con la delocalizzazione delle produzioni che noi importiamo: è quindi urgente l'istituzione di una tassa sul carbonio alla frontiera europea e, eventualmente, una riforma dell'OMC in questo senso.

Per essere leader responsabili e consapevoli, inoltre, non possiamo nemmeno trascurare le necessità dei paesi in via di sviluppo: viviamo sullo stesso pianeta! Dobbiamo evitare che prendano le scelte sbagliate da noi imboccate nel secolo scorso e quindi dobbiamo permettere che non solo le persone, ma soprattutto la conoscenza possa fluire liberamente. Noi abbiamo un debito nei confronti di alcuni paesi ai quali abbiamo levato risorse ed è un debito che possiamo ripagare fornendo loro le conoscenze e le tecnologie necessarie alla lotta al cambiamento climatico.

 
  
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  Francesc Gambús (PPE). – Señora presidenta, señores comisarios, quisiera empezar agradeciendo a los comisarios Arias Cañete y Šefčovič la rápida respuesta de la Comisión en la lucha contra el cambio climático tras la publicación del alarmante informe de las Naciones Unidas.

Hoy, a las puertas de la Cumbre del Clima de Katowice, la Unión Europea debe renovar su liderazgo y compromiso en la lucha contra el cambio climático y les deseo, en ese sentido, acierto y suerte a partes iguales.

Debemos avanzar más y más rápido. Para ello, conjuntamente con las inversiones necesarias, debemos dotarnos de los instrumentos para apoyar un proceso de descarbonización y desfosilización que permita conjugar nuestros compromisos a nivel internacional con el mantenimiento de una industria europea competitiva, capaz de crear nuevos puestos de trabajo que permitan la transición social, que permitan también recuperar a aquellos que se van quedando atrás.

Para 2020, los Estados miembros y los principales emisores de CO2 deben participar y facilitar a la Comisión toda la información disponible para que, conjuntamente con este Parlamento, puedan decidir la mejor estrategia para alcanzar tan alto objetivo que, a mi entender, pasa por una apuesta decidida por las energías renovables; la neutralidad tecnológica; la colaboración estrecha, en consecuencia, con los principales actores de la industria, de la innovación, de la investigación; la mejora en eficiencia energética; y una mayor implantación de la economía circular en todas las etapas del proceso productivo.

Y, para ello, la Comisión también debe entender que es urgente actualizar la Directiva de ecodiseño.

 
  
 

Catch-the-eye procedure

 
  
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  Bogdan Andrzej Zdrojewski (PPE). – Jestem zwolennikiem rozwiązań proekologicznych, ale oczywiście realnych. A także zwolennikiem liczenia kosztów brutto a nie tylko i wyłącznie netto. Jeżeli ktoś mówi, iż energia ekologiczna jest droższa, to zapomina o tym, że życie w smogu jest kosztowne dla państw. Kosztowne, jeżeli chodzi o leczenie, utratę zdrowia, a w niektórych wypadkach życia.

Opowiadam się za realnymi programami i za realnym monitorowaniem. W ramach tego monitorowania trzeba szukać także dodatkowych zachęt dla tych państw, które muszą ponosić koszty zmieniania swojego systemu energetycznego, bo rzeczywiście to w niektórych wypadkach buduje negatywne skutki dla kosztów życia, te bezpośrednie, płacone przez konsumentów. Ale podkreślam jeszcze raz, że dla nas dzisiaj, po to żeby osiągnąć realne cele, potrzebny jest dobry monitoring, skuteczne narzędzia i dobra motywacja.

 
  
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  Maria Grapini (S&D). – Doamnă președintă, stimați domni comisari, dragi colegi, evident că subiectul este interesant și important pentru toată lumea, evident că noi, ca parlamentari, suntem de acord, ca Parlament European, cu reducerea emisiilor, însă, așa cum s-a mai spus aici, există nivele diferite de posibilități ale statelor membre și domnii comisari au subliniat aici: avem nevoie de investiții în tehnologie, de investiții în infrastructură.

Întrebarea mea către Comisie este: dacă vrem să atingem aceste ținte și să nu rămână niște vise puse pe hârtie, cum gândiți în noul cadru financiar multianual să existe alocate resurse pentru a veni cu o tehnologie modernă, pentru a putea îmbunătăți infrastructura și pentru a putea să ajungem la aceste ținte care sunt, evident, benefice pentru umanitate?

Aș mai avea o întrebare legat de faptul că Uniunea Europeană este lider în scăderea emisiilor noi, noi nu suntem singuri aici pe glob: ce părere aveți, ce se poate face ca și celelalte continente și celelalte instituții să lupte pentru scăderea emisiilor lor, global?

 
  
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  Jakop Dalunde (Verts/ALE). – Fru talman, kommissionen och kära kolleger! I sin nya klimatstrategi bekräftar kommissionen äntligen det som Parisavtalet redan förpliktar – EU måste bli koldioxidneutralt. Det är en såväl välkommen som senkommen insikt.

Kommissionen har också insett värdet i den gröna omställningen. Strategin beskriver väl hur klimatsatsningar kan gå hand i hand med ekonomisk utveckling, stärkt konkurrenskraft och nya arbetstillfällen. Mot bakgrund av just detta ställer jag mig emellertid mycket kritisk till varför man väntar till 2030 med att börja arbeta från den nya strategin. Om man beskriver att det är bråttom, varför inte agera redan nu?

Det är avgörande att denna strategi översätts till nya initiativ nu – skarp lagstiftning, högre pris på klimatpåverkan och offensiva gröna investeringar. Annars är målet om nollutsläpp omöjligt att nå. Det är dags att agera nu – klimatet kan nämligen inte vänta.

 
  
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  Xabier Benito Ziluaga (GUE/NGL). – Señora presidenta, señores comisarios, la Comisión ha dado un buen paso proponiendo la neutralidad climática para 2050. Sin embargo, veo en esta propuesta el mismo baile de fechas y cifras que cuando usted, señor comisario Arias Cañete, tiene que responder sobre cuándo se cerraron las cuentas offshore de su familia.

Y, sin embargo, yo me pregunto también: ¿es creíble este objetivo viniendo de ustedes y de lo que han estado haciendo hasta ahora? ¿Cómo les vamos a creer cuando están proponiendo retrasar la mayoría de los esfuerzos para después de 2030, cuando la clave es lo que hagamos en esta década? A eso, en fútbol —usted, señor comisario, lo sabe— se le llama el «patapúm palante»: el retrasar lo urgente.

¿Cómo creerles cuando acabamos de aprobar unos objetivos de renovables y eficiencia energética totalmente insuficientes que, o bien son papel mojado, o bien hay que revisarlos al alza, como ya reclamábamos desde nuestro Grupo?

¿Cómo creerle si pretenden seguir manteniendo y dando prioridad al gas fósil en la estrategia de la Unión Europea? El cambio climático, señores comisarios, afecta ya a millones de personas, entre ellos muchos europeos, así que, por favor, sean coherentes.

 
  
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  John Stuart Agnew (EFDD). – Madam President, agriculture will be expected to reduce its greenhouse gas emissions. Farmers can reduce CO2 emissions by reducing tractor use. This is possible without reducing productivity if GM seeds and glyphosate are regularly used to establish crops. The green lobby hate GM and glyphosate even more than they hate CO2, so the alternative is to abandon some land and reduce food production.

Farmers can reduce methane emissions by feeding their ruminants expensive cereals and soya instead of grazing grass. This significantly raises the costs of producing meat, milk leather and wool. The green lobby insist that ruminants should be able to graze naturally so the only alternative is for the farmer to reduce ruminant numbers.

Farmers can reduce nitrous oxide emissions by growing fewer leguminous crops, but the green lobby want more protein crops grown in Europe. These are leguminous. The green lobby cannot have it both ways.

Farmers can reduce water vapour emissions by maintaining large areas of bare soil, preventing transpiration. The green lobby do not like bare soil because of erosion risk. Perversely, but fortunately, the green lobby do like the greenhouse gas water vapour.

 
  
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  Dobromir Sośnierz (NI). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Ja może nie wiem, jak obniżyć temperaturę na Ziemi o dwa stopnie, ale wiem, jak tego nie należy robić. Nie należy tego robić tak, że państwa odpowiedzialne za 10 % światowych emisji będą się wykrwawiały, próbując obniżyć swoje emisje o 40 %, co da w skali świata mniejszy efekt, niż gdybyśmy namówili wszystkich, żeby obniżyli emisje o 5 %. Taka postawa to frajerstwo, bo emisje, które wykluczymy na swoim terenie, przeniosą się w inne miejsce, inni na tym zarobią, my stracimy i nic z tego wszystkiego nie będzie. Dodatkowo podbijając stawkę i podnosząc cele coraz wyżej, do 30, 40, 50 %, zniechęcamy innych do tego, żeby poszli naszą drogą, bo pokazujemy tylko negatywne skutki i wysokie koszty, które nie przynoszą w skali świata żadnych efektów. Dlatego nie idźmy tą drogą.

 
  
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  Florent Marcellesi (Verts/ALE). – Señora presidenta, señores comisarios, gracias por sus propuestas, pero me temo que ninguno de los escenarios propuestos por la Comisión es realmente compatible con limitar a tiempo el calentamiento global a un grado y medio, y eso no puede ser, porque, con esos escenarios, el sur de España podría convertirse en un desierto y los próximos refugiados climáticos podrían ser las y los andaluces. No lo digo yo: lo dicen los expertos climáticos de las Naciones Unidas.

Y digo yo, ya que vamos a descarbonizar la economía, por qué no hacerlo bien ahora; es decir, más rápido y con más ambición, para cumplir el Acuerdo de París tal y como pedimos en el Parlamento Europeo. Esto significaría miles de empleos y una economía mucho más próspera, además de grandes beneficios para la salud.

A pocos días de la COP24, estamos perdiendo la oportunidad de liderar la ambición climática mundial. Si Donald Trump no se cree el cambio climático, y la UE no da ejemplo, díganme quién más lo va a hacer.

 
  
 

(End of catch-the-eye procedure)

 
  
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  Maroš Šefčovič, Vice-President of the Commission. – Madam President, if you’ll allow me to elaborate on three points on the deepest transformation. We started with our European economy, on the importance of social inclusion and the need for more advanced technology to use to power this transformation. Before I start, I really would like to thank the honourable Members for what I feel was broad support for our approach and for seeing this importance in the same way as we do. I absolutely agree with honourable Member Gerbrandy that what we started under the Energy Union is the deepest transformation of our energy systems since they were built in Europe one hundred years ago. I would like to assure Ms Rivasi and Mr Eickhout that climate change is a top priority for this Commission and I am ready to say that no other Commission in the history of the European Union did more to tackle climate change than this one, and it was in close cooperation with this House, the European Parliament.

Looking at the parameters, at the pace and milestones – and here I am sure that my colleague, Commissioner Miguel Arias Cañete, will explain the calendar and the timelines of our efforts – it is very important to have public support and to have people on board. Therefore, the issues like energy poverty and the need for upskilling for those who might lose their job because of this energy transformation are so important. Therefore, we started close cooperation with the co-regions in the transition, where we already have seven countries working with us and we will have our first annual assessment already this Friday and, yes, already in Katowice, just to show that we care, we have the solution and we have to offer these people a new, brighter, cleaner economic future.

When it comes to technologies, as you will see from our strategy, we’ve been looking at all aspects of the technologies and some of them would need help through our research and innovation programmes, would need help through our eligible Important Projects of Common European Interest (IPCEI) state aid programmes, like we do for batteries. Of course, we need to de-risk some of the financing for these cutting-edge new technologies, but it is very important, because what I see in the world of batteries is that if we hadn’t started at European level a year ago, we would really have risked being behind our competitors in Asia for many, many years. We need cleaner mobility, we need electric cars, we need less air pollution in our cities. Therefore, we are aiming to have 35 million electric cars in Europe by 2030, and I want to make sure that they will be powered by high-quality green energy batteries in Europe because the market for that would be enormous: EUR 250 billion a year. That is the challenge. That’s a market we have to capture.

What we are announcing today is the opening of the debate. We need to have the people with us. We need to analyse all the aspects of it and I’m sure that we will present an excellent story and clear European leadership, not only in Katowice, but also later when we present the document to the UN.

 
  
  

PRZEWODNICTWO: ZDZISŁAW KRASNODĘBSKI
Wiceprzewodniczący

 
  
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  Miguel Arias Cañete, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, I would like to thank all the honourable Members who have participated in this debate.

Some of you have complained that this strategy is not ambitious. Others considered the importance and dimension of this strategy. I would just say that the strategy proposed by the Commission is fully in line with the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) Special Report. The Special Report talks of global greenhouse gas neutrality by 2070 and carbon neutrality, which is not as ambitious as greenhouse gas neutrality, in 2050. The Commission strategy is far more ambitious because it nails down climate neutrality and greenhouse gas neutrality already in 2050, 20 years before what the IPCC, with the better science available, recommends at global level, so we have ambitious objectives. It is very clear, if you read the communication, that the Commission considers that the European Union should, by 2050, be among the first to achieve net-zero greenhouse gas emissions and lead the way worldwide. To do so, the European Union needs to step up its efforts. That means that we have to go through scenario 7 and 8, which are the most ambitious scenarios and those which lead to climate neutrality. The ambition is here and it touches all sectors of the economy.

Some of you say, ‘well, but there is no action’. We have started taking action. We have delivered, as Vice—President Šefčovič said, all the legislation needed on the climate, the Emissions Trading System that performs as foreseen, regulations on, land use, land use change and forestry, the whole energy union package. With the cooperation of Parliament, which has been more ambitious than the Commission – for sure, I have to recognise it – we could have a very good dialogue and we convinced also the Council to go along and now we have legislation that permits us to reach a reduction in emissions in 2030 of at least 45% – it might be bigger if other legislation comes – and this simple legislation, as the Vice—President said, will lead us in 2050 to emission reduction of greenhouse gas emission levels of 60%. So we are already working, but also because of you, we have excellent review clauses in 2023 and 2024 in all the legislation. That means that there will be more ambitious targets in 2030 because there are review clauses there that you have introduced and you have agreed, Mr Eickhout. So we have the tools, we have the elements to start being ambitious, but for sure we have to step up efforts in the future. This is a revolutionary change, a societal change. It’s a radical change. That’s why I don’t understand very well why Mr Eickhout considers that we can lead this exercise in 20 minutes. No, because now we, the Commission, are inviting the European Parliament, the European Council, the Committee of the Regions, the Economic and Social Committee and the European Investment Bank to consider this mission for a climate neutral Europe in 2050. We have to prepare the special summit of the Heads of State and of Government for shaping the future of Europe at the European Council on 9 May 2019 in Sibiu. In order to prepare for that Council, we want to have a real Council – all the relevant Council formations should have extensive political debates on the contribution of the respective policy areas to the world vision because this touches every area: industry, transport, mobility – all of them –energy, buildings, heating. This is a very complex debate at Council and at Parliament level. It touches all the committees of the House.

All the Commissioners have worked together in project teams in order to deliver this communication. It has been a complicated exercise, but we have the product here. Also, in parallel to this political exercise, during the first half of 2019, the European Commission will take the debate on the necessary deep economic transformation and the profound societal change in an open and inclusive manner to all Member States, to national parliaments, to business, NGOs, cities, communities, citizens and youth. They should participate in a dialogue in the European Union and give their contributions on what is the level of ambition we really want and what is the speed of travel we really want with this informed debate in the whole of Europe.

I expect in the European elections we will talk about the climate and that could be one of the most important topics. Nine out of ten Europeans think that the climate is an important problem and more than 74% that it is a very important problem. I think these topics will be at the election. If the different political parties show their positions and we have a world debate, then we are ready to go to the United Nations in 2020 with the final strategy.

This is the first Commission communication to launch the debate. We have preferred scenarios, for sure. We have four ambitions and we also want an informed debate and that, finally, we follow an ambitious path and we are the first major economy to reach climate neutrality in 2050. It’s hard. We will require huge investments but with huge benefits also: for health, the economy and also for the responsibility we have with the rest of the world.

Some of you said it, if we don’t lead, nobody will lead us. The United States are on climate holidays, as the Governor of California, Jerry Brown, said, and it is up to us to lead the way. But if we show that it is feasible and all our impact assessments – and I recommend that you have a look at the in—depth analysis that supports the Commission communication, which is a communication with 20-something pages, the documents here show the difficulties and the challenges, but the possibility to achieve our targets. This is a complex exercise. It touches all society and is something we have to discuss in depth. This is the first moment we sit together. There will be much conversation on it and I expect that we will reach agreement on a very ambitious pathway to deliver what is expected of the European Union: the leading climate change policy in the world.

(Applause)

 
  
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  Przewodniczący. – Zamykam debatę.

Oświadczenia pisemne (art. 162)

 
  
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  Clara Eugenia Aguilera García (S&D), por escrito. – El Grupo S&D apoya una economía neta con cero emisiones de carbono para 2050, pero demanda acciones para una transición justa. En este sentido, los socialdemócratas españoles en el Parlamento Europeo celebramos la propuesta de la Comisión Europea de poner fin a las emisiones de gases de efecto invernadero para el año 2050, pero teniendo en cuenta que hay que asegurar que la transición a una economía neta cero en carbono beneficie a todos los ciudadanos y no cree nuevas desigualdades. La estrategia debería contribuir a cerrar la brecha creciente entre ricos y pobres y reforzar la cohesión social entre los ciudadanos y entre las regiones. Los eurodiputados socialdemócratas han liderado el trabajo legislativo en el Parlamento Europeo para conseguir una legislación ambiciosa sobre energía renovable y eficiencia energética. Sin embargo, se necesita una visión global para garantizar una sociedad sostenible y liderar una transformación ecológica que vaya de la mano con una reforma de la gobernanza económica y de políticas sociales para garantizar que esta sea una transición justa para todos. Por último, somos conscientes de que, para alcanzar los objetivos a largo plazo, se deben mejorar las ambiciones de objetivos intermedios de cara a 2030.

 
  
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  José Blanco López (S&D), por escrito. – El Grupo S&D apoya una economía neta con cero emisiones de carbono para 2050, pero demanda acciones para una transición justa. En este sentido, los socialdemócratas españoles en el Parlamento Europeo celebramos la propuesta de la Comisión Europea de poner fin a las emisiones de gases de efecto invernadero para el año 2050, pero teniendo en cuenta que hay que asegurar que la transición a una economía neta cero en carbono beneficie a todos los ciudadanos y no cree nuevas desigualdades. La estrategia debería contribuir a cerrar la brecha creciente entre ricos y pobres y reforzar la cohesión social entre los ciudadanos y entre las regiones. Los eurodiputados socialdemócratas han liderado el trabajo legislativo en el Parlamento Europeo para conseguir una legislación ambiciosa sobre energía renovable y eficiencia energética. Sin embargo, se necesita una visión global para garantizar una sociedad sostenible y liderar una transformación ecológica que vaya de la mano con una reforma de la gobernanza económica y de políticas sociales para garantizar que esta sea una transición justa para todos. Por último, somos conscientes de que, para alcanzar los objetivos a largo plazo, se deben mejorar las ambiciones de objetivos intermedios de cara a 2030.

 
  
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  Soledad Cabezón Ruiz (S&D), por escrito. – El Grupo S&D apoya una economía neta con cero emisiones de carbono para 2050, pero demanda acciones para una transición justa. En este sentido, los socialdemócratas españoles en el Parlamento Europeo celebramos la propuesta de la Comisión Europea de poner fin a las emisiones de gases de efecto invernadero para el año 2050, pero teniendo en cuenta que hay que asegurar que la transición a una economía neta cero en carbono beneficie a todos los ciudadanos y no cree nuevas desigualdades. La estrategia debería contribuir a cerrar la brecha creciente entre ricos y pobres y reforzar la cohesión social entre los ciudadanos y entre las regiones. Los eurodiputados socialdemócratas han liderado el trabajo legislativo en el Parlamento Europeo para conseguir una legislación ambiciosa sobre energía renovable y eficiencia energética. Sin embargo, se necesita una visión global para garantizar una sociedad sostenible y liderar una transformación ecológica que vaya de la mano con una reforma de la gobernanza económica y de políticas sociales para garantizar que esta sea una transición justa para todos. Por último, somos conscientes de que, para alcanzar los objetivos a largo plazo, se deben mejorar las ambiciones de objetivos intermedios de cara a 2030.

 
  
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  Iratxe García Pérez (S&D), por escrito. – Los socialdemócratas apoyamos una economía neta con cero emisiones de carbono para 2050 y reclamamos acciones para una transición justa. En este sentido, los socialdemócratas españoles en el Parlamento Europeo celebramos la propuesta de la Comisión Europea de poner fin a las emisiones de gases de efecto invernadero para el año 2050, pero teniendo en cuenta que hay que asegurar que la transición a una economía neta cero en carbono beneficie a todos los ciudadanos y no cree nuevas desigualdades. La estrategia debería contribuir a cerrar la brecha creciente entre ricos y pobres y reforzar la cohesión social entre los ciudadanos y entre las regiones. Los eurodiputados socialdemócratas han liderado el trabajo legislativo en el Parlamento Europeo para conseguir una legislación ambiciosa sobre energías renovables y eficiencia energética. Sin embargo, se necesita una visión global para garantizar una sociedad sostenible y liderar una transformación ecológica que vaya de la mano con una reforma de la gobernanza económica y de políticas sociales para garantizar una transición justa para todos. Por último, somos conscientes de que, para alcanzar los objetivos a largo plazo, se deben mejorar las ambiciones de objetivos intermedios de cara a 2030.

 
  
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  João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), por escrito. – Há um problema de partida na abordagem da União Europeia ao objetivo de redução das emissões de gases de efeito de estufa: a opção e a insistência por uma abordagem de mercado que revelou sobejamente não apenas a sua ineficácia, mas também a sua perversidade. O resto é muita propaganda e algumas medidas de discutível acerto. A criação de um comércio de licenças para poluir nada fez nem faz pela desejada redução da emissão de gases de efeito de estufa, sobretudo se a quisermos concretizada num quadro de justiça e de sustentabilidade. Deixar nas mãos do mercado objetivos ambientais – que bem podiam e deviam ser logrados por outras vias – será útil para alguns, sem dúvida, mas prejudicial para o ambiente e para as populações. Ademais, esta abordagem da UE tem associadas as limitações, as insuficiências e as contradições do próprio Acordo de Paris. A propaganda não chega. Sobretudo, quando as ações concretas ou não a acompanham ou laboram em sentido contrário. Continuamos, no fundamental, perante um quadro de incoerência entre os objetivos proclamados no domínio do ambiente e o conteúdo das políticas sectoriais relevantes – da política agrícola à política comercial, entre outras. Se são necessários meios para alcançar determinados objetivos, a proposta de Quadro Financeiro Plurianual pós-2020 não autoriza triunfalismos.

 
  
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  Miguel Viegas (GUE/NGL), por escrito. – A criação de um comércio de licenças para poluir nada fez nem faz pela desejada redução da emissão de gases de efeito de estufa, sobretudo se a quisermos concretizada num quadro de justiça e de sustentabilidade. Deixar nas mãos do mercado objetivos ambientais – que bem podiam e deviam ser logrados por outras vias – será útil para alguns, sem dúvida, mas prejudicial para o ambiente e para as populações. Ademais, esta abordagem da UE tem associadas as limitações, as insuficiências e as contradições do próprio Acordo de Paris. A propaganda não chega. Sobretudo, quando as ações concretas ou não a acompanham ou laboram em sentido contrário. Continuamos, no fundamental, perante um quadro de incoerência entre os objetivos proclamados no domínio do ambiente e o conteúdo das políticas sectoriais relevantes – da política agrícola à política comercial, entre outras.

 
  
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  Carlos Zorrinho (S&D), por escrito. – A comunicação da Comissão Europeia intitulada “um planeta limpo para todos”, hoje debatida, é extremamente oportuna, e segue-se à apresentação pela Agência Internacional da Energia de previsões muito pessimistas sobre o grau de cumprimento global do Acordo de Paris, que considerou que mesmo os melhores esforços da UE podem não ser suficientes para conter o aumento de emissões a ocorrer, sobretudo na Ásia.

Esta comunicação vem realçar a importância da implementação rápida do pacote de energia limpa, bem como da finalização com objetivos ambiciosos das negociações institucionais em curso no que diz respeito à mobilidade limpa. Importa sublinhar que a comunicação “um planeta limpo para todos” propõe-se ser um pilar de uma visão estratégica de longo prazo que permita à União Europeia fazer uma transição sustentável e justa para uma economia próspera, moderna, competitiva e descarbonizada. A União Europeia está, neste momento, bem-dotada de ferramentas conceptuais e está em vias de dispor das ferramentas legislativas necessárias para aspirar a uma posição favorável para as pessoas, para a economia e para o ambiente no processo de transição energética. A chave, num plano intergovernamental, é a implementação. Os governos têm de dar seguimento a esta legítima ambição europeia e cidadã.

 
Posledná úprava: 5. apríla 2019Právne oznámenie