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Giovedì 13 dicembre 2018 - Strasburgo Edizione rivista
1. Apertura della seduta
 2. Composizione del Parlamento: vedasi processo verbale
 3. Petizioni: vedasi processo verbale
 4. Presentazione di documenti: vedasi processo verbale
 5. Decisioni concernenti taluni documenti: vedasi processo verbale
 6. Situazione dei migranti alla frontiera UE in Bosnia-Erzegovina (discussione)
 7. Discussioni su casi di violazione dei diritti umani, della democrazia e dello Stato di diritto (discussione)
  7.1. Iran, in particolare il caso di Nasrin Sotoudeh
  7.2. Egitto, in particolare la situazione dei difensori dei diritti umani
  7.3. Tanzania
 8. Ripresa della seduta
 9. Turno di votazioni
  9.1. Decisione di avviare negoziati interistituzionali: Copertura minima delle perdite sulle esposizioni deteriorate- Esther de Lange, Roberto Gualtieri) (votazione)
  9.2. Composizione rapida delle dispute commerciali (A8-0396/2018 - Tadeusz Zwiefka) (votazione)
  9.3. Istituzione del programma spaziale dell'Unione e dell'Agenzia dell'Unione europea per il programma spaziale (A8-0405/2018 - Massimiliano Salini) (votazione)
  9.4. Istituzione del programma Europa digitale per il periodo 2021-2027 (A8-0408/2018 - Angelika Mlinar) (votazione)
  9.5. Accordo USA-UE sulla cooperazione in materia di regolamentazione della sicurezza dell'aviazione civile (A8-0432/2018 - Theresa Griffin) (votazione)
  9.6. Sistema comune d'imposta sui servizi digitali applicabile ai ricavi derivanti dalla fornitura di taluni servizi digitali (A8-0428/2018 - Paul Tang) (votazione)
  9.7. Tassazione delle società che hanno una presenza digitale significativa (A8-0426/2018 - Dariusz Rosati) (votazione)
  9.8. Iran, in particolare il caso di Nasrin Sotoudeh (RC-B8-0562/2018, B8-0562/2018, B8-0563/2018, B8-0564/2018, B8-0565/2018, B8-0566/2018, B8-0567/2018)
  9.9. Egitto, in particolare la situazione dei difensori dei diritti umani (RC-B8-0568/2018, B8-0568/2018, B8-0569/2018, B8-0576/2018, B8-0578/2018, B8-0579/2018, B8-0580/2018, B8-0581/2018)
  9.10. Tanzania (RC-B8-0570/2018, B8-0570/2018, B8-0571/2018, B8-0572/2018, B8-0573/2018, B8-0574/2018, B8-0575/2018)
  9.11. Blockchain: una politica commerciale lungimirante (A8-0407/2018 - Emma McClarkin) (votazione)
  9.12. Adeguatezza della protezione dei dati personali offerta dal Giappone (B8-0561/2018) (votazione)
  9.13. Conflitto di interessi e protezione del bilancio dell'UE in Repubblica ceca (RC-B8-0582/2018, B8-0582/2018, B8-0583/2018, B8-0584/2018, B8-0585/2018) (votazione)
  9.14. Attività del Mediatore europeo nel 2017 (A8-0411/2018 - Eleonora Evi) (votazione)
  9.15. Deliberazioni della commissione per le petizioni nel 2017 (A8-0404/2018 - Cecilia Wikström) (votazione)
 10. Dichiarazioni di voto
  10.1. Nuovo bilancio generale dell'Unione europea per l'esercizio 2019 (A8-0454/2018 - Daniele Viotti, Paul Rübig)
  10.2. Accordo di partenariato economico UE-Giappone (A8-0366/2018 - Pedro Silva Pereira)
  10.3. Accordo di partenariato economico UE-Giappone (risoluzione) (A8-0367/2018 - Pedro Silva Pereira)
  10.4. Accordo di partenariato strategico UE-Giappone (A8-0383/2018 - Alojz Peterle)
  10.5. Istituzione di Orizzonte Europa - definizione delle norme di partecipazione e diffusione (A8-0401/2018 - Dan Nica)
  10.6. Programma di attuazione di Orizzonte Europa (A8-0410/2018 - Christian Ehler)
  10.7. Conclusioni e raccomandazioni della commissione speciale sul terrorismo (A8-0374/2018 - Monika Hohlmeier, Helga Stevens)
  10.8. Relazione annuale sull'attuazione della politica estera e di sicurezza comune (A8-0392/2018 - David McAllister)
  10.9. Relazione annuale sui diritti umani e la democrazia nel mondo nel 2017 e sulla politica dell'Unione europea in materia (A8-0373/2018 - Petras Auštrevičius)
  10.10. Istituzione del meccanismo per collegare l'Europa (A8-0409/2018 - Henna Virkkunen, Marian-Jean Marinescu, Pavel Telička)
  10.11. Istituzione del programma spaziale dell'Unione e dell'Agenzia dell'Unione europea per il programma spaziale (A8-0405/2018 - Massimiliano Salini)
  10.12. Istituzione del meccanismo per collegare l'Europa (A8-0409/2018 - Henna Virkkunen, Marian-Jean Marinescu, Pavel Telička)
  10.13. Tassazione delle società che hanno una presenza digitale significativa (A8-0426/2018 - Dariusz Rosati)
  10.14. Conflitto di interessi e protezione del bilancio dell'UE in Repubblica ceca (RC-B8-0582/2018, B8-0582/2018, B8-0583/2018, B8-0584/2018, B8-0585/2018)
  10.15. Attività del Mediatore europeo nel 2017 (A8-0411/2018 - Eleonora Evi)
 11. Correzioni e intenzioni di voto: vedasi processo verbale
 12. Ripresa della seduta
 13. Approvazione del processo verbale della seduta precedente: vedasi processo verbale
 14. Malattie rare (discussione)
 15. Diffusione della peste suina africana (discussione)
 16. Trasmissione dei testi approvati nel corso della presente seduta: vedasi processo verbale
 17. Calendario delle prossime sedute: vedasi processo verbale
 18. Chiusura della seduta
 19. Interruzione della sessione


PREȘEDINȚIA: IOAN MIRCEA PAŞCU
Vicepreședinte

1. Apertura della seduta
Video degli interventi
 

(Ședința a fost deschisă la ora 9.02)

 

2. Composizione del Parlamento: vedasi processo verbale
Video degli interventi

3. Petizioni: vedasi processo verbale

4. Presentazione di documenti: vedasi processo verbale

5. Decisioni concernenti taluni documenti: vedasi processo verbale

6. Situazione dei migranti alla frontiera UE in Bosnia-Erzegovina (discussione)
Video degli interventi
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  Președintele. – Primul punct de pe ordinea de zi este dezbaterea privind Declarația Comisiei referitoare la situația migranților la frontiera UE cu Bosnia și Herțegovina (2018/2971(RSP)).

 
  
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  Vytenis Povilas Andriukaitis, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, as the Commissioners and Members of this House have been doing in the last two days, please allow me to express my solidarity with the families of the victims of the terrible attacks here in Strasbourg and solidarity with France and the French people.

Thank you for the opportunity to discuss the situation of migrants at the border between Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. First, let me give you the general picture. Bosnia and Herzegovina was not affected by the 2015 migratory crisis. However, between 1 January and 30 November 2018, around 23 000 migrants entered the country, a substantial increase compared to 2017, but still manageable. Ninety—two percent expressed their intention to ask for asylum, but only five did so. Most of them seek to go to EU countries. Migrants primarily consider Bosnia and Herzegovina, as other Western Balkan countries, a transit country. As of 4 December, there are currently 4 139 migrants and asylum seekers receiving assistance in Bosnia and Herzegovina, 3 126 of them in the Una-Sana Canton in the north—west corner of the country and close to the border with Croatia. One thousand additional migrants who have not yet requested assistance are estimated to be present in the area.

The Commission responded immediately to the needs of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Since June 2018 the Commission has made available a substantial amount of funds to, first, address the immediate needs of refugees, asylum seekers and migrants; second, to provide adequate accommodation and basic services; third, to increase the capacity of identification; and, fourth, to support the Bosnia and Herzegovina border police. This includes EUR 2 million in humanitarian aid and EUR 7.2 million via a special measure of the Instrument for Pre-Accession Assistance (IPA). These are implemented by the International Organisation for Migration (IOM), in cooperation with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF). These funds are in addition to those already allocated for Bosnia and Herzegovina via the main IPA, notably on border management, migration and asylum. Thanks to European Union assistance, migrants in the Una—Sana Canton are reallocated from informal sites to organised reception centres. The objective is to ensure appropriate accommodation conditions. Four thousand persons now have a roof for the winter and nobody is left out in the cold. Sixty—one children will soon start their school year in the primary schools of Una—Sana Canton.

Further assistance to Bosnia and Herzegovina will be available to cover the needs from April 2019 onwards. This will be based on the assessment by authorities. As you know, negotiations with Bosnia and Herzegovina for a status agreement for the deployment of European border and coastguard teams have been concluded. We look forward to signing the agreement as soon as possible. The status agreement will allow for assistance to the border police in managing the border between Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, but the primary responsibility remains of course with the two countries. In recent weeks, Bosnia and Herzegovina has deployed 180 additional police officers to improve border security. Relations between the Bosnia and Herzegovina border police and the migrants seems to be positive overall, as reported to European Union officials. But, as I said, Bosnia and Herzegovina is a transit country and many migrants try to cross the border every day.

The situation is also not easy for the local population, which reports tensions and fear of security incidents. Over recent months there have been reports of serious allegations of mistreatment of migrants by the Croatian police at the border with Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Commission has been actively and closely monitoring these developments and raised these allegations with the Croatian authorities. Let me stress that the EU Readmission Agreement should be applied to migrants illegally crossing the EU borders. It should be applied without prejudice to the right to apply for asylum and, more generally, of the rights, obligations and responsibilities of the Member States arising from international law, notably of course the principle of non—refoulement.

The Croatian Ombudsman, Lora Vidovic, presented a report in October to the Croatian Parliament in which she voiced her concerns that the police were violating migrants’ right to international protection and obstructing the authority to obtain information. We are closely monitoring the situation. We all agree that the border between Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina is an external European Union border and Croatia is responsible for its management. The measures at the EU’s external borders must be proportionate and comply with respect for fundamental rights.

Let me conclude by underlining that we are confident that the Croatian authorities will take the allegations seriously and conduct swift and thorough investigations. Second, border guards and police authorities in all Member States are expected to carry out their duties in full respect of fundamental rights.

 
  
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  Dubravka Šuica, u ime kluba PPE. – Gospodine predsjedavajući, nadam se gospodine povjereniče da ste svjesni toga da je Hrvatska granica najduža granica Europske unije, s Bosnom i Hercegovinom gotovo 1000 kilometara, sveukupno 1300 kilometara, i da se upravo pripremamo za ulazak u Schengenski sustav. Dakle, hrvatska policija radi maksimalno sve sukladno propisima kako bi osigurala Hrvatskoj mogućnost ulaska u schengensku zonu, istovremeno trudeći se poštovati sve međunarodne propise i sva pravila.

Sami ste rekli da je povećan broj migranata i da Bosna i Hercegovina nije bila na ruti 2015., što sada nije slučaj. Podaci, vrlo svježi, iz Ministarstva unutarnjih poslova Republike Hrvatske govore da se radi konkretno o povećanju od 57%, što znači ukupno 6415 osoba u odnosu na 2017. godinu. Isto tako, 6500 migranata se nalazi u improviziranom smještaju u blizini granice s Hrvatskom. Uglavnom, zbog olakšanog viznog režima Bosne i Hercegovine s pojedinim trećim državama, na prvom mjestu s Turskom, povećan je broj nezakonitih prelazaka iz Bosne i Hercegovine. Nažalost, zbog neusklađenosti viznog režima još nekih država na zapadnom Balkanu s viznim režimom Europske unije, dolazi do većeg migracijskog rizika.

U svakom slučaju, činjenica je da se na zaštiti granice Bosne i Hercegovine, ali i Albanije i Crne Gore, radi. Hrvatska ima više graničnih policajaca nego sve te tri države zajedno. Naravno da treba pojačati sustav azila u Bosni i Hercegovini, ali i u drugim zemljama zapadnog Balkana. Također, treba osigurati uvjete programa dobrovoljnog povratka. Kao što znate, Hrvatska pruža bilateralnu pomoć drugim državama na zapadnobalkanskom migracijskom pravcu, a isto tako i sami ste spomenuli pomoć koju daje Europska komisija, nakon sastanka Europskog vijeća. Dakle, radi se o gotovo 2 milijuna eura humanitarne pomoći i 6 milijuna eura pomoći za jačanje prihvatnih centara.

U svakom slučaju, hrvatske vlasti maksimalno rade na ovom problemu, ali istovremeno vodeći računa da je Hrvatska vanjska granica i da želimo postati dio schengenskog prostora.

 
  
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  Tanja Fajon, v imenu skupine S&D. – Gospod predsednik, 23 000 registriranih prihodov v Bosni in Hercegovini od začetka leta in 4.500 migrantov in beguncev, ki se trenutno nahajajo predvsem okoli Velike Kladuše in Bihaća, predstavljajo statistiko, ki kliče na pomoč.

Zgodba prebežnikov, ki so se znašli na meji med Bosno in Hercegovino in Hrvaško, močno spominja na ostale migrantske zgodbe, ki smo jih že videli, in ni toplega sprejema s strani lokalnega prebivalstva, nekatere politične opcije zlorabljajo nesrečne usode migrantov za podpihovanje sovraštva, po državi se tudi širijo lažne novice o beguncih, ki da ugrabljajo dekleta in posiljujejo mladoletnice. Pridružujem se nekaterim mednarodnim organizacijam, čeprav so se razmere izboljšale, da se državi namesti oz. napoti nujna finančna pomoč.

Omenili ste, komisar, tudi obveznosti mejnih organov na meji s Hrvaško, predvsem se pridružujem temu, da tudi Hrvaški pomagamo in pa predvsem Bosni in Hercegovini na humanitaren način skušamo urediti razmere z migranti in zagotovimo tako tudi, da ni trgovine z ljudmi in varne prehode meja.

 
  
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  Ruža Tomašić, u ime kluba ECR. – Gospodine predsjedavajući, gomilanje migranata u Bosni i Hercegovini vrlo je zabrinjavajuće i ta zemlja nema kapaciteta nositi se s tim izazovom, koji uz političku, humanitarnu i sigurnosnu dobiva i jednu javnozdravstvenu dimenziju. Migranti borave u nehumanim uvjetima, a osnovnih potrepština i medicinske pomoći nedostaje. Težak položaj tjera ih na prodor u Hrvatsku, koja s Bosnom i Hercegovinom dijeli dugu i vrlo poroznu granicu. Unatoč velikim naporima hrvatske policije, migrantske skupine sve češće prodiru u Hrvatsku, a domaće stanovništvo žrtva je krađa i provala.

Hrvatska neće postati tzv. hot spot i nastavit će čuvati svoju i europsku granicu. Da bi to činila što uspješnije potrebna je logistička i financijska pomoć. Također je važno da baš u ovim okolnostima Hrvatska bude primljena u Schengen čim zadovolji sve uvjete. To bi poslalo snažnu poruku da Unija stoji iza svih svojih članica, a naročito onih koje su pod izravnim pritiskom migrantskih valova.

 
  
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  Ivan Jakovčić, u ime kluba ALDE-a. – Poštovani predsjedavajući, dva su razloga zbog kojih sam predložio da raspravimo ovu situaciju u Bosni i Hercegovini, na granici s Hrvatskom, na granici s Europskom unijom.

Prvi razlog je svakako humanistički razlog, ljudski razlog. Stanje migranata, situacija u kojoj se djeca smrzavaju, problem obrazovanja te djece i svega onoga što se zbiva s njima na težak način, ali i problemi u odnosima s lokalnim stanovništvom i nasilje koje postoji među samim migrantima, strah lokalnog stanovništva, strah ljudi u Hrvatskoj. Mi o tome moramo ovdje raspraviti, ne možemo to staviti pod tepih.

Drugi razlog je svakako shizofrena situacija u kojoj se Hrvatska nalazi. S jedne strane se proziva Hrvatska zbog činjenice da, izgleda, nije bilo baš sve najbolje kad govorimo o tretmanu izbjeglica, a s druge strane postoji obaveza štićenja granice Europske unije. Dakle, mislim da je ovdje velik izazov i za Europsku komisiju. Hvala na pomoći koja je do sada data Bosni i Hercegovini jer time se pomaže, naravno, i situaciji u Hrvatskoj, ali s druge strane, mislim da mi moramo do kraja precizno pratiti svaku situaciju u Bosni i Hercegovini jer toj državi trebamo pomoći. Njene institucije još uvije ne rade sve kako treba, a problemi se onda odnose na Europsku uniju i na nas.

Zato, pozivam Komisiju da nastavi pratiti, da nastavi financirati i da se zaista pobrinemo da svi koji su u Bosni i Hercegovini kao migranti budu tretirani ljudski, ali, s druge strane, isto tako, da ne omogućavamo ilegalnu migraciju i imigraciju i u Bosnu i Hercegovinu.

Dakle, mislim da nakon svega što smo vidjeli, nakon onoga što smo doživjeli još prije nekoliko godina, da se migrantski val smirio, ali on postoji i dalje traje i naša je obaveza da o tome govorimo i da brinemo o tome.

 
  
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  Marina Albiol Guzmán, en nombre del Grupo GUE/NGL. – Señor presidente, desde que en 2016 los Gobiernos europeos decidieron cerrar a cal y canto las fronteras de la ruta de los Balcanes, hay miles de personas atrapadas en Bosnia y Herzegovina en unas condiciones inhumanas.

Hay que denunciar cómo están actuando las autoridades croatas en la frontera. Solo desde enero a agosto de este mismo año el ACNUR ha cifrado en más de 2 500 las devoluciones en caliente. Human Rights Watch ha denunciado violencia por parte de las fuerzas de seguridad hacia las personas migrantes. Seis personas han muerto como consecuencia de esta violencia en los últimos años; la última, una niña de seis años. Y las organizaciones activistas que luchan contra esto con la solidaridad están siendo criminalizadas con la persecución e intimidación policial.

Pero lo más grave es que en realidad lo que está haciendo el Gobierno de Croacia está en perfecta sintonía con las políticas migratorias de la Comisión Europea. Aquello que están llevando a la práctica en Croacia no es tan diferente de lo que sucede en el resto de fronteras exteriores de la Unión Europea. Por ejemplo, en Ceuta y Melilla la situación de violencia en las vallas y las devoluciones en caliente también estás siendo denunciadas por las organizaciones.

En la Hungría de Viktor Orbán la violencia y la violación de los derechos humanos es sistemática. Y en la gran frontera exterior, que es el mar Mediterráneo, la política de la Unión Europea es dejarles morir ahogados. Y claro que todo esto es contrario a la legislación europea. El problema es ese, el problema es que el propio proyecto político de migración de la Unión Europea vulnera sus propias normas.

Así que la responsabilidad es de Croacia, de España, de Hungría o de Italia, pero no solo. El modelo de la Unión Europea de cierre de fronteras, de que nadie ponga un pie en Europa, de querer deportarlos a todos, es el que da cobijo a este tipo de políticas que llevan a la muerte a miles de personas. Es el modelo de la Unión Europea. Los responsables son la Comisión Europea, los Estados miembros y también los eurodiputados que con su voto avalen esas políticas.

(La oradora acepta responder a una pregunta formulada con arreglo al procedimiento de la «tarjeta azul» (artículo 162, apartado 8, del Reglamento interno)).

 
  
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  Željana Zovko (PPE), pitanje koje je podizanjem plave kartice postavio. – Poštovani predsjedavajući, odgovorila bih kolegici koja nepravedno proziva Hrvatsku, Hrvatsku koja je nedavno bila u Marakešu i trudila se da na regularan način kontrolira i pomogne migracijskim regularnim tokovima. Na ovakav način se populistički pokušava Europa podijeliti.

Ovo je upravo suprotno onome što se može pomoći tim jadnim ljudima koji traže spas i koji traže sigurnost. Znači, nemojte dovoditi i nemojte pomagati populistima na ovakav način optužujući Hrvatsku. To nije točno.

 
  
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  President. – This is less a question than a comment, but, in any case, would you like to listen to the second question and then respond to both of them, or would you like to respond now?

 
  
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  Marina Albiol Guzmán (GUE/NGL), respuesta de «tarjeta azul» – No estoy acusando a Croacia, estoy acusando a todos los Gobiernos de la Unión Europea y a la Comisión Europea por unas políticas migratorias que son absolutamente inhumanas e insolidarias. La responsabilidad no es solo de Croacia, de España o Italia, o de ningún país en concreto. Es de todos. De toda la Comisión Europea, del Consejo y —como también he dicho— de la mayoría de eurodiputados y eurodiputadas que aquí, con su voto, avalan ese tipo de políticas.

(La oradora acepta responder a una pregunta formulada con arreglo al procedimiento de la «tarjeta azul» (artículo 162, apartado 8, del Reglamento interno)).

 
  
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  Dubravka Šuica (PPE), pitanje koje je podizanjem plave kartice postavila. – Poštovani predsjedavajući, imam pitanje za gospođu Guzmán, prateći njezino izlaganje i aktivizam u posljednjih nekoliko mjeseci o ovoj temi.

Imam pitanje za vas. Koristite li Vi ovu temu za Vašu osobnu promociju i koristite li sudbine ovih tužnih, jadnih migranata za Vašu osobnu promociju?

Kad se radi o Hrvatskoj, Hrvatska provodi sve mjere koje su antikriminalističke, a koje je austrijsko predsjedništvo snažno predstavilo, i to je razlog zašto se Hrvatska policija ponaša u skladu sa svim mogućim propisima i međunarodnim pravilima, vodeći računa, naravno, o ljudskim pravima.

 
  
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  Marina Albiol Guzmán (GUE/NGL), respuesta de «tarjeta azul». – No me puede a mí acusar alguien de populista o de intentar ganar votos con la cuestión de la inmigración, cuando en un debate sobre la situación de las personas migrantes habla de delincuencia. Eso sí es populismo. Es más, eso es mucho más que populismo. Eso es extrema derecha. Hablar de delincuencia y migración todo junto en el mismo debate es lo que está dando alas a posturas racistas y xenófobas.

 
  
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  Bodil Valero, för Verts/ALE-gruppen. – Herr talman! Jag skulle vilja börja med att säga att jag instämmer väldigt mycket i vad föregående talare sa här i kammaren. Det handlar väldigt mycket om EU:s politik generellt. Där upplever jag att vi talar mycket mer om nummer än om människor. Vi har på något sätt avhumaniserat hela migrationsdebatten.

Det är människor som kommer till oss av olika skäl för att söka skydd, men vi talar om dem som om de vore nummer i en statistik. Där är det stora problemet för oss alla, skulle jag vilja påstå.

Vi är i den situationen vi är i dag, därför att inte alla länder har tagit ett solidariskt ansvar för dem som har kommit till oss. Vissa länder har helt och hållet nekat till att ta emot migranter. Andra länder, som mitt eget Sverige, har tagit emot oerhört många. Vi måste göra det här tillsammans och då kan vi också ha en human, mänsklig migrationspolitik där vi inte ser människor som nummer, vilket jag upplever som det stora problemet. Om vi då ska utgå från vad som har hänt, eller det ämne vi talar om i dag, just gränsen i Bosnien och Hercegovina, så tycker jag att det är bra, det som kommissionären sa, att vi måste utreda ordentligt vad det är som har hänt.

Det är självklart så att våra EU-länder ska uppfylla de regelverk som vi har och det innebär att om en person tar sig in i Kroatien eller till något annat land så har den personen rätt att söka asyl där. Den personen kan inte bara återskickas till ett annat land. Oavsett om man har bilaterala återtagandeavtal med det landet så har den personen rätt att söka asyl. Den personen ska inte misshandlas, ska inte förödmjukas, ska inte bli bestulen utan den personen ska få söka skydd i det land man har kommit till. Unionen ska bygga på värdena respekt för människans värdighet, frihet, demokrati, jämlikhet, rättsstaten och respekt för de mänskliga rättigheterna. Det är vad vi alla ska göra.

 
  
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  Bill Etheridge, on behalf of the EFDD Group. – Mr President, I’d like to start off, particularly at this time of year, by saying that we should all wish well to all people, especially those in difficulty: refugees, asylum seekers, those who may not be able to sleep comfortably in their beds at night. Particularly at a festive time of year like Christmas, it’s beholden on us to remember that.

However, this is an interesting debate because, in the UK, it’s very much framed as the EU being all about economics and trade, especially at the moment that’s the main thing. But we see, at the moment, a very real situation still going on in relation to migration and the issues around borders, and there is talk about EU security and border controls being put into nations, and money being spent on, or thrown at, this. I cannot help but believe in my heart that, actually, when you look at immigration into independent countries, individual sovereign states, they would be better being given control of their own borders to look after these things themselves, and if they need help, there is such a thing as a foreign aid budget.

The UK has an enormous foreign aid budget – we’re often classed as a foreign aid superpower – and yet, again, we are contributing twice, as EU funding is going into this as well. Surely it would be better to give individual sovereign states the right to control their borders and, if they need assistance, if there is a crisis, to address it by means of other states offering foreign aid.

 
  
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  Mario Borghezio, a nome del gruppo ENF. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, mentre si svolge questa discussione, a poca distanza, all'Hôpital Hautpierre, insieme ad altri, un ragazzo italiano di 28 anni, Antonio Megaliti, sta lottando con la morte. Voglio rivolgere un pensiero a questa vittima del terrorismo islamista.

È perfettamente in sintonia con l'argomento che voglio affrontare, perché dietro questo sviluppo di migranti si può nascondere la cortina fumogena della presenza di molti ex guerrieri di Allah che sono stati sconfitti nello Stato islamico e che penetrano, assieme ai migranti, in Bosnia-Erzegovina.

Voglio ricordare quello che denuncia un giornalista bosniaco in una recente intervista e cioè che c'è il pericolo che questi soggetti, entrando, vengano a contatto coi giovani musulmani bosniaci e li convertano, li radicalizzino.

Questo deve essere l'impegno dell'Unione europea, che ha fortemente finanziato la Bosnia-Erzegovina perché svolga un'opera di deradicalizzazione vera, non a parole, lottando contro chi aizza i giovani musulmani e li radicalizza per azioni come quelle che hanno funestato questa tornata – terrorismo islamista che qualcuno, ipocrita e vigliacco, non ha il coraggio di chiamare con il suo nome: terrorismo islamico!

 
  
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  Agustín Díaz de Mera García Consuegra (PPE). – Señor presidente, el número de llegadas de refugiados y migrantes a Bosnia y Herzegovina durante 2018 ha aumentado significativamente, con más de 22 400 llegadas registradas desde principios de año y en comparación con las 755 de 2017.

Muchos intentan moverse a través de Bosnia y Herzegovina para ingresar en la Unión, cruzando Croacia. Sin embargo, otros permanecen en el país. El ACNUR estima que alrededor de 6 000 personas estaban presentes en territorio bosnioherzegovino a mediados de noviembre de 2018. Las comunidades locales y las organizaciones internacionales se han hecho cargo de la asistencia básica: alimentos, refugio, atención médica primaria. Sin embargo, las capacidades del país están desbordadas. Desde junio, la Unión ha movilizado más de 9,2 millones de euros entre ayuda inmediata y ayuda a medio plazo. Esto facilita, pero poco, el acceso a servicios esenciales que se encuentran alejados de las rutas migratorias.

El itinerario de los Balcanes Occidentales es utilizado fundamentalmente por afganos, pakistaníes y sirios. A lo largo de 2018, la presión migratoria en esta ruta ha ido en aumento, lo que ha propiciado que los grupos de delincuencia organizada hayan aumentado su actividad delictiva en torno a la trata de personas. Este es uno de los principales motivos por los que Europol ha señalado esta región como una prioridad a la hora de aumentar la cooperación.

Nuestra Carta de los Derechos Fundamentales, la Declaración Universal de Derechos Humanos, la Convención sobre el Estatuto de los Refugiados de 1951 y el Protocolo de 1967 nos comprometen. Y nos comprometen, fundamentalmente, desde el punto de vista humanitario.

Aplaudo a los Estados que firmaron el Pacto Mundial sobre Migración en Marrakech. Todo esto, a la Unión Europea como defensora de los derechos humanos, la compromete inequívocamente.

 
  
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  Josef Weidenholzer (S&D). – Herr Präsident! Mit dieser Anfrage an die Kommission wollen wir Licht in die Vorgänge in Bosnien-Herzegowina bringen, die in der Tat besorgniserregend sind.

Seit der symbolischen Schließung der Balkanroute befinden sich in dieser Region nach wie vor Tausende Menschen auf der Flucht. Von der europäischen Öffentlichkeit vergessen leben sie unter katastrophalen Lebensumständen. Immer wieder kommt es zu verzweifelten Versuchen, dieser Situation zu entkommen. Das gibt vor allem den kriminellen Menschenschmugglern Auftrieb. An den Außengrenzen kommt es immer wieder zu aufklärungsbedürftigen Vorfällen. Den Tod eines Mädchens, Medina Hussiny habe ich zum Gegenstand einer Anfrage gemacht.

Wir brauchen Klarheit, was wirklich vorgeht, wie groß die Zahl der Betroffenen ist, welche Mittel eingesetzt werden und wie sie eingesetzt werden und vor allem, wie man die Probleme lösen will. Es wäre falsch zu glauben, die Probleme ließen sich lösen, indem man wegschaut. Eine solche äußerst kurzfristige Vorgangsweise hat 2015 schon einmal zu verhängnisvollen Konsequenzen geführt. Die Kommission ist aufgefordert, aus ihren damaligen Fehlern zu lernen.

 
  
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  Bernd Kölmel (ECR). – Herr Präsident! Diese Diskussion zeigt einmal mehr, dass man hier seitens einiger Rednerinnen und Redner versucht, mit humanitären Aspekten die Souveränität der Mitgliedstaaten der EU zu unterminieren. Und zur Souveränität gehört, dass die Grenzen gesichert werden. Es ist doch nun mal wirklich keine neue Erkenntnis, dass ein Großteil der Migranten sogenannte Wirtschaftsmigranten sind, das heißt, sie sind eben nicht politisch verfolgt, sondern sie suchen eine bessere Welt. Das ist ja zulässig, aber die Länder der EU können doch nicht unbegrenzt und noch sogar unkontrolliert Menschen aufnehmen. Wir sehen doch, welche Probleme das schon derzeit verursacht.

Und ich muss Ihnen auch wirklich sagen, Frau Guzmán von der GUE: Sie haben hier auf eine, wie ich finde, unverschämte Art und Weise versucht, sofort einen Heiligenschein über sämtliche Migranten auszubreiten, so nach dem Motto: Wenn jemand sagt, ja, von diesen gehen auch Straftaten aus – das kann gar nicht sein. Es ist ganz klar: Nicht jeder Migrant ist ein Straftäter. Wer das sagt, ist dumm. Aber umgekehrt gehen von Migranten natürlich auch Straftaten aus, und deshalb müssen wir die Grenzen kontrollieren.

 
  
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  Jasenko Selimovic (ALDE). – Mr President, Bosnia and Herzegovina has until now been mainly an emigration country, with young people leaving. Now the situation has changed: we have a lot of people, 23 000 this year, coming through the country, seeing it as a transit country, wanting to go to the EU but then getting stuck at the border.

The facilities and the possibilities of the country to deal with this situation are very limited. The country has only two asylum centres and has been improvising by using abandoned factories, but I’m sorry to say there are migrants who are sleeping outside in temperatures of below zero, so the conditions are very difficult and the days are getting colder.

The country has neither the financial nor the administrative resources to deal with this situation and we have an obligation to help. So far the citizens have been helping. The country has done a decent job in handling this situation, given that they had never been in this situation previously. The border situation is critical. There has been violence at the Croatian border. I’ve received reports from the ground and I’ve received reports from Human Rights Watch saying they have seen this, that the police are using force and violence against migrants, pushing them back to Bosnia. This inhuman behaviour should be stopped and investigated, as the Commissioner said.

I am very grateful for the help the Commission has offered. I think it should be increased and we, as partners of Bosnia, need to provide administrative support to give them any hope of coping with this situation.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 162(8))

 
  
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  David Coburn (EFDD), blue-card question. – Not forgetting that our Lord was a refugee, at this time of year one doesn’t want to be cruel to people who are suffering or whatever. But the only problem is, if we give more funds and help people even more, it will encourage more refugees or financial people, people looking for a better life. I don’t blame them: if I were in their situation I’d want to come west too, but the trouble is we can’t afford it, our people have got enough trouble getting jobs themselves, it is causing a lot of trouble.

Would you not agree with me that to continue to dish out money is simply going to encourage more people to try and come?

 
  
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  Jasenko Selimovic (ALDE), blue-card answer. – I totally disagree with you because giving the country monetary and administrative help to cope with the situation doesn’t mean anything to migrants, they don’t know about it.

So this will be neither good nor bad for them: they will not come because of it, they will not refrain from coming because of it, it will just help the countries to deal with the situation in a decent human away, and it is our obligation to do that.

 
  
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  Dominique Bilde (ENF). – Monsieur le Président, les rigueurs de l’hiver balkanique ne sauraient occulter une réalité désormais si indéniable que même le coordinateur de l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations à Sarajevo la reconnaissait à contrecœur, à savoir que 85 % des pseudo-réfugiés stationnés en Bosnie-Herzégovine sont en réalité des migrants économiques, démontrant que, face à cette déferlante migratoire, le déni ne fait même plus recette.

D’autant que cette nouvelle route balkanique est largement couronnée de succès: les trois quarts des migrants transitant par la Bosnie-Herzégovine parviendraient à la quitter, libres de vaquer comme bon leur semble en Europe. Ils ne seront, pour l’écrasante majorité d’entre eux, jamais expulsés.

À qui la faute? À l’Union européenne, bien sûr. Satisfaite de déverser des millions en pure perte dans le tonneau des Danaïdes de la crise des migrants quand, en vérité, les seuls qu’il nous faut soutenir sont les forces de sécurité croates et les Serbes de Bosnie-Herzégovine représentés par Milorad Dodik, qui lutte avec courage contre une véritable submersion face à laquelle tous semblent avoir désormais capitulé.

 
  
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  Carlos Coelho (PPE). – Senhor Presidente, Senhor Comissário, Caros Colegas, a União Europeia é um espaço de liberdade e segurança que deve assentar no pleno respeito dos direitos fundamentais.

Os relatos que nos chegam da fronteira entre a Croácia e a Bósnia são, por isso, preocupantes. É certo que cada Estado-Membro determina quem deixa ou não entrar no seu território, mas num espaço de liberdade de circulação as fronteiras externas de cada Estado tornam-se, na realidade, fronteiras externas comuns.

Por isso, partilhamos um conjunto de regras sobre como efetuamos controlos nas fronteiras, as chamadas regras de Schengen, como analisamos pedidos de asilo e até como procedemos ao retorno de pessoas.

Ora, temos de condenar, de forma clara, a violação daquelas normas, mas também temos de apresentar soluções, e é por isso que apelo à Comissão Europeia para fazer uso do mecanismo de avaliação de Schengen, por forma a poder identificar e recomendar soluções com urgência.

Isto não significa favorecer uma política de portas abertas; significa tão simplesmente que não vale tudo no controlo das fronteiras, muito menos colocar em causa princípios básicos da Humanidade.

Estamos perante mais um sintoma dessa doença maior que é a inação dos Estados—Membros, a sua incapacidade de aceitarem reformas que este Parlamento há muito defende.

Necessitamos de uma política de retorno efetiva, de um sistema europeu comum de asilo que funcione, dotado de uma agência europeia reforçada e de uma agência de fronteiras robusta e eficaz.

Uma vez mais, Sr. Presidente, pagam os mais vulneráveis pelas fraquezas dos mais fortes.

 
  
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  Tonino Picula (S&D). – Gospodine predsjedavajući, Hrvatska je tijekom 2018. godine suočena s izrazitim porastom nezakonitih prelazaka granice, prvenstveno iz susjedne Bosne i Hercegovine. Radi se o povećanju od čak 57% u odnosu na raniju godinu. Podsjećam, Hrvatska ima najdulju vanjsku kopnenu granicu Europske unije, a u zaštiti te granice ne slijedi primjere svojih susjeda, članica EU-a, koje svoje granice štite bodljikavom žicom.

Na području Bosne i Hercegovine trenutno se nalazi oko 6500 migranata, od čega najveći broj u improviziranim smještajima u blizini hrvatske granice, što povećava mogućnosti pokušaja nezakonitih prelazaka. Kao članica koja očekuje što skorije pridruživanje Schengenu, Hrvatska je svjesna da su migracije globalni izazov te je podržala Globalni kompakt u Marakešu.

Unija ima pravo očekivati od svih članica i potencijalnih članica poštovanje temeljnih ljudskih prava, istrage i procesuiranje odgovornih za njihovo kršenje. Istovremeno, Unija ima obvezu snažnije pomoći zemljama koje se s ograničenim resursima na ovako dugoj granici suočavaju s lokalnom odjekom jednog velikog europskog problema.

 
  
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  Ангел Джамбазки (ECR). – Уважаеми г-н Председател, уважаеми колеги, Република Хърватска има всички основания и всяко право да защитава своите граници. Да не забравяме, че Република Хърватска е външна граница за Европейския съюз и пази гражданите на Европейския съюз. Така че Република Хърватска не може да бъде обвинявана за това, че охранява границите си.

Нека не насърчаваме престъпления. Нелегалното, незаконното преминаване на една граница е престъпление, не е нарушение. То не може да бъде оправдавано и не може да бъде поощрявано. Всяка една граница трябва да бъде преминавана на законните държавни контролно-пропусквателни пунктове. В тази връзка всеки един разговор, който насърчава нелегалната миграция, работи срещу сигурността на европейските граждани. Всеки един разговор, който оправдава нарушаването на закона, работи срещу сигурността на европейските граждани.

Нелегалната имиграция, уважаеми колеги, не е право, не е човешко право. А за защитата на правата, на свободите, на здравето на всички европейски граждани е задължена всяка една държава.

(Ораторът приема да отговори на въпрос, зададен чрез вдигане на синя карта (член 162, параграф 8 от Правилника за дейността)).

 
  
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  Beatriz Becerra Basterrechea (ALDE), pregunta de «tarjeta azul». – A mí me gustaría hacerle una pregunta al señor Dzhambazki sobre esa insistente referencia a que se anima a la inmigración ilegal. ¿Hay alguien que quiera inmigración ilegal en Europa? Porque parece que algunos dicen que la quieran otros, los que insistimos en que se respeten los derechos humanos, en que se utilicen adecuadamente los fondos de la Unión Europea —que son los de todos los europeos— para que se cumpla la ley internacional, para que se ordenen las fronteras adecuadamente, para que se respeten los acuerdos que tenemos, incluido el de la acogida de refugiados. ¿Quién quiere la inmigración ilegal en Europa, señor Dzhambazki?

 
  
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  Ангел Джамбазки (ECR), отговор на въпрос, зададен чрез вдигане на синя карта. – Благодаря Ви за въпроса, уважаема колега. Много колеги в тази зала дори насърчават незаконната миграция и я оправдават. Има колеги – европейски представители в тази зала, които открито адвокатстват незаконната миграция, насърчават я и я поощряват. И това е вредно. И това е насочено срещу сигурността на европейските граждани. И това е насочено срещу социалните системи на европейските граждани. Фалшивата теза, че нелегалната миграция е право, е фалшива теза.

 
  
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  Jozo Radoš (ALDE). – Poštovani predsjedavajući, gospodine povjereniče, kolegice i kolege, Hrvatska se nalazi u situaciji da su susjedne zemlje na dolaznoj ruti otvorile granice, ne žele ili ne mogu kontrolirati priljev izbjeglica, a susjedne zemlje na odlaznoj ruti, zemlje članice Europske unije su bodljikavom žicom zatvorile svoje granice. Dakle, radi se o jednoj vrlo teškoj situaciji.

Mi smo postavili visoka načela u međunarodnim konvencijama o poštivanju prava, uključujući i prava migranata i prava djece, a nismo stvorili zakonske pretpostavke niti na europskoj razini niti na razini nacionalnih država niti smo razvili politike kako ćemo poštivati ta visoka međunarodna načela i zato se nalazimo u ovakvoj situaciji u kojoj se nalazimo.

Gospodin povjerenik je govorio o tome, o izvješću pučke pravobraniteljice, ali u tome izvješću piše da se primjena načela solidarnosti premještanja izbjeglica u Europskoj uniji poštuje nepotpuno i da je to načelo sporno jer se ne poštuje. Jednako tako, sud Europske unije je ocijenio kako je dopuštanje slobodnog ulaska i transfera izbjeglica preko zemalja zapravo kršenje Dublinske uredbe.

Dakle, to su pitanja koja treba postaviti. Dakle, više solidarnosti i pomoći zemljama koje su suočene s izbjeglicama, i onima koje su članice i onima koje nisu članice Europske unije.

 
  
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  Marijana Petir (PPE). – Gospodine predsjedavajući, na samom početku zahvaljujem hrvatskim policajcima na izuzetno zahtjevnom poslu koji obavljaju vrlo profesionalno štiteći vanjsku granicu Europske unije od ilegalnih prelazaka, a time čuvaju sigurnost hrvatskih i europskih građana.

Ove je godine više od 22 000 izbjeglica, tražitelja azila i migranata, stiglo u Bosnu i Hercegovinu, od čega je oko njih 4.000 izrazilo potrebu za humanitarnom pomoći. Europska unija je u 2018. godini izdvojila 2 milijuna eura za njihov smještaj, dok je za humanitarnu pomoć u posljednje tri godine za zapadni Balkan izdvojila 31 milijun eura. U ovom trenutku najvažnije je pomoći vlastima Bosne i Hercegovine te humanitarnim udrugama kako bi oni mogli pomoći onima koji su u potrebi.

Opseg pomoći Unije treba proširiti i na pomoć administraciji Bosne i Hercegovine u što bržem rješavanju zahtjeva za azil, ali i što bržem povratku u matične države svih onih koji ne ispunjavaju uvjete za azil.

Bosna i Hercegovina treba sredstva Europske unije iskoristiti i kako bi postigla napredak u borbi protiv radikalizacije i ekstremizma koji je u toj državi u porastu. Na području BiH uvijek se je živjelo u suživotu i toleranciji, a danas se, nažalost, promiču neke druge vrijednosti koje su prijetnja sigurnosti u cijeloj regiji. Dotok novca za radikalizaciju treba zaustaviti, kao i samo širenje radikalizacije kako se ne bi dogodili tragični događaji kakvima smo svjedočili u Francuskoj, Njemačkoj i Belgiji.

 
  
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  Cécile Kashetu Kyenge (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, dopo la chiusura del confine ungherese era facile immaginare che la rotta balcanica si sarebbe spostata. L'estate scorsa la situazione al confine tra Bosnia e Croazia si era aggravata e già si riportavano gravi violazioni dei diritti umani e mancanze nel diritto a presentare richiesta d'asilo.

Con l'inverno la situazione non fa che peggiorare: migranti e rifugiati vengono continuamente respinti al confine, vittime di un crudele gioco tra trafficanti e polizia di frontiera. Ci sono almeno 5 000 vite messe alla prova in questa zona di confine, tra soprusi, freddo, grave malnutrizione, condizioni igieniche e sanitarie al di sotto degli standard umanitari. La vita di ogni essere umano è sacra e va rispettata.

Sono fiera del fatto che pochi giorni fa, a Marrakech, la nostra delegazione del Parlamento europeo abbia dato pieno appoggio all'adozione del global compact for migration. Io credo che questo vada tenuto in conto anche nei nostri lavori. Non possiamo lasciare che Croazia e Bosnia gestiscano da sole questa chiara emergenza. Ricordo infatti che, all'inizio dell'anno, circa 23 000 persone sono entrate in Bosnia, sognando l'Europa.

I diritti umani non possono essere fermati da frontiere, sono parte integrante di ogni uomo, donna e bambino e sono fiera di poterlo ripetere in quest'Aula, sede della democrazia.

L'umanità che condividiamo deve essere il cardine del nostro operato, un impegno per il bene comune e per la protezione di ogni essere umano.

 
  
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  Cristian Dan Preda (PPE). – Domnule președinte, ca raportor permanent pentru Bosnia, bineînțeles că am urmărit ce se întâmplă în această țară referitor la migranți. L-am întâlnit pe ministrul Mektić în urmă cu câteva luni și l-am încurajat de-a lungul perioadei să gestioneze situația.

Sigur că, în momentul acesta, când a venit iarna, situația migranților cu pricina este delicată. Se adaugă această problemă a migranților refulați din Croația și sunt încercări de a politiza chestiunea.

Am văzut, de altfel, și o colegă de aici, din grupul extremist de dreapta, spunând că salvarea ar veni de la omul lui Putin în Bosnia și Herțegovina, de la recent alesul președinte Dodik. Asta nu are niciun sens.

Cred că trebuie să ajutăm Croația, cum am făcut-o deja – Comisia a trimis mulți bani acolo –, și să calmăm un pic spiritele prea încinse ale politicienilor.

 
  
 

Intervenții la cerere

 
  
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  Željana Zovko (PPE). – Poštovani predsjedavajući, nadam se da ću biti dobro prevedena ovaj put. Kao što je rekao izvjestitelj za Bosnu i Hercegovinu gospodin Preda, u Bosni i Hercegovini je na snazi politizacija izbjegličkog pitanja.

Mi imamo problem funkcioniranja vlasti, novac nije problem, novac postoji, ali izbjeglice se slažu na granici s Europskom unijom, na granici s Hrvatskom. Hrvatska ima obavezu čuvati sigurnost svojih granica, čuvati sigurnost Europske unije i Hrvatska apsolutno poštuje sve međunarodne konvencije i u ovom slučaju pozivam vlasti u Sarajevu da konačno pristupe ozbiljno, zajedno s međunarodnom zajednicom, i ovaj problem riješe tamo gdje je on i započeo, na njegovom izvoru.

Novac postoji, a izbjeglice se ne mogu slati na granice s Europskom unijom i prebacivati problem sigurnosti na problem sigurnosti Republike Hrvatske.

 
  
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  Maria Grapini (S&D). – Domnule președinte, domnule comisar, voi pleca de la ceea ce ați spus dumneavoastră: situația dificilă pentru populația locală. Cred că nu trebuie să ne grăbim să acuzăm nici Bosnia și Herțegovina, nici Croația. Eu cred că instituțiile europene trebuie să se gândească că nu au reglementat, dar, mai ales, că nu se aplică foarte bine tot ce vorbim noi despre proceduri în migrație și azil.

Noi nu trebuie să uităm că, zilnic aproape, se întâmplă atacuri teroriste. Iată, am trăit zilele acestea acest lucru. Sunt statele pregătite? De ce, de atâtea zile, nu au reușit să-l prindă? Sute și mii chiar de membri ai forțelor de poliție nu au reușit să prindă un atacator.

Deci, cred că este foarte important să aibă pe agendă Consiliul și și Comisia o analiză foarte riguroasă: cum se aplică în practică migrația, azilul, pentru a proteja populația europeană și, sigur, a respecta și drepturile omului. Dar, aici, nu vorbim de migrația legală, oamenii care fug din zona de război, ci vorbim de migrația economică, care este total nesupravegheată.

 
  
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  Νότης Μαριάς (ECR). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, ακούστηκε από τους συναδέλφους ότι υπάρχει πραγματικά πρόβλημα στα σύνορα της Βοσνίας με την Κροατία. Είπατε ότι συνωστίζονται πεντέμισι χιλιάδες πρόσφυγες. Φανταστείτε λοιπόν τι πρόβλημα υπάρχει στο νησί της Σάμου, όπου μόνο σε ένα νησί υπάρχουν αυτή τη στιγμή έξι χιλιάδες πρόσφυγες και παράνομοι μετανάστες. Αλλά δεν άκουσα προτάσεις. Δεν άκουσα να δίνονται λύσεις. Μόνο ευχολόγια.

Ερώτημα πρώτο: Πώς έχουν φτάσει στη Βοσνία αυτές οι χιλιάδες πρόσφυγες και παράνομοι μετανάστες; Με ποιον τρόπο; Πέρασαν από άλλες χώρες; Είπατε ότι προέρχονται από την Τουρκία. Πώς έφτασαν όμως μέχρι τη Βοσνία; Μήπως υπάρχει κάποια αεροπορική σύνδεση με την Turkish Airlines; Ποιος έχει ευθύνες που φτάνουν αυτοί οι άνθρωποι εκεί; Αυτό πρέπει να αναζητήσουμε. Και δεύτερον, οπωσδήποτε υπάρχουν υποχρεώσεις της Βοσνίας, διότι έχει και συμφωνία σύνδεσης με την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση. Όσο δε για την Κροατία, κάποιος συνάδελφος είπε να μπει η Κροατία στη Σέγκεν. Σας λέω ότι, αν μπει η Κροατία στη Σέγκεν, θα είστε μαγνήτης για περισσότερους πρόσφυγες και παράνομους μετανάστες, όπως γίνεται με την περίπτωση της Ελλάδας.

 
  
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  Julie Ward (S&D). – Mr President, shame on those Members on the far right who are exploiting the tragedy that happened here in Strasbourg on Tuesday night, using it to express their racist and Islamophobic views!

Migration is an ongoing human phenomenon. When life is unsustainable because of war, famine, poverty, climate change and so on, people will move. We are all part of the problem and we need to fix it together in a humane way.

My friend Danica Jurisic is a Bosnian refugee from the Balkans war. She knows what it means to lose everything, to suffer dispossession. And what is she doing? Well, she’s helping the refugees and migrants back in her home country and she’s also helping them here in her adopted home in France. She is the person on the ground in Paris working, with Care4Calais, with all the refugees and migrants who were displaced from ‘the jungle’. And I want to urge all the Members here to support the ‘winter coats for Calais’ campaign. Do something!

 
  
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  Elly Schlein (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, mi fa piacere che finalmente la Commissione sia qui a parlare della situazione al confine tra la Bosnia e la Croazia.

Tre mesi fa, insieme a 20 colleghi, abbiamo chiesto alla Commissione se stesse monitorando la situazione disperata di migliaia di persone a Bihać, a Velika Kladuša, abbandonate a se stesse in condizioni inaccettabili.

Due giorni fa le dichiarazioni di Human Rights Watch hanno confermato quanto riportato nei mesi scorsi da molte testate internazionali e dalle associazioni che lavorano sul campo. La Commissione è informata delle violenze sistematiche da parte delle autorità croate, contro le quali ci sono state numerose accuse, e se sì, che cosa intende fare per monitorare la situazione, per indagare su queste accuse e per dare una risposta che sia rispettosa dei diritti fondamentali delle persone?

Chiediamo anche risposte riguardo ai respingimenti brutali: ricordiamo che queste persone hanno diritto di chiedere asilo in Europa, in Croazia, nel momento in cui si trovano nel territorio croato.

Chiediamo anche un monitoraggio indipendente di quello che sta succedendo, perché è incredibile che la vostra incapacità di accogliere in solidarietà interna la stiate facendo pagare ad altri paesi e sulla pelle di queste persone!

Grazie ai volontari che sopperiscono alle vostre mancanze.

 
  
 

(Încheierea intervențiilor la cerere)

 
  
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  Vytenis Povilas Andriukaitis, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, I would like to thank the honourable Members for a very interesting and controversial debate – very controversial!

First of all, let me tell you that I disagree with those who are blaming the Commission. Absolutely. Of course, we all are responsible, of that there is no doubt, and we know very well that we need to do more. But don’t blame each other, don’t blame the Commission, because we are deeply involved in this – the Commission is dealing every day with the issues and we are aware of the many problems.

The European Union responded promptly to the situation: humanitarian funding amounting to EUR 2 million was allocated to the emergency needs of refugees and migrants present in Bosnia and Herzegovina. This assistance is channelled through humanitarian partners, such as United Nations agencies, and covers the provision of food, clothing, blankets, hygiene items, health services, protection and emergency shelters.

Of course, we know very well that there is a dangerous situation now due to the climate in winter time.

The Commission has allocated up to EUR 7.2 million to increase the capacity for identification, registration and protection of migrants, to support the Bosnia and Herzegovina border police and to provide adequate accommodation for the winter period. It has continued providing significant support to Bosnia and Herzegovina, including to the municipalities affected by the current migration flows. This recent support is in addition to the EUR 24.6 million that the EU has granted since 2007 to Bosnia and Herzegovina in the area of migration and border management.

Let me assure you that the Commission is in contact with the Croatian Government concerning the implementation of the European asylum procedure rules, including with regard to allegations of misinformation or of denying non-EU nationals the possibility of applying for asylum. We need to continue that investigation.

While the Commission will continue to monitor this situation we trust that Croatia will follow up on the specific allegations and will continue to cooperate closely with Bosnia and Herzegovina.

At the same time, the Commission would point out that Bosnia and Herzegovina needs to step up its efforts in effectively coordinating the response and enhancing the implementation of its own asylum procedures. And Croatia needs to support the Bosnia and Herzegovina Government in strengthening its capacity to solve the problem.

Finally, let me underscore the importance of mutual coordination, and assure you that the Commission is making serious efforts to avoid a deterioration of the situation on the ground. We are doing what we can.

 
  
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  Președintele. – Dezbaterea a fost închisă.

 

7. Discussioni su casi di violazione dei diritti umani, della democrazia e dello Stato di diritto (discussione)

7.1. Iran, in particolare il caso di Nasrin Sotoudeh
Video degli interventi
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  Președintele. – Următorul punct pe ordinea de zi este dezbaterea a șase propuneri de rezoluție referitoare la Iran, în special cazul lui Nasrin Sotoudeh (2018/2967(RSP)).

 
  
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  Heidi Hautala, author. – Mr President, we are talking here about Nasrin Sotoudeh and notably the case of her persecution. She’s a brave human rights lawyer and she has been detained and convicted because of her work defending human rights in Iran. Notably, she was defending the rights of women not to be obliged to wear the veil.

I believe that Iran cannot have a bright future without the empowerment of women, and that’s what so many women activists are now trying to do in Iran, to show that the women are an important force in the country.

So what we are calling for is an immediate and unconditional release of Nasrin Sotoudeh. Nasrin Sotoudeh is also the 2012 Sakharov Prize winner, so we have a special duty to follow her life and her work, and whenever Sakharov Prize winners are under persecution, we react. We use diplomatic channels but it’s time also now to express our view and our concern, and our demand in public here in the European Parliament today. We demand also that the delegation in Iran representing the European Union and its Member States follow her case, visit the prison and convey our demand to release her immediately and unconditionally.

Also this resolution is very much about the recent concerns about the living conditions of people in Iran. We want to express our solidarity for those who suffer from drought and worsening living conditions, and I think it’s our right to express our solidarity to these people. Finally, we should be aware of the damaging impact of the United States’ sanctions on the people of Iran.

 
  
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  Charles Tannock, author. – Mr President, I’m pleased that we are today raising the case of Nasrin Sotoudeh, a Sakharov laureate and prominent human rights lawyer in Iran. The harassment of lawyers and human rights activists in this manner is wholly unacceptable and is illustrative of the fundamental lack of basic civil rights that exists within Iran under the theocratic regime. I naturally support the calls for her immediate release, but we should remember that her case is by no means an isolated one.

I’m one of those that strongly supports the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) but I’ve always maintained, as is key to that nuclear deal, that this should not mean we shy away from highlighting the dire human rights situations that persist in Iran and have been there for many years.

This resolution also raises the important issue of dual nationals who have been arrested and detained in Iran, including many EU citizens. The case of Nazanin Zaghari—Ratcliffe continues to dominate UK—Iran relations and I call, once again, for her release, I sincerely hope in time to return to her family in England for Christmas.

 
  
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  Cornelia Ernst, Verfasserin. – Herr Präsident, meine Damen und Herren! Ich möchte drei Dinge hier anmerken. Das Erste ist: Wir solidarisieren uns, und zwar ohne Wenn und Aber, mit all den Menschen im Iran, die gegen soziale und wirtschaftliche Missstände, gegen Korruption und Misswirtschaft demonstrieren, weil ihre Lebensbedingungen unerträglich geworden sind – mit den Lkw-Fahrern, die keinen Lohn bekommen, mit den Umweltaktivisten, die gegen Klimaschäden kämpfen. Und ich sage auch: Kein Mensch darf inhaftiert werden, nur weil er demonstriert, und zwar im Übrigen nirgendwo. Nur weil sie protestieren, ins Gefängnis geworfen und verfolgt zu werden, ist inakzeptabel.

Das Zweite ist: Wir fordern die sofortige Freilassung von Nasrin Sotoudeh und ihrem Mann – Nasrin Sotoudeh, eine mutige Anwältin, das muss man auch sagen, die im Iran geblieben ist, die Frauen vertritt, die um ihre Freiheit kämpfen. Für mich ist es unfassbar, dass eine Sacharow-Preisträgerin ins Gefängnis geworfen wird und man dann erwartet, dass wir die Iraner unterstützen. Aber wir unterstützen auch diejenigen Frauen, die jetzt im Gefängnis sitzen, nur weil sie sich dagegen entschieden haben, ein Kopftuch zu tragen. Der Mensch ist frei geboren, und das soll er auch bleiben, und er soll auch frei über sich entscheiden. Das ist doch ein Minimum, was wir hier zu fordern haben.

Und das Dritte ist: Ja, wir stehen hinter dem JCPOA, weil wir ein atomares Wettrüsten nirgendwo wollen, und weil es verdammte Zeit wird, sich von der Bevormundung durch einen verantwortungslosen US-Präsidenten, der sich wie Kaiser Nero benimmt, endlich frei zu machen. Europa braucht eine eigenständige Politik gegenüber dem Mittleren und Nahen Osten. Es ist Zeit, dies jetzt zu tun, und dazu verlangt es auch, gegen die Sanktionen der USA aufzubegehren.

 
  
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  Ana Gomes, author. – Mr President, the lawyer Nasrin Sotoudeh was in jail when we awarded her the 2012 Sakharov Prize and she was never able to come to meet us because she has now been thrown in jail for several years in Iran for her indefatigable advocacy for human rights and women’s rights. Her husband, Reza Khandan, because he dared to protest publicly against her imprisonment, was also arrested and accused of spreading propaganda against the regime and promoting the practice of appearing in public without a veil.

Such ridiculous charges tell us everything about the tragedy in which Iran is ensnared. On the one hand, a vibrant people, proud of its civilisation and full of potential; on the other, an archaic regime that needs to impose brutal repression on the people. The new law on drugs has been positive, sparing the death penalty for thousands of Iranian citizens. But torture, unfair trials, the discrimination of minorities and religious persecution... all of that compounds the terrible repressive framework against which the citizens of Iran increasingly bravely resist and denounce.

When I returned to Iran last February in a delegation of the European Parliament, I could sense the people were much more vocal, and therefore we call for the release of all the political prisoners, all the human rights campaigners like Nasrin Sotoudeh. The more we feel attached to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), which is also about human rights, the more we need to raise human rights and indeed demand that this action ends.

 
  
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  Marietje Schaake, author. – Mr President, Commissioner and colleagues, human rights lawyer Nasrin Sotoudeh is one of the world’s most courageous human rights defenders. Herself and her family are paying an extraordinary price for her doing her job. I’m very proud that we awarded her the Sakharov Prize but that also gives us specific responsibility to speak out for her freedom. The Islamic Republic has once again shown its true colours by imprisoning Nasrin Sotoudeh – again. This time, because she defended courageous women – the courageous women who want the freedom to wear or not to wear the hijab, and it is essential that High Representative Mogherini speaks out both publicly and privately in her many engagements with representatives of the Islamic Republic of Iran. She must speak out for the universal human rights of all Iranians, but especially for the human rights defenders and the women that have a legitimate and modest claim when they want not to be forced to wear a religious symbol.

 
  
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  Tunne Kelam, author. – Mr President, I think it’s symbolic for the existing human rights situation in Iran that even a prominent human rights defender and receiver of the Sakharov Prize six years ago, Nasrin Sotoudeh, has been kept in custody now for more than half a year for publicly opposing Iranian compulsory hijab law. This is happening against the background of countrywide popular protests, which have continued throughout 2018. I can only quote Amnesty International’s latest report seven days ago, which says: ‘Iran is in the grip of a multifaceted crisis that is rooted in the confluence of severe political, economic, environmental and human rights problems. [...] In response, the authorities have been widening the net of repressions.’ It is not any more about small groups of protesters, but about widespread strikes by truck drivers, teachers, environmental activists, workers, students and national and religious minorities, who stand up against the dramatically worsening economic and social conditions, against corruption and political repressions. We demand therefore, first and foremost, the immediate release of Nasrin Sotoudeh.

However, just appealing and asking will not be enough. To have a real impact on the behaviour of Iranian rulers, the European Commission and Member States’ governments need to implement unanimously and forcefully the recipe the European Parliament formulated a long time ago. The recipe of resolution stresses once more today that any progress in economic and political relations should be strictly conditional on a credible improvement of the human rights situation, citizens’ rights and freedom of expression. Nothing less.

The EU can make a difference, provided we can strike a principle link between realpolitik and universal values.

 
  
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  Michaela Šojdrová, za skupinu PPE. – Pane předsedající, letos v létě došlo v Íránu k uvěznění další z ochránkyně lidských práv na Blízkém východě, advokátky Nasrín Sotúdeové. Její případ je ojedinělý jednak v tom, že se jedná o první ženu v pořadí vězněných advokátů v Íránu, a také v tom, že jde o politickou vězenkyni, která se nebála zahájit na protest hladovku. V neposlední řadě je to také držitelka Sacharovovy ceny, kterou dostala od Evropského parlamentu v roce 2012.

Nasrín Sotúdeová bojuje za rovnost žen a mužů, za práva etnických a náboženských menšin, která v Íránu nejsou garantována. O to víc nám nesmí být lhostejný její osud, protože v Íránu je dál uplatňován trest smrti, a to také vůči politickým vězňům. Evropský parlament opakovaně zvedá hlas a požaduje svobodu pro Nasrín a další politické vězně. Vážím si toho, že se na tom shodneme napříč politickým spektrem, v tom je naše síla a v tom je také naděje pro politické vězně.

 
  
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  Josef Weidenholzer, im Namen der S&D-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Nasrin Sotoudeh hat 2012 den Sacharow-Preis erhalten. Damals war sie auch im Gefängnis. Eine der ersten Maßnahmen des im darauffolgenden Jahr neu gewählten Präsidenten Rohani bestand darin, sie freizulassen, und das wurde damals allgemein als ein erstes positives Zeichen für die Bereitschaft der iranischen Führung, über die Situation der Menschenrechte im Land zu reden, gesehen. In der Delegation des Parlaments, der ich damals auch angehörte, konnte ich sie damals in Teheran treffen, wo sie uns durch ihre konstruktive Art beeindruckte.

Ihre nunmehrige Inhaftierung ist für uns alle schockierend, sie ist ein Alarmsignal. Wir fordern den Iran auf, den Menschenrechtsdialog ernst zu nehmen und alles zu tun, damit wir hier weiterkommen. Das betrifft auch die Situation der Menschen mit Doppelstaatsbürgerschaft wie bei dem Fall von Kamran Ghaderi. Und wir erwarten eine sofortige Freilassung von Nasrin Sotoudeh. Es ist auch höchste Zeit, dass sie und Jafar Panahi den ihnen vor sechs Jahren verliehenen Sacharow-Preis endlich hier in Straßburg in Empfang nehmen dürfen.

 
  
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  Bas Belder, namens de ECR-Fractie. – Voorzitter, de Islamitische Republiek Iran blijft een intrigerend land. Vandaag de dag, bijvoorbeeld, maken nationale geestelijken zich grote zorgen over de erosie van hun publieke status. Dit proces ondermijnt immers de legitimiteit van het regime. In deze bedreigende situatie moeten de mensenrechten het zwaar ontgelden. Onze resolutie spreekt daar duidelijke taal over. De wrede vervolging van mensenrechtenadvocate Nasrin Sotoudeh is illustratief.

Mij baart ook de arrestatiegolf van christenen in Iran grote zorgen: 142 gelovigen vorige maand, in de eerste week van december meer dan 100. Daarom verzoek ik Raad en Commissie in de contacten met de Iraanse overheid deze ongehoorde barbaarse christenvervolging krachtig aan de orde te stellen. Ik verneem natuurlijk graag de resultaten van deze Europese inzet voor het grondrecht van geloofsvrijheid in de Islamitische Republiek Iran.

 
  
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  Beatriz Becerra Basterrechea, en nombre del Grupo ALDE. – Señor presidente, comisario, Occidente vive un momento feminista. Un momento de inconformismo con la desigualdad que sufren las mujeres. Pero nuestros problemas no deberían cegarnos ante lo que sucede en otros lugares. En Irán, cuando una mujer se quita el hiyab, está llevando a cabo una protesta política. Es un acto heroico, porque saben que pueden acabar en la cárcel, pero no solo ellas.

Nasrín Sotudé, nuestro premio Sájarov 2012, es abogada de derechos humanos en Irán y ha sido encarcelada de nuevo. Esta vez, por defender a las mujeres que se quitaron el hiyab en público.

Si de verdad creemos en la libertad y la igualdad, haremos todo lo que esté en nuestra mano por la liberación de Nasrín. Si de verdad creemos en los derechos humanos, trabajaremos para que se aclaren las decenas de miles de ejecuciones y desapariciones llevadas a cabo por el régimen iraní desde los años ochenta.

La causa feminista y la causa humanitaria son universales. Los derechos humanos son los derechos de los seres humanos, de todos los seres humanos. Europa, sin duda, está llamada a liderarlas y debe hacerlo.

 
  
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  Margot Parker, on behalf of the EFDD Group. – Mr President, nothing is more intimate to a person then their religious belief. To express a belief or lack of in God or a higher power is a fundamental right that too few people around the world truly enjoy. For some women the hijab is a vital expression of their faith, for others it is an oppressive tool. What is consistent is that it should be a woman’s right to choose what they wear and how they express themselves. That the women of Iran cannot do so, not only out of social pressure but through the power of the State and law, is a gross violation of human decency. Iran must listen to her citizens, roll back these oppressive laws and allow their citizens to choose.

 
  
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  Flavio Zanonato (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, mi unisco alla richiesta di rilascio immediato di Nasrin Sotoudeh e degli altri difensori dei diritti umani, detenuti per la sola ragione di avere esercitato il proprio diritto di espressione e di pensiero.

Sono estremamente preoccupato per il peggioramento dei diritti umani in Iran e ritengo che, nel dialogo con il Servizio europeo per l'azione esterna, sia necessario continuare a sollevare questo tema in tutte le occasioni possibili.

Sottolineo che ritengo cruciale che l'accordo sul nucleare iraniano rimanga in vita. La decisione presa da Trump di ritirarsi dagli accordi e di imporre nuove sanzioni danneggia l'Iran sotto il profilo economico ma anche sotto quello della situazione delle libertà interne. Le sanzioni e la riduzione della cooperazione internazionale non possono che avere un impatto negativo profondo sui diritti civili e sociali, oltre che su quelli economici in Iran.

Va creata una delegazione dell'Unione europea in Iran per il dialogo e una cooperazione accresciuta con il paese nei vari settori di interesse per entrambe le parti, nel pieno rispetto dei diritti umani.

 
  
 

Intervenții la cerere

 
  
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  Marijana Petir (PPE). – Gospodine predsjedavajući, tijekom proteklih mjeseci svjedočili smo brojnim uhićenjima aktivista i prosvjednika protiv iranskoga režima. U Iranu se i dalje vrše egzekucije, a među pogubljenim osobama nalaze se i politički zatvorenici. Osim aktivista za ljudska prava iranski režim uhićuje i žene te odvjetnike specijalizirane za ljudska prava, kao što je slučaj s uhićenjima Reze Khandana i Nasrin Sotoudeh. Politički zatvorenici trenutačno štrajkaju glađu, a njihovo psihičko i fizičko stanje je nepoznato. U Iranu se također progone kršćani i druge vjerske manjine. Izražavam zabrinutost i zbog daljnjeg rada iranskog režima na programu nuklearnih projektila, što je velika međunarodna prijetnja miru.

Zanima me, gospodine povjereniče, kako napreduje dijalog s iranskim vlastima u pogledu zaustavljanja pogubljenja i sprječavanja nasilja koje se provodi nad političkim zatvorenicima, aktivistima za ljudska prava, ženama i kršćanima u Iranu?

 
  
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  Julie Ward (S&D). – Mr President, we awarded the Sakharov prize to Oleg Sentsov yesterday, but four laureates are still imprisoned, including Nasrin Sotoudeh. She is the Iranian women’s rights defender who has been shamefully attacked by the government for her outstanding work.

There is an urgent need for the different EU institutions to create meaningful cooperation to support human rights defenders that have been awarded the Sakharov Prize. They’re part of our family. Thanks to the ProtectDefenders.eu mechanism, the EU has become one of the strongest supporters of human rights defenders’ safety in the world, and as Members of the European Parliament, it is our duty to closely follow the situation of the laureates of the Sakharov Prize. I therefore call on the Iranian authorities to immediately and unconditionally to release Nasrin and drop all charges against her.

I also join the call of my fellow British MEP, Charles Tannock, to ask the Iranian authorities to release Nazanin Zakaria Ratcliffe, the mother and charity worker wrongfully imprisoned in September 2016.

 
  
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  Jean-Luc Schaffhauser (ENF). – Monsieur le Président, j’en profite pour intervenir sur un sujet qui me tient à cœur. J’aimerais d’abord dire que, évidemment, je comprends la condamnation, surtout pour les droits de l’homme, mais j’aimerais toujours rappeler que nous ne devons pas appliquer deux poids deux mesures. Je pense également aux chrétiens persécutés en Chine, en Turquie, en Algérie et dans bien d’autres pays. Donc il faut veiller à éviter le deux poids deux mesures.

D’autre part, j’aimerais rajouter que l’Iran est une grande civilisation, qui a été agressée plusieurs fois, au-delà du régime des mollahs. Je peux même comprendre, parce que cela a été la politique de mon pays, la France, que l’Iran ait voulu avoir la puissance nucléaire, parce que c’est ainsi que la France a pu maintenir également son indépendance, sa neutralité, sa souveraineté. Je comprends aussi très bien la politique d’Israël et des États-Unis et, ami d’Israël, évidemment, je la soutiens également. C’est le moment pour l’Europe de jouer vraiment cet équilibre entre les différentes puissances.

 
  
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  Juan Fernando López Aguilar (S&D). – Señor presidente, ayer este Parlamento Europeo entregó su Premio Sájarov de la presente edición, del presente año. Pero en 2012 lo obtuvo Nasrín Sotudé, una abogada defensora de la causa de los derechos humanos en un contexto de enorme dificultad: el Irán gobernado por el líder supremo Alí Jamenei, al que el Instituto de Derechos Humanos de la Asociación Internacional de Abogados ha dirigido en 2018 una carta requiriéndole la inmediata liberación de Nasrín Sotudé, que ha estado presa en varias ocasiones por defender causas justas de libertad de expresión y sobre todo los derechos de las mujeres.

Como exministro de Justicia y como expresidente de la Comisión de Libertades Civiles, Justicia y Asuntos de Interior y comprometido siempre con el derecho a la defensa, con la abogacía y en particular con esta mujer, que defiende el derecho de las mujeres a liberarse del hiyab en un contexto enormemente represivo, exigimos a Irán su liberación inmediata.

 
  
 

(Încheierea intervențiilor la cerere)

 
  
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  Neven Mimica, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, we believe that the best way to advance human rights worldwide is through diplomatic pressure and direct engagement with the relevant authorities. This has always been our approach to human rights violations with Iran.

The High Representative and all of us raise the issue in all of our meetings with the Iranian authorities at all levels. No one is as engaged as the European Union against the death penalty in Iran, against all restrictions of fundamental rights and on the side of Iranian human rights defenders.

For many years now, we have been closely following the case of Sakharov prize winner Nasrin Sotoudeh and her husband, Reza Khandan. When Ms Sotoudeh was awarded the Sakharov prize in 2012, it was for her work to provide legal representation to human rights defenders, juvenile offenders facing the death penalty and women. As a result of these efforts, she has been harassed, her work impeded, and in 2010 she was sentenced to three years of imprisonment after being convicted of security-related charges.

Following her release in 2013, Ms Sotoudeh’s engagement to promote human rights continued and she was again detained in June this year. Her husband, who had been campaigning for her release, was himself detained in September.

Since her detention, the European Union has repeatedly raised Ms Sotoudeh’s case with the Iranian authorities at all levels, including in the framework of the EU-Iran high-level dialogue. At every occasion we express our concerns about the situation of human rights in Iran and the treatment of Iranian human rights defenders. Member States have also raised the case during their own bilateral contacts with the Iranian authorities.

This engagement has recently contributed to certain positive developments. Just one year ago, Iran decided to amend its anti-narcotics legislation and this has resulted in a dramatic reduction in drug-related executions. We are continuing to advocate for further improvements in this regard, including an immediate moratorium on the execution of juvenile offenders.

We continue to call for the release of Ms Sotoudeh and her husband. They should be guaranteed timely access to a lawyer of their own choosing. They should be allowed to communicate with their two children and they should not be subject to any form of mistreatment.

Let me conclude by thanking you for your attention to this case. We will continue to work together with you and engage with the Iranian authorities in order to secure the release of Ms Sotoudeh and her husband.

 
  
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  Președintele. – Dezbaterea a fost închisă.

Votul va avea loc la sfârșitul dezbaterilor.

 
  
  

PRZEWODNICTWO: BOGUSŁAW LIBERADZKI
Wiceprzewodniczący

 

7.2. Egitto, in particolare la situazione dei difensori dei diritti umani
Video degli interventi
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  Przewodniczący. – Kolejnym punktem porządku dziennego jest debata nad siedmioma projektami rezolucji w sprawie Egiptu, w szczególności sytuacji obrońców praw człowieka (2018/2968(RSP)).

 
  
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  Jordi Solé, author. – Mr President, this compromise resolution, which will enjoy large support in the House, is very clear on two fronts. First, it’s the strongest condemnation to date by Parliament of the horrible, terrible human rights situation in Egypt. Secondly, it calls on the EU, in a very clear way, to step up its response and to prioritise the situation of human rights defenders in its dialogue with Egypt. Parliament is saying loud and clear: no more EU ‘business as usual’ with a regime that has wiped out its entire human rights community.

Taking up a proposal from my Group, the motion calls on the EU to envisage targeted sanctions against individuals for their responsibility in the current repression. We will be carefully monitoring the EU-Egypt Association Council in a few days and we expect concrete action on the release of the individual human rights defenders listed in the motion.

 
  
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  Charles Tannock, author. – Mr President, I have been a strong friend of Egypt, I have sought to support the stabilising of efforts made by President al—Sisi’s Government over the past few years and I am all too aware of the very difficult security situation that exists in that fragile country. There can be no doubt that Egypt is facing a persistent and clear danger from terrorism.

However, we cannot allow this to be an excuse for ever-more stringent restrictions on its people’s basic civil and human rights. I am very concerned about the increasing threats to freedom of the media and about the arrests and disappearance of journalists. The reported executions of almost 1 500 people during the past four years are also a deeply disturbing trend, particularly given that the vast majority of those concerned were tried in mass trials.

As we have learned in Europe, there is a constant tug between implementing meaningful counterterrorism measures and securing people’s basic freedoms. I’m sad to say that the balance in Egypt is now deeply questionable. A change of approach is sorely needed and it is one that the European Union must press for strongly.

 
  
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  Ignazio Corrao, autore. – Signor Presidente. onorevoli colleghi, signor Commissario, ci ritroviamo ancora una volta a parlare di Egitto, un paese campione di violazioni dei diritti umani dove viene utilizzato l'elettroshock sui genitali dei bambini, per fare un macabro esempio.

Abbiamo fatto risoluzioni, ci sono stati richiami internazionali, relazioni di tante organizzazioni non governative, ma nessuna risposta, anzi risposte arroganti di chi sa di poter contare su una generale impunità.

Abbiamo un nostro ragazzo, un ragazzo italiano ma anche europeo, Giulio Regeni, che è stato brutalmente ucciso e torturato tre anni fa e ancora non riusciamo a ottenere né verità né giustizia per questo ragazzo.

Allora io mi chiedo: con questa risoluzione continuiamo a fare il nostro dovere come Parlamento europeo, ma da parte della Commissione si vuole cercare di fare qualche passo avanti? Quale tipo di ricatto subiamo dall'Egitto per continuare a sopportare questo tipo di violazioni dei diritti umani?

 
  
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  Miguel Urbán Crespo, autor. – Señor presidente, en el año 2013 el ejército egipcio asesinó a centenares de personas que protestaban en la plaza de Rabaa. Mientras ninguno de los responsables ha sido juzgado, sin embargo, se ha condenado a muerte a 75 de esos manifestantes. Esto es un ejemplo más de la impunidad y de la represión general que se viven en Egipto.

Un país donde en los últimos cinco años se ha encarcelado a 65 000 presos políticos y más de 1 500 personas han sido víctimas de desapariciones forzosas. Un país en el que las personas defensoras de los derechos humanos están siendo perseguidas: mujeres como Amal Fathy, encarcelada por denunciar que el Gobierno no protege a mujeres que, como ella, han sido víctimas de violencia sexual. Un país que está deportando por la fuerza a solicitantes de asilo de Sudán, Eritrea, Yemen o Siria. Un país que, según la Unión Europea, es un ejemplo a seguir en materia migratoria y, por supuesto, un magnífico socio comercial.

Exigimos a la Unión Europea que reaccione, que suspenda el Acuerdo de Asociación y todos los programas de cooperación acordados con las autoridades egipcias hasta que se respeten los derechos democráticos básicos. Reclamamos a los Estados miembros, como España, que dejen de vender armas y equipos de vigilancia a Egipto porque están siendo utilizados para reprimir a la sociedad civil.

Una vez más, repetimos en esta Cámara: los intereses económicos y comerciales no pueden estar por encima de los derechos humanos.

 
  
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  Soraya Post, author. – Mr President, the Egyptian women’s rights activist Amal Fathy has been sentenced to two years in prison for something thousands of women have done during the #MeToo movement. She posted a video on her Facebook page, where she shared her experience of sexual harassment and she criticised the Egyptian Government for not acting to protect women.

Amal is not the only person in Egypt who has been jailed for the peaceful exercise of freedom of expression. The Egyptian Government must release immediately all human rights defenders, peaceful activists, lawyers, bloggers and journalists; must drop all the baseless criminal investigations of NGOs; and must stop applying the death penalty against individuals, including two children under the age of 18. It’s shameful.

 
  
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  Marietje Schaake, author. – Mr President, many in the European Union see Egypt as an important partner in countering terrorism, managing migration and ensuring stability in an already explosive Middle East. And yes, Egypt is an important country and that is why it is so crucial not to repeat the mistakes of the past, where the severe oppression of peoples’ rights led to anything but stability.

I think there is repetition going on – and it’s a ticking time bomb – as enforced disappearances, torture, executions and a crackdown on civil society organisations, journalists and other human rights defenders continue. This crisis of human rights and the enforced disappearances really hit home to many in Europe with the Giulio Regeni case, but in fact they impact on the entire Egyptian population.

We wanted to see for ourselves what the human rights situation in Egypt was like, but unfortunately, we were unable to travel to Egypt next week. I think that this is very problematic and it needs to be addressed, because we need to stay in contact and be able to convey in person our serious concerns about the lack of respect for human rights in Egypt.

 
  
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  Barbara Matera, autore. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, mi sono interessata fortemente e personalmente a questa proposta di risoluzione per due motivi: primo perché l'Egitto è un partner economico e politico strategico per l'Unione europea e, in secondo luogo, perché è ancora attiva e viva una vertenza tra Egitto e Italia sul caso di Giulio Regeni, un ragazzo brutalmente torturato e ucciso nel febbraio 2016.

L'Egitto vive un periodo delicato: si sta rialzando e sta percorrendo un cammino di riforma istituzionale. Noi, in quanto Unione europea, vogliamo essere degli amici per l'Egitto e per il suo popolo, dei partner privilegiati per accompagnarlo nel lungo processo di riforma istituzionale.

È importante che vengano rafforzati i diritti democratici fondamentali, come la libertà di espressione, online e offline, nonché la libertà di associazione, il pluralismo politico e lo Stato di diritto in Egitto. Questi sono cardini di una nazione democratica e pluralista, sono le caratteristiche fondamentali per mediare tra le opposizioni ed evitare guerre e conflitti. La storia ci insegna che la democrazia non è perfetta, ma assicura pace e prosperità.

Noi chiediamo al popolo egiziano e al suo governo chiarezza e verità per Giulio Regeni, un ragazzo europeo che amava studiare, si impegnava tantissimo, era davvero una persona speciale. Lo facciamo non per politica, ma lo facciamo davvero per restituire alla sua famiglia e alla verità europea la verità di un ragazzo e della sua storia.

 
  
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  Pavel Svoboda, za skupinu PPE. – Pane předsedající, v Egyptě bohužel dochází k rozsáhlému porušování lidských práv. V egyptských věznicích jsou drženy stovky lidí pouze proto, že chtěly uplatnit svou svobodu slova nebo právo shromažďovací. Jejich zadržování navíc často nepředcházelo soudní řízení, které by splňovalo základní požadavky spravedlivého procesu. Žádáme dnes, aby všichni tito nezákonně zadržovaní lidé byli propuštěni.

Egypt nezlepšil ani ochranu svých křesťanů, i když tito tvoří 10 % populace, ale jsou pořád vystavováni násilí ze strany islámských fundamentalistů. A tak Egypt figuruje na smutné mapě těch států, kde je obtížné vykonávat svobodu vyznání. V roce 2018 zaútočili islamisté na autobus křesťanských poutníků a sedm z nich zavraždili. Samozřejmě si přejeme co nejlepší vztahy, ale je důležité uplatňovat princip more for more ve všech oblastech vztahů s Egyptem.

(Řečník souhlasil s tím, že odpoví na otázku položenou zvednutím modré karty (čl. 162 odst. 8 jednacího řádu.))

 
  
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  Marek Jurek (ECR), pytanie zadane przez podniesienie niebieskiej kartki. – Chciałem zapytać, czy obarcza Pan winą za działanie terrorystów islamskich mordujących chrześcijan rząd, który z nimi walczy i który próbuje chronić społeczeństwo zarówno muzułmanów, jak i chrześcijan przed tego rodzaju terrorystyczną antyludzką działalnością. No, nie mylmy przyczyny i skutku.

 
  
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  Pavel Svoboda (PPE), odpověď na otázku položenou zvednutím modré karty. – Děkuji za tu otázku, právě že o tom vím. Proto upozorňuji na to, že egyptská vláda musí udělat více pro to, aby tato skupina byla chráněna před islamistickými fanatiky.

 
  
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  Pier Antonio Panzeri, a nome del gruppo S&D. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, in Egitto è stata istituita l'Alta commissione permanente per i diritti umani: una bella notizia, se non fosse che è composta da rappresentanti del governo da cui dipendono i servizi di sicurezza accusati di gravi violazioni dei diritti umani nel paese. Dalle premesse, sembra che questo nuovo organo miri di più a proteggere l'immagine del paese piuttosto che i diritti umani.

L'Egitto è certamente un partner importante per l'Unione europea, ma vi sono principi e valori che devono avere la precedenza rispetto a una realpolitik animata esclusivamente da equilibri di potere e interessi commerciali.

Si tratta di diritti civili, democratici e umani che ogni paese deve garantire per avere rapporti con l'Unione europea, ma non è ciò che registriamo in Egitto, purtroppo. Ci sono attivisti, giornalisti e avvocati incarcerati e condannati per le loro idee, ci sono processi di massa che sfociano in condanne a morte che non si basano né su prove né su indagini concrete.

Ci sono anche due genitori, quelli di Giulio Regeni, in cerca di una verità che spieghi perché Giulio è stato torturato e ucciso e perché le autorità egiziane stanno coprendo le responsabilità.

La risoluzione proposta vuole porre con forza l'agenda e l'urgenza di un'agenda per i diritti umani in Egitto e questa agenda – le chiedo, Commissario – deve essere imposta dall'Unione europea con forza e con determinazione.

 
  
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  Anders Primdahl Vistisen, for ECR-Gruppen. – Hr. formand! Igen debatterer vi her i salen situationen i Egypten, og selvom der da er bekymrende tendenser, så tror jeg, vi skal huske, at vores forhistorie både her i EU-Parlamentet og fra Kommissionens side i forhold til Egypten er ret blakket. Vi støttede jo aktivt op om det såkaldte Arabiske Forår, og de konsekvenser, det fik for Egypten, var fuldstændig uoverstigelige, både for landet selv og for Europa. Et stabilt Egypten, som har økonomisk fremgang, er i Europas stærke interesse, og det værste, der kunne ske for den Europæiske stabilitet i vores nærområder, er netop et destabiliseret Egypten. Derfor synes jeg, at denne beslutning er stærkt problematisk. Jeg synes, den er meget ensidig. Jeg synes, der er mange andre lande, man med rette kunne have kritiseret for de samme ting og endnu værre overtrædelser, og jeg synes ærligt talt, at man burde have givet egypterne muligheden for at vise fremskridt i stedet for konstant fra dette Parlaments side at være på nakken af dem.

 
  
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  Marisa Matias, em nome do Grupo GUE/NGL. – Senhor Presidente, o Egito é, seguramente, um parceiro importante da União Europeia e é um país vizinho com o qual temos muitos séculos de História comum.

Trabalho com as autoridades egípcias já desde 2009 e é por isso que tudo o que temos a dizer devemos dizer com muita franqueza e olhos nos olhos.

Há acordos comerciais entre a União Europeia e o Egito. Reconhecemos a soberania do povo egípcio, mas não podemos continuar a fechar os olhos à violação sistemática dos direitos humanos em nome dos interesses comerciais.

Aquilo a que assistimos no Egito é a um fechamento do espaço político, a limitações severas às liberdades de expressão, de opinião, de associação.

Não pode haver impunidade nenhuma em relação aos direitos humanos, nem no Egito nem na União Europeia, nem em nenhuma parte do mundo.

A bem das boas relações, não podemos continuar a fechar os olhos nem a tapar os ouvidos a todos os apelos e denúncias que nos chegam de cidadãos e de organizações da sociedade civil e que, creio, são apenas a ponta do icebergue.

Respeitar os direitos humanos por parte das autoridades egípcias é um favor que se faz, em primeiro lugar, ao próprio povo egípcio.

 
  
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  Ana Miranda, en nombre del Grupo Verts/ALE. – Señor presidente, señor Comisario, la Unión Europea sigue negociando con Egipto, este país que persigue y mata a defensores de los derechos humanos. Nosotros lo hemos visto allí y así se lo trasladamos a la alta representante en el marco del diálogo político.

Esta Resolución es una llamada urgente a los Estados europeos para que paren la venta de tecnología de equipamiento de seguridad a Egipto, para que ordenen la suspensión de todo el apoyo militar. Pero esto no ha sucedido, pues vemos como los Estados miembros siguen vendiendo fusiles, tanques y equipos de tortura que hieren y matan a la población egipcia; también a los defensores de los derechos humanos. Como el Estado español, por ejemplo, que cerró un negocio de venta de armas por más de cien millones de euros entre 2016 y 2017. ¿Cuántos defensores de los derechos humanos y población civil van a seguir siendo asesinados, en este caso también por las bombas del Estado español? ¿Qué está haciendo la Comisión para parar este comercio de sangre que va contra las personas egipcias y, sobre todo, que está vulnerando toda la normativa internacional y de derechos humanos?

 
  
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  Fabio Massimo Castaldo, a nome del gruppo EFDD. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, sono passati tre anni dal brutale omicidio di Giulio Regeni e posso solo immaginare come si possa sentire la sua famiglia, ogni giorno e, ancora di più, durante queste festività, nel continuare a non avere una risposta e a non avere giustizia.

Al di là delle vuote rassicurazioni, pacche sulle spalle e promesse di buone intenzioni, le autorità egiziane continuano a non cooperare: la nebbia dell'impunità e più fitta che mai. Per questo la Camera dei deputati italiana ha sospeso le relazioni con il parlamento egiziano, per dare una scossa, un segnale, e ricordare che se il mondo sta dimenticando, o forse l'ha già fatto, noi no, noi non dimentichiamo e non dimenticheremo.

L'Unione ha l'ambizione di essere un attore geopolitico mondiale, capace di influenzare le dinamiche globali. In realtà non riesce neanche ottenere delle risposte quando un cittadino europeo – perché Giulio era tale, oltre a essere un cittadino italiano – viene barbaramente torturato e ucciso. Lo dico forte e chiaro: se l'Unione mettesse davvero nella ricerca della verità lo stesso impegno che mette nel controllare i decimali dei bilanci, le risposte probabilmente le avremmo già.

Sostengo questa risoluzione ma sostengo ancor di più che la realpolitik non deve prevalere. Seguiamo l'esempio della Camera dei deputati: rompiamo le relazioni fino a quando si faranno beffe di noi, fin quando non ci sarà verità e giustizia per Giulio Regeni.

 
  
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  Gilles Lebreton, au nom du groupe ENF. – Monsieur le Président, pas moins de sept rapporteurs viennent de s’acharner contre l’Égypte, et pourtant le maréchal Al-Sissi est un rempart contre l’islamisme. Il est parvenu au pouvoir en 2013 en renversant le président islamiste Mohamed Morsi, qui était sur le point de mener l’Égypte au chaos. En 2014, le peuple égyptien a légitimé son action en l’élisant à la présidence de la République. Depuis lors, il combat sans relâche le terrorisme islamiste, aussi bien sur le plan idéologique que sur le plan militaire. C’est ainsi qu’il affirme avec courage qu’il faut rénover l’islam pour combattre les tendances les plus obscurantistes de cette religion.

Voilà pourquoi l’Union européenne devrait soutenir le maréchal Al-Sissi au lieu de lui reprocher telle ou telle violation des droits de l’homme, car si son régime venait à s’effondrer, c’est un pays de 92 millions d’habitants, l’Égypte, qui risquerait de basculer dans l’islamisme et de prêter la main au terrorisme.

La tragédie que nous venons de vivre à Strasbourg devrait inciter le Parlement européen à faire preuve de davantage de réalisme. Notre mission est de protéger les Européens et pas de donner des leçons de morale à nos partenaires.

 
  
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  Krzysztof Hetman (PPE). – Z niepokojem przyglądam się kolejnym systematycznym doniesieniom o przypadkach łamania praw człowieka i naruszania praworządności w Egipcie. Bardzo martwią mnie informacje na temat ingerowania w wolność słowa i mediów oraz sprawowania nad nimi rządowej kontroli, jak również przypadki naruszania fundamentów funkcjonowania demokratycznego państwa prawa, takie jak aresztowania politycznych oponentów czy obrońców praw człowieka. Chciałbym z całą mocą podkreślić, że Egipt jest dla Unii Europejskiej strategicznym partnerem w regionie, odgrywającym szczególnie znaczącą rolę w odniesieniu do rozmów pokojowych oraz stabilności w regionie Morza Śródziemnego. Również dlatego kategorycznie nie możemy zgodzić się na łamanie praw człowieka, odchodzenie przez ten kraj od systemu demokratycznego oraz kierowanie się w stronę rządów autorytarnych, które z kolei są kolebką ekstremizmów.

 
  
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  Wajid Khan (S&D). – Mr President, for the second time this year we are raising the alarming situation of human rights in Egypt. The Egyptian authorities must stop the crackdown on human rights defenders, who are disappearing at an alarming rate. Egypt must immediately release Amal Fathy, Ismail al-Iskandarani, Hisham Gaafar and all those who have been detained for peacefully expressing their opinion. I urge the Member States to be united and to speak with one voice during the upcoming EU—Egypt Association Council, to continue applying pressure on President al-Sisi.

We must reconsider our level of engagement and cooperation with Egypt if it continues to disregard international law. Fundamental democratic rights, such as freedom of expression, political pluralism and the rule of law, must be guaranteed.

Let me be clear. If Egypt wants to be more than a neighbour, and to become an important partner country to the EU, there is only one way: to make concrete progress on its human rights record.

 
  
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  Marek Jurek (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Przedwczoraj na ulicach Strasburga widzieliśmy kolejne tragiczne wydarzenia składające się na tą długą wojnę islamistycznego terroryzmu przeciwko narodom Europy, ale podobna wojna toczy się w Egipcie. Władze Egiptu muszą stawić czoła kalifatowi państwa islamskiego na Synaju, podziemiu związanemu z odsuniętym od władzy Bractwem Muzułmańskim, atakom na kościół i tę walkę władze Egiptu prowadzą w interesie pokoju międzynarodowego i pokoju społecznego. Oczywiście każda ludzka władza, szczególnie w okresie dramatycznych konfliktów społecznych, może popełniać błędy, ja mam pełne zrozumienie dla kolegów z Włoch, którzy żądają wyjaśnień w sprawie swojego obywatela, ale w tej dramatycznej sytuacji, w której Zachód ma tak mało sojuszników, naszym sojusznikom jesteśmy przede wszystkim winni uznanie za walkę w obronie pokoju społecznego i międzynarodowego i solidarność.

(Mówca zgodził się odpowiedzieć na pytanie zadane przez podniesienie niebieskiej kartki (art. 162 ust. 8 Regulaminu))

 
  
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  Doru-Claudian Frunzulică (S&D), blue-card question. – Thank you very much, dear colleague. Indeed, probably we should have to look in a more balanced way at the situation. On one side, the fact that the Egyptian authorities don’t respect human rights, civil rights and non—governmental organisations; on the other side, they cooperate with the European Union on fighting terrorism, radicalisation, and so on and so forth.

But don’t you think – because we have here the Commissioner for Development – that European Union should have to use a very important leverage with all these countries, because we give them lots of money for development projects? This should have to be used when these countries – including Tanzania, which we are going to speak about later – are doing all these things that are against European Union values.

 
  
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  President. – By the way, Mr Frunzulică, there is no space for a statement. It’s space for a question.

 
  
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  Marek Jurek (ECR), odpowiedź na pytanie zadane przez podniesienie niebieskiej kartki. – Oczywiście dziękuję kolego za to pytanie. Ma Pan całkowicie rację, że w naszych dwustronnych relacjach dyplomacja Unii Europejskiej powinna wykorzystywać to do zwracania uwagi na sytuacje, które wymagają interwencji władz, na przykład jeżeli chodzi o kontrolowanie sił porządku. To jest jasne, ale jednocześnie bardzo niepokojące jest to, jeżeli w wypowiedziach nie dyplomatycznych, ale publicznych, politycznych, jak na tej sali, my nie mówimy o rzeczywistych zagrożeniach dla praw człowieka w Egipcie, o działalności kalifatu Państwa Islamskiego na Synaju, o podpalanych kościołach, o podziemiu Bractwa Muzułmańskiego, o tym, do czego prowadziły Egipt, ale również świat, rządy profesora Mursiego , rządy odsunięte od władzy przez marszałka As-Sisi.

 
  
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  Jean-Luc Schaffhauser (ENF). – Monsieur le Président, l’attentat islamiste en France qui a été perpétré mardi à Strasbourg devrait nous enseigner qu’en politique, il nous faut choisir entre amis et ennemis. C’est l’identification de l’ennemi qui transforme un homme politique en homme d’État, à l’instar de Winston Churchill.

Le maréchal Al-Sissi en Égypte comprend le danger de l’islamisme et des Frères musulmans. Son discours devant l’université d’Al-Azhar au Caire, en 2015, fut la déclaration, devant la plus haute autorité de l’islam sunnite, que l’extrémisme islamiste trouve aussi ses racines dans une interprétation de l’islam lui-même.

Le président Al-Sissi, musulman, cherche actuellement à faire inscrire les Frères musulmans sur la liste des organisations terroristes. Les résolutions hostiles déposées contre l’Égypte par les groupes libéraux, socialistes et communistes dans cette enceinte n’expliquent nulle part le contexte de son action difficile. Croyez-vous, chers collègues, que l’islam radical respecte mieux les droits de l’homme?

Face au camp qui a choisi de nous faire la guerre, vous avez choisi, pour reprendre les mots de Churchill, le déshonneur et vous aurez la guerre, avec la guerre civile, chez nous aussi, car l’islamisme est chez nous.

 
  
 

Zgłoszenia z sali

 
  
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  Seán Kelly (PPE). – A Uachtaráin, is tír álainn í an Éigipt ag ár dteorainn ag an deisceart. Tá gaol maith againn léi agus is maith sin. Tá a lán dul chun cinn á dhéanamh inti. Ach, ag an am céanna, mar a dúirt mo chomhghleacaithe, ní hé sin le rá gur cheart dúinn súil dhall a thabhairt ar na drochrudaí dorcha atá ag tarlú ansin, go háirithe maidir le cearta daonna a shéanadh ar dhaoine agus a lán daoine i bpríosún gan chúis, gan triail. Dá bhrí sin, is ceart agus is cóir go bpléifimis na rudaí seo sa Pharlaimint.

Agus is féidir toradh dearfach a bheith ar an tuarascáil seo, mar, cúpla bliain ó shin, bhí mé féin agus mo chomh-Fheisirí ó Éirinn ag obair ar thuarascáil maidir le hIbrahim Halawa - fear óg a bhí i bpríosún gan chúis, gan triail arís - agus tar éis na tuarascála, ligeadh saor é. Tá sé ar ais anois in Éirinn. Dá bhrí sin, is féidir linn brú a chur ar údaráis san Éigipt maidir leis na cúiseanna seo, agus le cúnamh Dé, beidh toradh dearfach air, cosúil le hIbrahim Halawa.

 
  
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  Julie Ward (S&D). – Mr President, the human rights situation in Egypt is deteriorating. As noted in the draft resolution, the Egyptian Government is heavily reliant on death penalties and harsh enforcement measures. People undergo torture, and human rights are not protected.

I’m particularly concerned by the abuses of children that have been reported. According to Human Rights Watch, of the thousands of cases heard in military courts since 2014, over 150 involved children facing trial. According to a UN report in 2015, children with disabilities often go without access to education. This is not a country where young people can flourish.

Europe is Egypt’s first trading partner. The EU—Egypt Partnership Priorities 2017—2020 were adopted last year and the EU is in a good position to influence what the Egyptian state does, and to take the action that’s required.

 
  
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  Elly Schlein (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, sono quasi 35 mesi che dobbiamo chiedere e continuare a chiedere verità e giustizia per Giulio Regeni.

È un bene che il Parlamento oggi, con questa risoluzione, torni a chiedere con forza la piena collaborazione delle autorità egiziane con quelle italiane nelle indagini e negli interrogatori e anche di garantire la sicurezza dei legali italiani ed egiziani che stanno indagando per trovare la verità.

Bisogna anche porre fine alle violenze, alle torture, alle sparizioni forzate in Egitto. È positivo che nella risoluzione si chieda di liberare Amal Fathy, subito e incondizionatamente, e anche i vari difensori dei diritti umani che sono illegittimamente detenuti.

Un'altra cosa che vorrei aggiungere è che non possiamo considerare – nessun paese europeo deve considerare – l'Egitto un paese sicuro, non ci sono le condizioni. Inoltre smettere di vendere armi al regime di Al Sisi sarebbe un buon inizio, e lo dico ad alcuni governi che stanno continuando a farlo.

Se mettete davanti gli interessi commerciali e l'ossessione di bloccare i migranti, voi state tradendo i diritti fondamentali che abbiamo posto alla base di questa Unione. Quindi, davvero, cerchiamo coerenza e cerchiamo verità e giustizia per quello che è successo a Giulio Regeni.

 
  
 

(Koniec zgłoszeń z sali)

 
  
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  Neven Mimica, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, the European Union has a clear interest in Egypt’s long-term stability and security. At the same time, it is our firm conviction that this can be achieved only if human rights are fully implemented and upheld, as guaranteed by the 2014 Egyptian constitution and in accordance with Egypt’s international commitments.

Consequently, the European Union continually encourages Egypt to improve the situation with regard to civil and political rights, including freedom of expression both online and offline, and to respect the rights of human rights defenders, in accordance with international human rights law and with the relevant provisions in the Egyptian constitution.

The European Parliament, the European External Action Service and civil society regularly interact and cooperate on issues related to the situation of human rights defenders in Egypt. The charges most commonly filed against human rights defenders are, among others, those of acceptance of illegal foreign funding, spread of false news and misuse of social media.

In our dialogue with Egypt we regularly raise the increasing number of arrests of human rights defenders and activists, which is of great concern. This was also raised publicly in a statement issued by the High Representative’s spokesperson in May 2018.

The European Union is deeply concerned, too, about reports of torture, forced disappearances and the poor detention conditions to which human rights defenders and other detainees are subjected. There is a clear need for accountability for all forms of pressure, harassment and violence against human rights defenders.

Furthermore, the EU welcomes the announcement that the NGO law will be reviewed. We hope that this revision will address concerns about provisions such as those on the registration process, the activities NGOs are allowed to perform and procedures in connection with the receipt of domestic and foreign funding. To this end, we urge Egypt to engage in a meaningful, inclusive and extensive dialogue with civil society in the process of revising the law.

Next week’s EU-Egypt Association Council, on 20 December, will provide yet another forum in which to discuss the situation for the human rights defenders in Egypt.

 
  
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  Przewodniczący. – Zamykam debatę.

Głosowanie odbędzie się po zakończeniu debat.

 

7.3. Tanzania
Video degli interventi
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  Przewodniczący. – Kolejnym punktem porządku dziennego jest debata nad sześcioma projektami rezolucji w sprawie Tanzanii (2018/2969(RSP)) .

 
  
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  Judith Sargentini, Auteur. – Voorzitter, in 2015 was ik hoofdwaarnemer voor de Europese observatiemissie naar de presidentsverkiezingen in Tanzania, de verkiezingen die president Magufuli aan de macht brachten. President Kikwete had zijn wettelijke termijn erop zitten en de regeringspartij kwam met een nieuwe kandidaat. Dat is goed nieuws, want het kan ook anders lopen. Er zijn zat voorbeelden in Afrika waarbij een president te lang wil blijven zitten.

De verkiezingen in dat land liepen eigenlijk vrij goed. Dan heb ik het niet over Zanzibar, want daar liep het volledig uit de hand, maar op het vasteland liepen de verkiezingen vrij goed. President Magufuli begon heel veelbelovend met anticorruptiecampagnes en Tanzania stond ook bekend als een baken van rust in de regio – de regio Oost-Afrika, met Burundi, Uganda, Kenia, heeft vaak heel onrustige verkiezingen.

Maar nu, drie jaar na de verkiezingen van 2015 moeten we concluderen dat het helemaal mis is. De oppositie wordt geïntimideerd, bedreigd en zelfs vermoord. In Dar es Salaam is Paul Makonda, de hoogste vertegenwoordiger van de regering, een heksenjacht begonnen tegen lgbt's. Er worden zelfs mensen gelyncht, omdat ze niet heteroseksueel zijn. President Magufuli verbiedt schoolmeisjes die zwanger worden nog langer naar school te gaan. Anticorruptieprogramma's lijken op ijs gezet.

Van een stabiel land is het een land geworden waar momenteel een wetteloze situatie heerst. Zo erg zelfs dat de Wereldbank heeft besloten initiatieven stop te zetten en de Europese Dienst voor extern optreden hetzelfde probeert. De chef de mission van de Europese delegatie is teruggehaald naar Europa en de relaties met Tanzania worden heroverwogen. Ik vind dat heel erg verstandig van vicevoorzitter Mogherini en ik zou deze resolutie ook willen zien als een ondersteuning van het beleid en een steun in de rug voor de democratische oppositie in Tanzania. U bent gezien. U bent niet alleen.

 
  
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  Marie-Christine Vergiat, auteur. – Monsieur le Président, depuis l’arrivée au pouvoir de John Magufuli en 2015, la situation se détériore en Tanzanie, et c’est particulièrement vrai depuis le début de l’année. Journalistes, blogueurs, opposants politiques, défenseurs des droits peuvent être arrêtés à tout moment, voire assassinés.

Le 22 février dernier, c’est M. Godfrey Luena, député du principal parti d’opposition, qui a été tué à la machette devant chez lui. Six chaînes de télévision, deux stations de radio ont été suspendues. En mars, une nouvelle loi sur les communications a soumis toute antenne de radio ou de télévision en ligne à une licence et une taxe de 900 euros, somme exorbitante pour le pays.

Tout contenu causant de la gêne ou conduisant à un désordre public peut désormais être supprimé via une nouvelle loi sur la cybercriminalité. L’homosexualité est passible de 30 ans de prison, voire de la perpétuité, et le commissaire régional de Dar es Salam a menacé de rafler toutes les personnes soupçonnées d’homosexualité pour les soumettre à des tests anaux et des thérapies de conversion. Les jeunes filles subissent violences sexuelles et mariages forcés et sont exclues de l’école si elles sont enceintes.

Cela n’empêche pas le tourisme de se développer, notamment dans la magnifique région du Serengeti. Cela pourrait être une aubaine si des contrôles des terres à des fins spéculatives n’aggravaient pas les tensions dans la région au détriment, tout particulièrement, des populations massaï. Il semble que Tingatinga, le «bulldozer», surnom du président, détruit désormais beaucoup plus qu’il ne construit.

 
  
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  Soraya Post, author. – Mr President, sadly enough, we have to remind the authorities and the Government of Tanzania that LGBTI rights and women’s rights are human rights. The Tanzanian Government has an obligation to protect the rights and dignity of all its citizens. I demand that Tanzania cancel its laws criminalising homosexuality and stop the arrest and violence against LGBTI people, and health and human rights activists. I demand that the Tanzanian Government immediately cancel the law banning pregnant girls from attending school, and also girls who have given birth have to be able to return to school. The right to education is a human right and needs to be respected all over the world.

 
  
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  Seán Kelly, author. – Mr President, I reiterate the call to Member States to encourage third countries, such as Tanzania, to protect LGBTI human rights defenders and to decriminalise homosexuality, as is happening in many countries around the world. The deteriorating state of human rights in Tanzania is blocking the country’s development, prosperity, peace and security, and indeed good relations with other countries, including the European Union.

I welcome the call to review restrictions placed on the press and to respect the right to life and dignity of all citizens. The exclusion of pregnant girls and adolescent mothers from schools is a matter of extreme concern and a very backward approach. These young women have a right to access quality education and it is crucial that Tanzania ends this ban immediately. I support Vice-President / High Representative Mogherini in her work in trying to bring sense to this chaotic situation.

 
  
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  Elena Valenciano, en nombre del Grupo S&D. – Señor presidente, esto más que un debate es una denuncia sobre el grave deterioro de los derechos humanos que está sucediendo en Tanzania. Un deterioro que es visible para todos aquellos que tenemos una cierta sensibilidad por la protección de los derechos humanos fundamentales.

Ante este deterioro acelerado, ante esta persecución, casi cacería, contra al colectivo LGBTI, lo que nos corresponde a nosotros es pedirle a los Estados miembros y a la Comisión que revisemos urgentemente nuestras relaciones con Tanzania; que le exijamos a Tanzania un cambio de su legislación represiva, de su legislación absolutamente degradante, también en su acción, contra los colectivos más vulnerables: gais, lesbianas, transexuales, también las mujeres, las niñas. Y, por lo tanto, estamos aquí para exigirle al Consejo que aborde las relaciones con Tanzania desde esta perspectiva. Respeto a los derechos humanos; respeto a las minorías; respeto a todas las opciones sexuales; y, si no, revisión urgente de nuestras relaciones con ese país.

 
  
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  Ignazio Corrao, a nome del gruppo EFDD. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la politica repressiva del presidente John Magufuli sta facendo passi da gigante verso il nazismo, ora che la caccia ai gay è ufficialmente aperta.

L'obiettivo del suo amico Paul Makonda, governatore di Dar es Salaam, è quello di ripulire la società dal male occidentale che offende i valori morali dei tanzaniani: il sesso e soprattutto la temibile omosessualità. La retorica incendiaria e sessuofobica del governo è quindi passata ai fatti, coadiuvata addirittura da una task force per identificare e arrestare i membri della comunità LGBTI.

Come se non bastasse, il presidente Magufuli ha anche vietato l'ingresso a scuola delle ragazze madri, una grave e definitiva estromissione dalla cultura, dalla formazione e probabilmente anche dal mondo del lavoro per queste povere ragazze, per quale oscura ragione, non ci è dato saperlo.

A preoccuparmi non sono tanto i deliri di un presidente bigotto e di un governatore che prende ordini da Dio, quanto l'incitamento all'odio e la retorica deviata che stanno avvelenando la popolazione. Alla luce di questo assurdo scenario ritengo necessario rivedere e possibilmente a sospendere le nostre relazioni con la Tanzania, almeno fin quando non porrà fine a questa indegna persecuzione.

 
  
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  David Martin (S&D). – Mr President, for me, this is a desperately sad situation, because for many decades Tanzania seemed slowly to be going in the right direction and many of us indeed welcomed President Magufuli’s election in 2015, when he promised to tackle corruption, improve governance and reform the economy. Sadly, his crackdown on corruption has been replaced by a crackdown on anyone critical of his rule. Journalists are detained and harassed, opposition politicians are threatened, attacked, and, as we’ve heard in this Chamber today, in one case even murdered. International organisations are not immune from this either. Our own ambassador has had to be forcefully recalled from the country.

Although the government has distanced itself from some of the more extreme comments that have been made about the LGBTI community, it is clear they are not doing anything like enough to protect that community and more must be done. I’m afraid, after years of advocating closer relationship between the EU and Tanzania, I have to agree with those who say we now have to rethink our relationship with that country.

 
  
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  Neena Gill (S&D). – Mr President, I rise to add my voice to the concerns of this House about the deteriorating human rights situation in Tanzania. Not only has the Government of President Magufuli been cracking down on the media – as we’ve heard – but, more alarmingly, it is also violating the rights of LGBTI people and preventing young girls who are pregnant from attending school. On top of this, we’ve had the Regional Commissioner Makonda threatening to arrest and chase all gay men out of Dar es Salaam. This is outrageous.

All of these violate our strictest values. Therefore, I welcome that our relationship with Tanzania is under review by the Commission and that we have recalled our Ambassador. My questions to the Commissioner are: are we considering withholding aid, like Denmark has done, and, following the briefings from our Ambassador there, what are the next steps? What are we going to do to address these concerns? Secondly, on a much broader issue, how can we ensure that the EU’s policy on human rights moves away from a reactive towards a more pre—emptive approach. Finally, given the trend of increasing online media censorship and a lack of international standards on this, what steps have we taken to actively shape international norms?

 
  
 

Zgłoszenia z sali

 
  
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  Jiří Pospíšil (PPE). – Pane předsedající, já se chci připojit ke kolegům, kteří zde jasně popsali situaci v Tanzanii. Vláda prezidenta Magufoliho je pro nás velké zklamání, čekali jsme po jeho zvolení, že provede opravdové reformy země, že bude bojovat proti korupci, a místo toho jsme svědky honu na příslušníky sexuálních menšin, na těhotné dívky, na opoziční předáky a tak dále. To znamená, že se situace vyvíjí velmi špatným směrem, a já mám dotaz na pana komisaře: Jak na to konkrétně bude Komise reagovat? Já si myslím, že je nutné, aby to, jak se vyvíjí situace v Tanzanii, mělo dopad na vztahy Evropské unie a Tanzanie a abychom neskončili pouze u proklamací, u politického a morálního odsouzení situace v Tanzanii, ale abychom tuto naši politickou pozici promítli do činů. To znamená, že by to mělo mít dopad na ekonomickou pomoc Tanzanii ze strany Evropské unie a, řekněme, na zpřísnění diplomatického a veřejného tlaku na tuto zemi.

 
  
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  Julie Ward (S&D). – Mr President, I am appalled by the situation in Tanzania, where civil society organisations and human rights defenders are being attacked on a daily basis. Last month, the authorities asked the public to report the name of any person suspected of being gay, pledging that a special team would ‘get their hands on them’. I am also very worried about the safety of hundreds of people who are facing serious threats because of their sexual orientation or gender identity or expression, real or perceived. Just yesterday, another LGBT community centre was attacked, and government incitement clearly plays a role in provoking violence, hatred and xenophobia.

Respecting and promoting all human rights are international obligations. Tanzania has a duty to respect these obligations and must not incite or perpetrate violence against any minorities.

I support the EU’s decision to recall its ambassador in Dar es Salaam to Brussels for consultations on this urgent situation and to review its relationship with Tanzania. At last week’s ACP-EU Joint Parliamentary Assembly in Benin, I was able to ask both the ACP and EU Councils what they are doing to stop these attacks. I have to tell you, the ACP response was sorely lacking.

 
  
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  Νότης Μαριάς (ECR). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η κατάσταση στην Τανζανία είναι εκτός ελέγχου. Παρατηρούμε ότι ο πρόεδρος Μαγκουφούλι διώκει πλέον την αντιπολίτευση, τις ομάδες της κοινωνίας των πολιτών, τα κόμματα με τα οποία δεν συμφωνεί. Έχει θέσει εκτός λειτουργίας ραδιοφωνικούς σταθμούς και εφημερίδες. Από κει και πέρα αυτό που κάνει είναι να ασκεί και μια πολιτική η οποία επί της ουσίας ενθαρρύνει τη σεξουαλική βία. Έχουμε αποκλεισμό των εγκύων γυναικών και κοριτσιών από τα σχολεία, γεγονός απαράδεκτο. Παρατηρούμε επίσης ότι στην περιοχή της γης των Μασάι γίνεται πλέον αρπαγή των γαιών. Γαίες οι οποίες είναι αρόσιμες αρπάζονται για κερδοσκοπικούς σκοπούς. Είναι προφανές ότι η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση θα πρέπει να λάβει πολύ συγκεκριμένα μέτρα κατά της κυβέρνησης της Τανζανίας.

 
  
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  Fabio Massimo Castaldo (EFDD). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, a Dar es Salaam l'omosessualità non è un diritto umano. È con queste vergognose parole che il 31 ottobre scorso Paul Makonda, governatore della regione, ha dato inizio a una vera e propria caccia alle streghe contro gli omosessuali, stigmatizzati come colpevoli di un peccato carnale contro l'ordine della natura.

Siamo di fronte all'ennesima manifestazione di un'omofobia gravemente diffusa e per troppo tempo tollerata in Tanzania, un paese dove ancora oggi esistono leggi che puniscono con trent'anni di prigione il reato di omosessualità.

Ma la comunità LGBTI non è la sola a essere presa di mira. Dalle elezioni di Magufuli, nel 2015, ci è stato un terribile deterioramento generale dei diritti umani, fino all'imposizione di un assurdo divieto per le ragazze madri di tornare a scuola dopo il parto. Queste giovani, molte delle quali vittime di violenza, diventano così i nuovi nemici di uno Stato che le obbliga a scegliere tra la loro istruzione e il loro bambino.

Chiedo a gran voce alle autorità tanzaniane di ritirare immediatamente questo divieto insensato, così come le altre leggi contro la comunità LGBTI.

All'Unione europea invece chiedo, come annunciato dall'Alto rappresentante, di rivedere finalmente e al più presto le proprie politiche verso la Tanzania. Facciamo valere queste clausole dei diritti umani dentro Cotonou, dentro gli accordi che abbiamo firmato, altrimenti sono solo carta straccia.

 
  
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  Dobromir Sośnierz (NI). – Panie Przewodniczący! Ja konsekwentnie sprzeciwiam się pisaniu tego rodzaju rezolucji przez Parlament. Parlament jest ciałem ustawodawczym dla Europejczyków i powinien uchwalać prawo, rozwiązywać ich problemy, a nie zajmować się recenzowaniem sytuacji na całym świecie. Piszemy takie rezolucje tymczasem po trzy na każdą sesję. To daje około trzydziestu sześciu w roku, czyli sto osiemdziesiąt w czasie kadencji. Oznacza to statystycznie, że praktycznie każde państwo świata dostało od nas w ciągu jednej kadencji przynajmniej jedną adresowaną rezolucję. Jaki jest tego efekt? Żaden. To niczemu nie służy. To są tylko felietony, które Parlament wypuszcza na cały świat. Nikt tego poza Parlamentem prawdopodobnie nie przeczyta. Jest to więc marnowanie czasu, które budzi tylko zdumienie wyborców. Czym my się tutaj zajmujemy? Sytuacją w Tanzanii? Sytuacją w Burundi? Ludzie w Europie często nie wiedzą, gdzie leżą kraje, którymi my się zajmujemy. Nasza znajomość tematu też jest nikła. Znamy sytuację tylko z doniesień prasowych i to takich, które uznajemy sami za wiarygodne. Niewielu z nas tam było. Większość posłów nie wie, nad czym głosuje. Nadmierną uwagę przy omawianiu tych problemów poświęca się problematyce osób LGBT i kobiet, co też budzi zdumienie Europejczyków.

(Mówca zgodził się odpowiedzieć na pytanie zadane przez podniesienie niebieskiej kartki (art. 162 ust. 8 Regulaminu))

 
  
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  Seán Kelly (PPE), blue-card question. – How can the honourable deputy say we are wasting our time and that people don’t know what the European Union is when, as I pointed out in the debate on Egypt, we had a resolution here on Ibrahim Halawa and subsequent to that resolution, with pressure from the Commission and the Irish Government, the Egyptians agreed to release him?

 
  
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  Dobromir Sośnierz (NI), odpowiedź na pytanie zadane przez podniesienie niebieskiej kartki. – Przepraszam, ale jest to bardzo naiwna wizja polityki. Polityki międzynarodowej nie uprawia się przy pomocy pisania rezolucji. To jest taka papierowa polityka, która nic nie daje. Czy ktoś to przeczyta? Czy myśli Pan, że w Tanzanii ludzie, którzy decydują o jej polityce, robią tak, dlatego że nie wiedzą, że Unia Europejska się temu sprzeciwia? No na pewno wiedzą już. I jak Pan im to teraz napisze, to nic się nie zmieni z tego powodu. Jest to po prostu bezużyteczny sposób prowadzenia polityki.

Jeśli chcemy wywrzeć nacisk, to oczywiście są różne środki tego ścisku, ale najczęściej im mniej się o tym mówi, tym lepiej, bo trzeba działać z zaskoczenia i trzeba umieć wywrzeć presję w sposób taki, żeby była ona skuteczna i dotkliwa dla strony, którą chcemy naciskać. Więc uważam, że tego rodzaju polityka jest po prostu bezużyteczna. Jakie są efekty poza tym? Spójrzmy na efekty dotychczasowe, są one żadne.

(Mówca zgodził się odpowiedzieć na pytanie zadane przez podniesienie niebieskiej kartki (art. 162 ust. 8 Regulaminu))

 
  
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  Teresa Jiménez-Becerril Barrio (PPE), pregunta de «tarjeta azul». – Señor Sośnierz, le quería preguntar: ¿tiene usted hijas? ¿tiene usted hermanas? ¿tiene usted madre? Usted dice que qué le importa lo que les pasa allí a las mujeres. A mí me importa y a la mayoría de los que estamos aquí nos importa. Y lo que usted dice de que no cambia nada no es cierto. Yo le garantizo que tengo muchos amigos venezolanos, amigos exiliados, personas que están amenazadas, personas que están en la cárcel y nos dicen: «por favor, no os calléis, no os calléis». Porque cualquier causa tiene que ser defendida con un altavoz y nosotros aquí somos el altavoz de las personas que no tienen voz. Nosotros les estamos prestando nuestra voz, porque los ciudadanos nos han elegido para que hablemos en su nombre, en nombre de los derechos humanos.

 
  
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  Dobromir Sośnierz (NI), odpowiedź na pytanie zadane przez podniesienie niebieskiej kartki. – Panie Przewodniczący! Przede wszystkim to są argumenty ad personam, które Pani teraz stosuje, znaczy zaczepianie kogoś, czy ma dzieci czy nie ma dzieci – tak mam dzieci, ale nie będę o takich rzeczach tutaj rozmawiał, bo to są sprawy prywatne, więc proszę mnie o to nie pytać. Jest na świecie wiele problemów i za każdym razem można powiedzieć, że nagłośnienie czegoś może się przyczynić do jego rozwiązania, ale zazwyczaj się nie przyczynia, zwłaszcza jeśli Parlament Europejski, w przypadku naszych rezolucji nastąpiła taka inflacja ich znaczenia. Jeśli stosuje się je jako wyjątkowe narzędzie w przypadku jakiegoś wyjątkowego problemu, to ono może mieć znaczenie. Natomiast jeśli wydajemy je po trzy na sesję, to już nikt za tym nie nadążą, nikt tego nie czyta, nikt się tym nie przejmuje.

 
  
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  Stanislav Polčák (PPE). – Pane předsedající, já, když poslouchám pana kolegu Sośnierze, tak bych nikdy neřekl, že mi bude chybět pan Korwin-Mikke. To je pro mě opravdu velmi smutné zjištění.

Ale věnujme se Tanzanii, protože problémy lidí, kteří skutečně trpí, jsou pro nás podstatné v této debatě. Já bych chtěl podpořit své kolegy, kteří popsali tu situaci v Tanzanii. Je naprosto nepřípustné, jakým způsobem se vláda, ke které my jsme vzhlíželi s určitou nadějí, která měla být vládou, tak se mění přímo před očima v režim, který utlačuje lidská práva, útočí na lidi, potlačuje opozici, novináře, LGBT komunitu, dochází tam ke konfiskacím majetku. To jsou skutečně skutečnosti, které zde musíme zmínit. Není to zbytečné, pane Sośnierzi, je to zcela jednoznačně důležité vyslat tento vzkaz. My máme i prostředky, jak můžeme zakročit. Řekl vám to i pan kolega Kelly. Myslím si, že je teď úlohou Komise zakročit vůči vládě v Tanzanii a říci jasně, že toto nemůže mít naši podporu a potom tam také naše podpora nemůže směřovat.

 
  
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  Paul Rübig (PPE). – Herr Präsident! Ich möchte mich auch beim Kommissar entschuldigen, dass ich nicht vom Anfang der Debatte an hier war, aber es laufen jetzt gleichzeitig sechs andere Veranstaltungen im Haus. Wir haben zur gleichen Zeit Abstimmungen im Haushaltsausschuss, wir haben Abstimmungen im Haushaltskontrollausschuss, wir haben ein trade preparatory meeting, wir haben die EWR-Gruppe hier, wir haben eine STOA-Sitzung, und es ist gleichzeitig das Plenum. Es ist unmöglich, bei allen Gelegenheiten dementsprechend anwesend zu sein.

Ich glaube, dass wir hier im Parlament auch lernen sollten – und das beziehe ich auch auf Tansania –, dass wir das capacity building, also die Möglichkeiten, die Strukturen zu verbessern, auch im eigenen Haus in Zukunft mehr nützen sollten, weil natürlich diese Debatten für viele unserer Kolleginnen und Kollegen sehr interessant wären, gerade in diesem Bereich zu lernen, wie man in der Entwicklungspolitik und mit verschiedenen anderen Maßnahmen die globale Zusammenarbeit besser erledigen könnte.

Wir hätten jetzt auch noch Zeit, schon mit den Abstimmungen zu beginnen. Ich möchte den Präsidenten auch bitten, dass wir heute wirklich darauf drängen, dass um 13 Uhr die Abstimmungen beendet sind, weil es natürlich auch darum geht, dass wir zu Hause bei unseren Bürgerinnen und Bürgern Vorträge halten können. Das geschieht heute Abend. Viele müssen nach Hause, um ganz einfach auch das kommunizieren zu können, was wir hier im Parlament für sie erarbeiten.

 
  
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  Przewodniczący. – Jeżeli można tak bardzo krótko. Panie pośle Rübig! Pan o tym mówił we wtorek. Ja to przekazałem, tak że będziemy pracować nad tym, żeby w następne czwartki było wcześniej.

Po drugie – posiedzenia komisji. Również Prezydium Parlamentu wystąpiło z wnioskiem, zarówno do Konferencji Przewodniczących grup politycznych, jak i do Konferencji Przewodniczących Komisji, o unikanie posiedzeń komisji, zwłaszcza związanych z głosowaniem, w trakcie sesji plenarnej w Strasburgu. Tak że ten kierunek jest już realizowany.

(Koniec zgłoszeń z sali)

 
  
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  Neven Mimica, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, for many decades the European Union and its Member States have enjoyed close and fruitful relations with the United Republic of Tanzania and have been its main development partner and one of its top trade and investment partners. This partnership has been rooted in shared fundamental values such as democracy, human rights and the rule of law and in a common involvement in peace promotion, effective multilateralism and regional integration.

However, over the past years, we have noticed the shrinking of public space in Tanzania through the threats, harassment, persecution and tightening of restrictions on the activities of civil society organisations – the LGBTI community, the media and many political parties. Respect for human rights and the rule of law has been repeatedly undermined.

The European Union expressed its concerns publicly in September through a statement during the 39th session of the United Nations Human Rights Council in Geneva and reiterated them in a declaration of the High Representative, Federica Mogherini, on behalf of the European Union, published on 15 November.

This situation, combined with other elements, has led to growing pressure from the Tanzanian authorities for the forced departure of the EU ambassador in Tanzania and ultimately led to the EU’s decision to recall him to headquarters for consultations. The EU deeply regrets this unprecedented attitude, which is not in line with our long-established dialogue with Tanzania.

At this stage, together with Member States, the European Union has furthermore decided to conduct a comprehensive review of our policies and the relations towards Tanzania. The review will also include issues related to human rights and the rule of law, as well as our development cooperation. As underlined in the statement of 15 November, it is important to send a strong message to Tanzania while maintaining engagement with actors from all spheres of political, economic, social and cultural life, including civil society. The structured political dialogue with the Tanzanian government will resume once the review of the relationship has been completed, with a view to resetting our bonds on a more trustful and forward-looking basis.

Let me set this in the broader context of EU relations with Africa. In Abidjan in November 2017, we agreed to an agenda based on shared interests and shared values. The European Union will always look at our relations with each African partner in a comprehensive way, including our common long-term interests.

Therefore, European Union remains committed to a sound relationship with a stable, democratic and inclusive Tanzania, fully involved in the regional integration process.

 
  
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  Przewodniczący. – Zamykam debatę.

Głosowanie odbędzie się po zakończeniu debat.

Oświadczenia pisemne (art. 162)

 
  
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  Rolandas Paksas (EFDD), raštu. – Nei vienoje pasaulio šalyje negali būti pateisinamas joks smurtas ar nežmogiškas elgesys. Manau, kad Tanzanija privalo bendradarbiauti su kitomis pasaulio valstybėmis, semtis patirties taikos užtikrinimo kontekste. Reikia sudaryti piliečiams palankias sąlygas gyventi, mokytis, dirbti, visapusiškai vystytis. Padėties stabilizavimo procesas turėtų apimti tvarios teisinės bazės kūrimą ir efektyvų jos įgyvendinimo užtikrinimą. Būtina imtis veiksmų, kuriais žmonėms būtų parodyta ir įrodyta, jog šalyje gali vyrauti tvarka ir stabilumas. Reiktų kurti nepriklausomų teismų sistemą, užtikrinti stiprią vaikų ir moterų apsaugą, įskaitant smurto prevenciją, sudaryti palankią terpę žinių ir informacijos sklaidai, suteikti prieigą prie būtinų sveikatos paslaugų ir priemonių. Šalis neturėtų būti politiškai izoliuota nuo kitų valstybių. Būtina stiprinti bendradarbiavimą įvairiose politikos srityse, pasirašyti esminius tarptautinius susitarimus, įtvirtinančius, pavyzdžiui, žmogaus teisių apsaugą. Taip pat būtinos kovos su nusikalstamumu priemonės bei būdai, efektyvi ir nešališka policijos veikla. Tanzanija privalo imtis neatidėliotinų politinių veiksmų, kad būtų atstatytas žmonių pasitikėjimas viešąja valdžia.

 
  
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   ***

Paul Rübig (PPE). – Herr Präsident! Diese Woche wurde im Präsidium beschlossen, bei den Pensionen für die Abgeordneten das Alter 65 Jahre einzuführen, dass es in Zukunft keine Indexerhöhungen mehr gibt und eine neue Abgabe von 5 % auf die Pensionen der Abgeordneten eingeführt wird. Ich möchte nur mitteilen und hier zu Protokoll geben, dass ich als Berichterstatter im Haushaltsausschuss für den Haushalt des Europäischen Parlaments völlig gegen diesen Beschluss bin. Wir werden Beschwerde beim EuGH erheben, weil diese Regelung nicht rechtskonform ist und wir dieser Regelung widersprechen. Ich danke und bitte, das zu Protokoll zu nehmen.

 
  
  

VORSITZ: RAINER WIELAND
Vizepräsident

 

8. Ripresa della seduta
Video degli interventi
 

(Die Sitzung wird um 12.00 Uhr wieder aufgenommen.)

 
  
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  Philippe Lamberts (Verts/ALE). – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, nous avons tous reçu un paquet, il y a quelques semaines, d’une firme américaine qui s’appelle, si je me rappelle bien, Facebook.

Outre que ce paquet de papier et de plastique constitue une forme de gaspillage d’énergie et de ressources, je constate que la firme américaine nous envoie en fait du matériel publicitaire pour nous engager à utiliser toujours plus ses services dans le cadre de la campagne électorale à venir, mais la même compagnie américaine continue à se soustraire à ses propres engagements qu’elle a pris lors de la visite de M. Zuckerberg au Parlement. J’insiste pour que la présidence du Parlement rappelle à Facebook ses engagements et ses obligations.

 
  
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  Der Präsident. – Vielen Dank, Herr Kollege Lamberts! Ich denke, dass jeder seine eigenen Schlüsse daraus zieht. Man kann solche Pakete auch zurückschicken.

 
  
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  Jean-Marie Cavada (ALDE). – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, je serai très bref et extrêmement court.

Non seulement il faut appuyer ce que vient de dire M. Lamberts, mais je veux vous signaler qu’en dépit de tous les usages, dans un trilogue interinstitutionnel où aucun lobby n’a rien à faire, il y a trois semaines, après le vote en plénière du texte sur le droit d’auteur, il y a trois semaines seulement, YouTube, Google et quelques autres étaient dans cette salle du Parlement européen, dans le restaurant du Parlement européen, à la demande du rapporteur d’ailleurs, ce qui n’est pas glorieux, ni pour son groupe ni pour lui-même, pour essayer de nous faire infléchir nos positions.

Monsieur le Président, voulez-vous faire acter dans le procès-verbal que nous demandons qu’à partir du vote d’une plénière les lobbies soient totalement, de près ou de loin, interdits dans les phases interinstitutionnelles?

 

9. Turno di votazioni
Video degli interventi
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  Der Präsident. – Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Abstimmung.

(Abstimmungsergebnisse und sonstige Einzelheiten der Abstimmung: siehe Protokoll.)

 

9.1. Decisione di avviare negoziati interistituzionali: Copertura minima delle perdite sulle esposizioni deteriorate- Esther de Lange, Roberto Gualtieri) (votazione)
 

Vor der Abstimmung:

 
  
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  Sven Giegold (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, we have carefully assessed the draft negotiation position of the Parliament and listened to the statement of the ECON chair before, however we are convinced that the draft negotiation position of the Parliament is not good enough. It is not enough to get the risks in the balance sheets of European banks under control, and it is not enough to prevent indebted consumers and small enterprises from being abused by unregulated credit purchases. The stock of non-performing loans is bigger today than it was before the last financial crisis. Nevertheless, the new rules for the provisioning of bad loans will only apply to newly issued loans, and only for this partial solution the European Parliament’s position is weaker than of the Council and weaker than of the European Commission. But tough minimum requirements for credit provisioning for non-performing loans are necessary so that taxpayers do not have to rescue struggling banks again in the next economic downturn.

Lastly, those who now demand weaker rules on these loans are risking that the banking union cannot be completed. Even worse, there are no binding rules so far for the credit purchases, and this means that BlackRock, Blackstone and many other credit purchases can continue driving people who are indebted from their homes, and this is why we think this negotiation position is not good enough and we ask colleagues to send the committee back to the drawing desk in order to have strong rules on consumer protection and strong rules on our banks.

(Applause)

 
  
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  Roberto Gualtieri, Rapporteur. – Mr President, actually what colleague Giegold is saying is not true. This is a balanced compromise – basically identical to the position unanimously voted by the Council, being welcomed by the Commission – and this ensures actually a very prudent calendar provisioning for NPLs, while avoiding the risk that too rigid provisions and the one that you are asking for would negatively affect consumer SMEs. Honestly, I find your arguments totally contradictory. You make propaganda about the consumers, but what you would like to do, is exactly what would bring people with the mortgages, SMEs, into the hands of hedge funds – American hedge funds. So, it’s totally contradictory, what you are saying.

(Applause)

And second, the reason the reason why the Greens are making this objection is basically political, because we reached a balanced compromise with the EPP and you didn’t like that and I’m proud to do that because I have many different views with the EPP, but I’m proud that in this House we are able also to find common ground and to find together good legislation. This makes Europe stronger, not weaker, and that’s why I think we have to endorse this compromise.

(Applause)

 

9.2. Composizione rapida delle dispute commerciali (A8-0396/2018 - Tadeusz Zwiefka) (votazione)

9.3. Istituzione del programma spaziale dell'Unione e dell'Agenzia dell'Unione europea per il programma spaziale (A8-0405/2018 - Massimiliano Salini) (votazione)
 

– Nach der Abstimmung:

 
  
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  Massimiliano Salini, relatore. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, vorrei semplicemente chiedere il rinvio alla commissione ITRE per i negoziati interistituzionali, ai sensi dell'articolo 59.

 
  
 

(Das Parlament stimmt dem Antrag auf Rücküberweisung in den Ausschuss zu.)

 

9.4. Istituzione del programma Europa digitale per il periodo 2021-2027 (A8-0408/2018 - Angelika Mlinar) (votazione)
 

– Nach der Abstimmung:

 
  
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  Angelika Mlinar, Rapporteur. – Mr President, I would like to thank my colleagues for this broad support. And in accordance with Rule 59, as rapporteur, I would like to propose that the matter be referred back to the Committee on Industry, Research and Energy for interinstitutional negotiations.

 
  
 

(Das Parlament stimmt dem Antrag auf Rücküberweisung in den Ausschuss zu.)

 

9.5. Accordo USA-UE sulla cooperazione in materia di regolamentazione della sicurezza dell'aviazione civile (A8-0432/2018 - Theresa Griffin) (votazione)

9.6. Sistema comune d'imposta sui servizi digitali applicabile ai ricavi derivanti dalla fornitura di taluni servizi digitali (A8-0428/2018 - Paul Tang) (votazione)

9.7. Tassazione delle società che hanno una presenza digitale significativa (A8-0426/2018 - Dariusz Rosati) (votazione)

9.8. Iran, in particolare il caso di Nasrin Sotoudeh (RC-B8-0562/2018, B8-0562/2018, B8-0563/2018, B8-0564/2018, B8-0565/2018, B8-0566/2018, B8-0567/2018)

9.9. Egitto, in particolare la situazione dei difensori dei diritti umani (RC-B8-0568/2018, B8-0568/2018, B8-0569/2018, B8-0576/2018, B8-0578/2018, B8-0579/2018, B8-0580/2018, B8-0581/2018)

9.10. Tanzania (RC-B8-0570/2018, B8-0570/2018, B8-0571/2018, B8-0572/2018, B8-0573/2018, B8-0574/2018, B8-0575/2018)

9.11. Blockchain: una politica commerciale lungimirante (A8-0407/2018 - Emma McClarkin) (votazione)

9.12. Adeguatezza della protezione dei dati personali offerta dal Giappone (B8-0561/2018) (votazione)

9.13. Conflitto di interessi e protezione del bilancio dell'UE in Repubblica ceca (RC-B8-0582/2018, B8-0582/2018, B8-0583/2018, B8-0584/2018, B8-0585/2018) (votazione)

9.14. Attività del Mediatore europeo nel 2017 (A8-0411/2018 - Eleonora Evi) (votazione)

9.15. Deliberazioni della commissione per le petizioni nel 2017 (A8-0404/2018 - Cecilia Wikström) (votazione)
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  Der Präsident. – Liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Gestatten Sie mir vor der letzten Abstimmung dieses Jahres, den Diensten zu danken, den Mitarbeiten, den Saaldienern, allen Ihren Mitarbeitern und allen Mitarbeitern des Hauses.

(Beifall)

Wenn es im nächsten Jahr hoch hergeht, erinneren Sie sich bitte an die Vorgänge dieser Woche, auch an Oleh Senzow.

Auch im Wahlkampf gilt: Man verdient sich selber nur den Respekt, den man anderen zollt.

(Beifall)

Damit ist die Abstimmungsstunde geschlossen.

 

10. Dichiarazioni di voto
Video degli interventi
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  Der Präsident. – Zu den nun folgenden Stimmerklärungen darf ich Ihnen zunächst geschäftsleitend mitteilen, dass wir mit den Erklärungen zur Abstimmung beginnen, die gestern nach der Abstimmungssitzung von 12.00 bis 14.30 Uhr wegen der Länge der Abstimmungen nicht behandelt werden konnten. Danach folgen die Erklärungen zur Abstimmung zu den Punkten, über die gestern in der Abstimmungssitzung von 17.00 bis 18.00 Uhr abgestimmt wurde. Anschließend werden wir mit den Erklärungen zur Abstimmung zu den Punkten, über die heute abgestimmt wurde, fortfahren.

Ich muss Sie davon in Kenntnis setzen, dass wir viele Anträge zur Abgabe einer mündlichen Erklärung zur Abstimmung erhalten haben. Wir können die Sitzung nur bis spätestens 14.45 Uhr fortsetzen, damit die Dienststellen die Vorbereitungen für die Wiederaufnahme der Sitzung um 15.00 Uhr treffen können. Die restlichen Erklärungen zur Abstimmung können schriftlich eingereicht werden.

(Abstimmungsstunde vom Mittwoch, 12. Dezember 2018)

 

10.1. Nuovo bilancio generale dell'Unione europea per l'esercizio 2019 (A8-0454/2018 - Daniele Viotti, Paul Rübig)
Video degli interventi
 

Mündliche Erklärungen zur Abstimmung

 
  
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  Andrejs Mamikins (S&D). – Mr President, the negotiations of the budget for 2019 has been particularly challenging this year, and therefore I thank Mr Viotti for his hard work. I also contributed to the EP draft budget, paying special attention to the budget of EU agencies in the area of freedom, security and justice. Unfortunately, when the mandate of an agency is expanded, it does not necessarily result in the increase of its budget. Do we really expect our agencies and justice and home affairs to deliver more results with fewer resources? It seems that the Council really believes so, which I – as an MEP – deem unacceptable.

However, I would like to make a positive comment on the increase of EUR 943 million obtained in the negotiations. They correspond to Parliament’s main political priorities – namely, in support of researchers, young people, SMEs, tackling the root causes of migration, climate change and increasing the security of EU citizens. That is why I voted in favour.

 
  
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  Daniel Hannan (ECR). – Mr President, first of all, may I thank you for the brisk and efficient way in which, as usual, you’ve conducted the vote, and may I take this opportunity to wish you and all of the staff and interpreters a very happy Christmas.

One of the outcomes of the recent protests in France is that the French budget is now plainly going to spiral beyond the limits allowed in European treaties. We’re always told that this is a law—based organisation that has to follow its rules. I just want to leave Members as they head back to their constituencies with one question: when a eurosceptic government in Italy looked as though it might breach the deficit rules, it was universally condemned and an alternative budget was cooked up in Brussels. Will that same standard be applied when Emmanuel Macron does the same thing?

 

10.2. Accordo di partenariato economico UE-Giappone (A8-0366/2018 - Pedro Silva Pereira)
Video degli interventi
 

Mündliche Erklärungen zur Abstimmung

 
  
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  Younous Omarjee (GUE/NGL). – Monsieur le Président, après le TAFTA, après le CETA, le JEFTA s’ajoute à la longue liste des accords de libre-échange perdants pour les travailleurs, perdants pour notre santé et perdants pour la planète.

Vous faites de grands discours sur la lutte contre le changement climatique, mais cela ne vous gêne nullement de voter l’accord le plus climaticide de tous les temps. Vous faites de grands discours sur la biodiversité, mais cela ne vous gêne pas de livrer les baleines au massacre. Vous faites de grands discours sur l’Europe sociale, mais cet accord nivellera par le bas les droits des travailleurs. Et vous faites de grands discours, toujours, sur la démocratie, mais vous avez accepté que les parlements nationaux n’aient pas leur mot à dire.

C’est pourquoi j’ai voté contre cet accord qui fait le choix des multinationales plutôt que celui des citoyens.

 
  
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  Marina Albiol Guzmán (GUE/NGL). – Señor presidente, en esta sesión plenaria del Parlamento Europeo se ha votado el acuerdo de libre comercio entre la Unión Europea y Japón. Pero me atrevería a decir que el 99 % de los ciudadanos y ciudadanas de Europa no tienen ni idea. Y no tienen ni idea porque la Comisión Europea así lo ha querido. Quieren negociar con nuestros derechos y el planeta sin que nadie se entere para que nadie lo cuestione.

Pero este acuerdo es muy parecido al TTIP que se estaba negociando con los Estados Unidos, o al que se firmó con Canadá: todos ellos, acuerdos donde las multinacionales tienen más poder que los Estados a través de los tribunales de arbitraje, donde se blindan los servicios públicos que han sido privatizados o donde nuestras normas medioambientales de nada sirven cuando Japón es uno de los principales mercados de madera procedente de la tala ilegal o de pesca de especies protegidas.

La Comisión Europea insiste en un modelo que perjudica a los pequeños productores, a las trabajadoras y a las pymes, pero que da buenos beneficios a las grandes corporaciones. Y lo hace con el apoyo del Partido Popular Europeo, de los liberales y de los socialdemócratas, también del PSOE. Desde la izquierda europea hemos votado en contra.

 
  
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  Xabier Benito Ziluaga (GUE/NGL). – Señor presidente, la aprobación del JEFTA va a tener consecuencias tremendas para la ciudadanía. Es el tratado más ambicioso negociado por la Unión Europea, pero, sin embargo, no podrá ni debatirse ni enmendarse en los Parlamentos nacionales.

Esta cuestión es especialmente escandalosa porque el proceso ha sido realmente opaco y la Comisión Europea, en un arrebato de su supuesta transparencia, solo ha consultado a los lobbies de las grandes empresas y a los lobbies corporativos. Es así como consiguen imponer, como ya ocurrió con el CETA, el enfoque de la lista negativa para los servicios, limitando severamente los poderes de los gobiernos para gestionar los servicios públicos como la sanidad, la educación y el transporte, o para fomentar su remunicipalización.

El JEFTA otorgará privilegios sin precedentes a las transnacionales, incluyendo un mecanismo que les permite influir en los gobiernos de manera legislativa. Esto es una intolerable reducción de la democracia nuevamente, de los derechos laborales y de la capacidad de luchar contra la especulación financiera, por ejemplo. Por eso hemos votado no al JEFTA.

 
  
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  Daniel Hannan (ECR). – Mr President, I am, of course, in favour of an EU-Japan free trade agreement. I’m in favour of free trade, always and everywhere, and the deeper and more comprehensive, the better for all sides.

I just invite you to ponder the difference between these two archipelagos, these two island monarchies at either end of the Eurasian landmass and the different way in which they’re being treated as trade partners by the European Union. I don’t think anyone suggested, as part of the EU-Japan talks, that part of the Japanese archipelago – let’s say Honshu Island or something – should have to remain under EU regulations. Nor has anyone suggested that a trade deal would be tied to freedom of movement and nor, unless I wasn’t listening very carefully, did anyone say that Japan would have to remain in a customs union with the EU following the conclusion of such a trade deal. And it’s this sense – that the European Union is treating the UK, not in the sense of looking for a mutually advantageous outcome, but with a degree of vindictiveness as a special case –that I’m afraid makes a treaty now almost impossible to foresee.

 
  
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  Reinhard Bütikofer (Verts/ALE). – Herr Präsident! Das EU-Japan-Freihandelsabkommen ist nicht perfekt. Die Änderungsanträge, die meine Fraktion vorgelegt hat, haben markiert, wo wir es gerne verbessert hätten. Aber aus meiner Sicht ist die Tatsache, dass wir damit nicht durchgekommen sind, keine ausreichende Basis für eine Ablehnung. Die positiven Regelungen, die ich an dem Abkommen gut finde, kann ich aus Zeitgründen nicht nennen.

Außerdem gibt es aber nicht nur ökonomische und handelspolitische Gründe, die man erwägen sollte, sondern ich glaube, dass es gerade geostrategische Gründe für die Verteidigung des Multilateralismus gibt in einer Zeit, in der er von zwei Supermächten her unter Druck kommt, die für dieses Abkommen sprechen.

Deshalb habe ich eine Ja-Stimme erwogen. Am Ende habe ich mich aus Loyalität gegenüber meiner Fraktion, die mehrheitlich mit Nein gestimmt hat, enthalten.

 

10.3. Accordo di partenariato economico UE-Giappone (risoluzione) (A8-0367/2018 - Pedro Silva Pereira)
Video degli interventi
 

Mündliche Erklärungen zur Abstimmung

 
  
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  Lucy Anderson (S&D). – Mr President, in general and in solidarity with Japan and the people of Japan, I welcome this agreement. It is also a step towards a better and fairer EU trade policy that prioritises our regulatory standards on the environment and other key issues of importance to citizens. However, I do still have concerns, which is why in the end I abstained on the final vote on the resolution and on the agreement. Firstly, there are no proper arrangements in the agreement for monitoring of its impact on rail safety or in relation to the practical application and implementation of the opening—up of rail procurement processes in the EU and Japan. In addition, I would have preferred that this agreement were to definitively rule out, in advance, any investor protection through investor—state dispute settlement or an international investment court as being anti—democratic and inappropriate. Similarly, the agreement should have included more specific provisions providing protection for the right of nation—states to regulate, and guarding against the commercialisation of water and other public services.

 

10.4. Accordo di partenariato strategico UE-Giappone (A8-0383/2018 - Alojz Peterle)
Video degli interventi
 

Mündliche Erklärungen zur Abstimmung

 
  
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  Jiří Pospíšil (PPE). – Pane předsedající, já poděkuji panu zpravodaji Peterlemu za tuto zprávu, protože si myslím, že je mimořádně důležitá, a jsem ráda, že nakonec byl schválen ten text v ambiciózní podobě, jak se o ní původně uvažovalo, protože s Japonskem je nutné mít nejen ekonomické vztahy, mít Japonsko nejen jako ekonomického partnera, ale je to klíčová země v oblasti Asie. Je to velká demokracie, silná ekonomika a v současném světě, kdy bojujeme s výzvami 21. století, s terorismem, s globálními problémy, je třeba, aby globální a silné ekonomiky a demokracie spolu více spolupracovaly, a to nejen v oblasti ekonomické. Proto jsem velmi rád, že tento dokument byl schválen a já doufám, že povede k dalšímu prohlubování vazeb mezi státy Evropské unie a Japonskem a jak zdůrazňuji, nejen právě v té ekonomické oblasti.

 

10.5. Istituzione di Orizzonte Europa - definizione delle norme di partecipazione e diffusione (A8-0401/2018 - Dan Nica)
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Mündliche Erklärungen zur Abstimmung

 
  
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  Rosa D'Amato, a nome del gruppo EFDD. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, molto spesso i settori della ricerca e dell'innovazione sono quelli su cui si abbatte la scure di politiche miopi.

Noi invece li consideriamo di primaria importanza per il futuro dei cittadini, per il fiorire dei centri del sapere e per la solidità delle nostre imprese, affinché siano capaci di affrontare le sfide più rilevanti. Per questo abbiamo indicato come necessari ben 120 miliardi per il programma Horizon Europe, che va proprio a sostegno della ricerca e dell'innovazione.

Mi preme sottolineare che, oltre alla necessità di un maggiore raccordo con tutti i soggetti interessati, abbiamo voluto con forza che fosse mantenuto uno strumento destinato alla ricerca incrementale per le piccole e medie imprese con un budget specifico, ovviamente a fianco ad altre opportunità per la ricerca dirompente.

Dal punto di vista dell'inquinamento e delle risorse, abbiamo lottato per ottenere un vincolo di utilizzo dell'intero budget per il contrasto al cambiamento climatico, per incrementare l'efficienza energetica e per agevolare iniziative locali di autoproduzione e consumo.

Il testo poteva essere ulteriormente migliorato ma non dobbiamo dimenticare che è frutto di un confronto serrato anche con chi, talvolta, ha puntato più a soddisfare gli appetiti delle grandi lobby che a rispondere ai bisogni oggettivi della società. Abbiamo però ottenuto una posizione di compromesso che risponde sia alle esigenze dei portatori d'interesse che alle necessità delle persone.

Infine, anche se dovremo sicuramente vigilare in futuro perché il cosiddetto principio di innovazione non si ritorca contro le nostre micro, piccole e medie imprese e i cittadini, il nostro voto è favorevole. È favorevole perché non bisogna dimenticare che il cambiamento passa anche attraverso il sostegno a settori tanto importanti, quali sono la ricerca e l'innovazione.

 
  
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  Andrejs Mamikins (S&D). – Mr President, scientific research helped us to satisfy citizens’ priorities, both productivity and competitiveness. For centuries, ‘made in Europe’ has been a symbol of quality and knowhow. I even dare to say that the excellence in science, technology and the arts became a component of the EU’s normative power.

I support the proposal for a regulation on Horizon Europe and the report drafted by colleague, Dan Nica. This proposal serves the consolidation of the European Research Area and is going to deliver new jobs in science and research.

As a socialist and democrat, I defend the principle of open science and I believe that the diffusion of innovation makes the EU a unique scientific hub. However, we need to guarantee that our scientists choose to stay in Europe, because countries such as the United States, Canada and Australia appear attractive to researchers from Europe due to their larger innovation intensity and better social conditions. That is why we have to defend our social conditions in Europe.

 

10.6. Programma di attuazione di Orizzonte Europa (A8-0410/2018 - Christian Ehler)
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10.7. Conclusioni e raccomandazioni della commissione speciale sul terrorismo (A8-0374/2018 - Monika Hohlmeier, Helga Stevens)
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Mündliche Erklärungen zur Abstimmung

 
  
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  Monica Macovei (ECR). – Domnule președinte, ce mai avem de făcut pentru a preveni și investiga eficient terorismul? În primul rând, să acordăm puteri de investigație agenției Europol pentru a preveni și ancheta terorismul, infracțiunile cibernetice, criminalitatea organizată și spălarea de bani.

Acum, Europol este o agenție specializată în combaterea terorismului, dar poate numai să acorde sprijin statelor membre dacă acestea o cer, și unele nu cer. Poate face strategii, analiză de date, dar nu poate face acte de investigație. Terorismul și finanțarea terorismului sunt transfrontaliere și, ca atare, o singură agenție europeană, Europol, ar face investigații mai eficiente decât investigațiile făcute de statele membre pe baza cooperării în materie penală.

De asemenea, evident, puterile de investigație trebuie să vină și cu un supliment financiar pentru Europol, dar avem nevoie de combaterea eficientă a terorismului. Mulțumesc.

 
  
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  Andrejs Mamikins (S&D). – Mr President, EU Member States are facing growing violence from far—right extremists and neo—fascist movements. They target political opponents, refugees and migrants, ethnic and religious minorities. Manifestations of these movements are seen everywhere in my country, Latvia, which is not an exclusion of this outrageous practice.

The recent attack here in Strasbourg should be a reminder for us that the danger exists always. The role of the EU, which is expected by our citizens, is to detect and prevent such cases and to react rapidly whenever such things happen. For this, we need a strong and coordinated response and cooperation at the EU level.

Security challenges become even more cross—border and that means that the reply should be cross—border too. Therefore, I welcome calling on the rapporteurs of all European institutions to work towards a common strategic culture, and the creation of the EU Coordination Centre for Victims of Terrorism is another necessary measure that the Commission should propose immediately.

 

10.8. Relazione annuale sull'attuazione della politica estera e di sicurezza comune (A8-0392/2018 - David McAllister)
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Mündliche Erklärungen zur Abstimmung

 
  
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  Monica Macovei (ECR). – Domnule președinte, cel mai mare pericol la adresa securității Uniunii este propaganda Kremlinului și, mai ales, acțiunile Federației Ruse, care urmăresc dezbinarea și dezmembrarea Uniunii Europene și a statelor nesupuse Moscovei.

Acțiunile Federației Ruse nu ar fi existat și nu există fără complicitatea unor state membre și a altor state. Pentru a opri Rusia să acționeze distructiv în politica externă și de securitate comună a Uniunii, ar fi util să renunțăm la regula unanimității.

Recentele ostilității din Marea Azov, precum și folosirea știrilor false în relatările despre protestele din Franța, Belgia sau Olanda, cer un răspuns ferm din partea Uniunii. Anexările ilegale, criza migrației, criminalitatea cibernetică sunt, toate, pericole în fața cărora nici un stat membru nu poate face față singur. Putin vrea să ne dezbine - divide et impera.

 

10.9. Relazione annuale sui diritti umani e la democrazia nel mondo nel 2017 e sulla politica dell'Unione europea in materia (A8-0373/2018 - Petras Auštrevičius)
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Mündliche Erklärungen zur Abstimmung

 
  
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  Jiří Pospíšil (PPE). – Pane předsedající, já jsem podpořil tuto zprávu. Jsem velmi rád, že zpráva byla kvalitně zpracována, podle mého názoru je obsáhlejší, lepší než za předchozí rok, protože agenda lidských práv je pro Evropskou unii mimořádně důležitá. Jako právník celý život bojuji za to, aby byl ve světě zakázán trest smrti, a jsem velmi rád, že ta zpráva popisuje, že dochází k určitému poklesu poprav, meziročně asi o 7 až 8 %. Ale stále je ten pokles malý. Chtěl jsem proto vyzvat orgány Evropské unie, abychom tuto dílčí část boje za lidská práva, boje proti nehumánnímu trestu smrti nepodceňovali a i v dalším roce udělali maximum pro to, aby některé země přestaly trest smrti užívat anebo ho alespoň nezneužívaly u politických a jiných procesů.

Zprávu vítám, podpořil jsem ji a doufám, že příští rok budeme číst to, že se stav lidských práv alespoň v některých oblastech a částech zlepšuje.

 
  
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  Anna Záborská (PPE). – Ako sa žiaľ stalo v tomto volebnom období už pravidlom, aj výročná správa o dodržiavaní ľudských práv vo svete za rok 2017 podáva veľmi skreslený obraz o tom, čo sú ľudské práva, ktoré je potrebné chrániť. Viaceré požiadavky obsiahnuté v prijatom texte idú nad rámec kompetencií zverených Únii v európskych zmluvách. Snáď najviac ma prekvapilo, že do návrhu správy sa dostal aj odkaz na kontroverzné Jogjakartské princípy, dokument navrhnutý v prostredí OSN, ktorý však opakovane odmietlo tak valné zhromaždenie OSN, ako aj Rada OSN pre ľudské práva a ďalšie medzivládne inštitúcie. Ostro protestujem proti takýmto pokusom o presadzovaní falošných a zavádzajúcich predstáv o človeku a jeho prirodzenosti do politík EÚ v oblasti ľudských práv, a preto som správu nepodporila.

 
  
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  Dobromir Sośnierz (NI). – Panie Przewodniczący! Ja głosowałem przeciwko temu sprawozdaniu. Polityka Unii Europejskiej w dziedzinie praw człowieka jest instrumentalnie traktowana jako narzędzie rozprzestrzeniania rewolucji – obyczajowej przede wszystkim – na cały świat, jako tuba propagandowa, jako trąbienie cały czas o prawach mniejszości seksualnych, które to prawa są rozdymane do centralnego problemu ludzkości w tych wszystkich naszych inicjatywach, trąbienie o specyficznym podejściu do płci. Oczywiście jest tu mowa o konwencji stambulskiej, o szczególnej roli kobiet we wszystkim na świecie. Jest to więc narzędzie rozprzestrzeniania lewicowej retoryki na cały świat. Instrumentalnie traktujemy handel, kiedy mówimy, że będziemy handlować tylko z tymi, z którymi się zgadzamy. Jest to instrumentalne traktowanie edukacji, kiedy mówimy, że edukacja ma być narzędziem walki z radykalizacją. Nie, edukacja jest narzędziem przekazywania wiedzy. Jeśli się traktuje ją jako narzędzie do kreowania postaw, to już jest propaganda. Głosowałem więc przeciwko i sprzeciwiam się takiemu podejściu do praw człowieka.

 

10.10. Istituzione del meccanismo per collegare l'Europa (A8-0409/2018 - Henna Virkkunen, Marian-Jean Marinescu, Pavel Telička)
Video degli interventi
 

Mündliche Erklärungen zur Abstimmung

 
  
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  Xabier Benito Ziluaga (GUE/NGL). – Señor presidente, el Mecanismo «Conectar Europa» promueve un modelo energético en las antípodas de lo que necesitamos en este momento de urgencia climática. Promueve un modelo centralizado insostenible con megainfraestructuras como el gaseoducto Midcat, el TAV o, por ejemplo, también la interconexión eléctrica del Golfo de Vizcaya.

Lejos de dejar de financiar los combustibles fósiles, este Mecanismo seguirá financiando el mal llamado gas natural, que seguirá recibiendo miles de millones de euros cuando sabemos que sus efectos sobre el clima son muy, muy nocivos.

Este fondo tampoco pone por delante el principio de eficiencia energética, que es lo que deberíamos hacer primando reducir nuestro consumo en vez de promocionar infraestructuras cuya justificación es más que dudosa.

Además, el dinero para financiar este Mecanismo saldrá de la reducción del Fondo de Cohesión, principal instrumento de corrección de las desigualdades territoriales dentro de la Unión Europea.

Finalmente, se está abogando por una militarización de las infraestructuras de transporte, con la introducción de un pernicioso uso dual civil y militar: su manera para hacer entrar la dimensión militar... (el presidente retira la palabra al orador).

 
  
  

(Abstimmungsstunde vom Donnerstag, 13. Dezember 2018)

 

10.11. Istituzione del programma spaziale dell'Unione e dell'Agenzia dell'Unione europea per il programma spaziale (A8-0405/2018 - Massimiliano Salini)
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Mündliche Erklärungen zur Abstimmung

 
  
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  Alex Mayer (S&D). – Mr President, I voted for this report and, as urged to by the UK Government, in support of the amendments to Articles 25 and 14, to provide more clarity on the opportunity for UK companies to continue to participate in EU space programmes post—Brexit.

The government are not right on very much at the moment, but on this they are correct about the potential impacts to UK space businesses. This is of vital importance to Airbus in Stevenage and Thales in Cambridge in my constituency. Indeed, the next phase of the Copernicus Programme could be worth GBP 700 million to UK industry.

This does rather underline how working out our future relationship before leaving the European Union really matters. Post—Brexit, the government won’t have any UK MEPs to amend legislation, to make it better for Britain, and the EU will be able to do whatever they like after we’ve left, and we will have no say. In fact, I worry that we face an astronomically bad deal.

 
  
  

(Abstimmungsstunde vom Mittwoch, 12. Dezember 2018)

 

10.12. Istituzione del meccanismo per collegare l'Europa (A8-0409/2018 - Henna Virkkunen, Marian-Jean Marinescu, Pavel Telička)
Video degli interventi
 

Mündliche Erklärungen zur Abstimmung

 
  
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  Xabier Benito Ziluaga, en nombre del Grupo GUE/NGL. – Señor presidente, el Mecanismo «Conectar Europa» promueve un modelo energético en las antípodas de lo que necesitamos en este momento de urgencia climática a nivel mundial. Promueve un modelo centralizado e insostenible con megainfraestructuras como los gaseoductos como el Midcat, o el TAV, o la interconexión eléctrica del Golfo de Vizcaya.

Lejos de dejar de financiar los combustibles fósiles, el mal llamado gas natural seguirá recibiendo miles de millones de euros, cuando sabemos que sus efectos sobre el clima son muy, muy nocivos.

Este fondo tampoco pone por delante el principio de eficiencia energética, que deberíamos aplicar primando reducir nuestro consumo en vez de promocionar megainfraestructuras cuya justificación es más que dudosa en muchas ocasiones. Además, el dinero para financiar el Mecanismo saldrá de la reducción del Fondo de Cohesión europeo, principal instrumento de corrección de las desigualdades territoriales en el seno de la Unión Europea.

Finalmente, se está abogando por militarizar las infraestructuras de transporte, introduciendo el uso dual civil y militar. Y esta es su manera para hacer entrar la dimensión militar en las políticas sectoriales y las políticas civiles de la Unión por la puerta de atrás. Nosotras y nosotros defendemos una Europa de la paz y de la transición ecológica. Por eso hemos votado que no a este Mecanismo.

 
  
 

(Abstimmungsstunde vom Mittwoch, 12. Dezember 2018)

 

10.13. Tassazione delle società che hanno una presenza digitale significativa (A8-0426/2018 - Dariusz Rosati)
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Mündliche Erklärungen zur Abstimmung

 
  
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  Dobromir Sośnierz (NI). – Panie Przewodniczący! Ja zawsze głosuję przeciwko wszelkim sposobom na podnoszenie podatków. Jeśli opodatkowanie na rynku jest niesprawiedliwie rozłożone, to należy obniżać podatki dla tych, którzy płacą je zbyt wysokie, a nie podwyższać je dla pozostałych. Jeśli Google czy Facebook, czy inne firmy gromadzą jakiś majątek, to gromadzą go w wyniku transakcji dobrowolnych, a transakcje dobrowolne są z natury dobre. Z natury zły jest przymus, a zabieranie podatku jest formą przymusu, dlatego zawsze będę wolał, żeby bogacili się ludzie w wyniku dobrowolnych transakcji, a nie w wyniku transakcji przymusowych (np. politycy, którzy zabierają pieniądze pod przymusem podmiotom gospodarczym).

Po drugie, to wymaga zbiurokratyzowania również internetu, tak samo jak np. wprowadzenie podatku dochodowego wymagało i wymaga do dzisiaj ewidencjonowania całego ruchu gospodarczego. Jeśli chcemy wprowadzać analogiczne regulacje w internecie, to będzie to powodowało zwiększenie sprawozdawczości w internecie i zwiększenie inwigilacji internetu ze strony państwa. I dlatego jestem przeciwko.

 

10.14. Conflitto di interessi e protezione del bilancio dell'UE in Repubblica ceca (RC-B8-0582/2018, B8-0582/2018, B8-0583/2018, B8-0584/2018, B8-0585/2018)
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Mündliche Erklärungen zur Abstimmung

 
  
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  Stanislav Polčák (PPE). – Pane předsedající, já jsem tento návrh usnesení podpořil a jsem skutečně velmi rád, že tento návrh usnesení prošel s jedním pozměňovacím návrhem. Je naší povinností chránit prostředky evropských daňových poplatníků, jde o věc evropského rozpočtu. Musím zde zdůraznit, že český premiér se snaží i na evropskou úroveň přenést svoji argumentaci, že jde o kampaň, že jde o účelovky, útočí nevybíravým způsobem na české neziskové organizace, např. Transparency International. Je to ovšem český premiér, který čerpá dotace, kde se dá, a přitom jeho střet zájmů zásadně poškozuje obraz České republiky v Evropě. A to odhlížím od podvodů s evropskými dotacemi, které získal na úkor malých a středních podnikatelů a za které je obviněn z trestných činů. Jsem také rád, že návrh rezoluce upozorňuje na nebezpečnou koncentraci moci politické, ekonomické a mediální v případě českého premiéra. Mají-li fungovat demokratická pravidla, musí být zaručen systém brzd a protivah. Český premiér si podstatnou část těchto demokratických brzd koupil nebo získal koncentrací moci. Proto Česká republika selhává ve své kontrole a její dobrá pověst je podlomena na nejvyšší úrovni.

 
  
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  Jiří Pospíšil (PPE). – Pane předsedající, Evropský parlament svým hlasováním dnes jasně řekl, že pan premiér Babiš má reálný problém, problém střetu zájmů. To, co z toho Andrej Babiš dělá, debatu na české úrovni, to, že se jedná o problém české politické opozice a některých novinářů, bylo tímto hlasováním vyvráceno. Je to reálný problém a usnesení Evropského parlamentu jasně říká, že Evropská komise může a měla by řádně, nestranně a nezávisle prošetřit, zda opravdu Andrej Babiš je ve střetu zájmů a zda tedy evropské peníze čerpá oprávněně či nikoliv.

Já si myslím, že to je velmi důležité, protože tím se z českého politického problému, který by se díky tomu, že Andrej Babiš je premiér, těžko vyřešil na úrovni českých orgánů, ať již moci výkonné nebo kontrolní, tak to v tuto chvíli budou řešit evropské orgány. Jsou to evropské peníze a evropské orgány tedy logicky o tom musí rozhodovat. Díky této debatě také už dneska české orgány začaly být činné. České ministerstvo financí dnes řeklo, že nebude čerpat peníze pro Agrofert.

 

10.15. Attività del Mediatore europeo nel 2017 (A8-0411/2018 - Eleonora Evi)
Video degli interventi
 

Mündliche Erklärungen zur Abstimmung

 
  
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  Eleonora Evi (EFDD). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, conflitti di interesse, attività di lobbying sregolata, decisioni prese a porte chiuse e scarsa trasparenza: questi sono i principali problemi di quest'Europa, che continua a non voler affrontare, e che continuano ad aumentare il divario tra i cittadini e l'Unione europea e le istituzioni europee.

È questo lo spaccato che viene presentato dalla relazione della Mediatrice di quest'anno, che ha coinvolto tutta una serie di alte cariche di quest'Europa: il Presidente Juncker con il caso Selmayr, ma anche Barroso, Katainen e il Presidente Draghi della BCE.

La Mediatrice europea ci offre però anche delle raccomandazioni e delle soluzioni da poter mettere in campo, ed è questo che dobbiamo fare. L'Europa deve ascoltare queste raccomandazioni, anche perché i cittadini europei meritano trasparenza, meritano un'Europa fondata su principi di etica e di integrità morale e meritano di conoscere come le decisioni vengono prese, anche per evitare quel fenomeno di dare la colpa sempre a Bruxelles, perché ai tavoli del Consiglio europeo siedono i nostri governanti.

Questo è l'auspicio di questa relazione, che sono contenta sia stata approvata dalla maggioranza di quest'Aula.

 

11. Correzioni e intenzioni di voto: vedasi processo verbale
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(Die Sitzung wird um 13.16 Uhr unterbrochen.)

 
  
  

PŘEDSEDNICTVÍ: PAN PAVEL TELIČKA
místopředseda

 

12. Ripresa della seduta
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(Denní zasedání pokračovalo v 15:00)

 
  
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  President. – Good afternoon, colleagues. The sitting is resumed. I welcome the Commissioner. This is our last part—session before Christmas, so let’s make it an efficient and smooth one.

 

13. Approvazione del processo verbale della seduta precedente: vedasi processo verbale
Video degli interventi

14. Malattie rare (discussione)
Video degli interventi
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  President. – The next item is the debate on the oral question to the Commission on rare diseases by Mairead McGuinness, Rory Palmer, Jadwiga Wiśniewska, Gesine Meissner, Tilly Metz, Estefanía Torres Martínez and Piernicola Pedicini, on behalf of the Committee on the Environment, Public Health and Food Safety (O-000118/2018 — B8—0419/2018).  

 
  
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  Gesine Meissner, Verfasserin. – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Wir sind ja nur wenige. Das ist klar: Es ist kurz vor Weihnachten, und die meisten sind schon weg. Vor Weihnachten möchte man sich auch mit schönen Dingen befassen und nicht mit Krankheiten, das ist klar. Wir alle wünschen uns eine stabile Gesundheit. Man könnte auch meinen, so, wie wir in Europa mit der medizinischen Forschung aufgestellt sind, ist eigentlich schon fast alles gut. Der Punkt ist der, dass es halt Krankheiten gibt, die so selten auftreten, dass dann eben genau nicht alles gut ist. Und das wollen wir verbessern.

Von seltenen Krankheiten spricht man in der Regel, wenn nur weniger als 2 000 Menschen davon betroffen sind. Das ist bezogen auf die Europäische Union eigentlich noch immer eine relativ große Zahl von Menschen, die seltene Krankheiten haben können. Insgesamt, sagt man, gibt es in der Europäischen Union 6 000 bis 8 000 seltene Krankheiten, aber insgesamt sind 30 Millionen von 500 Millionen Menschen davon betroffen – also eine erhebliche Zahl.

Und man muss überlegen: Was bedeutet das für diese Menschen? Das bedeutet für diese Menschen, dass es , wenn sie die Diagnose bekommen – die hoffentlich eine richtige ist, weil man eben bei seltenen Krankheiten auch mit der Diagnose unsicher sein kann –, große Fragezeichen gibt, große Unsicherheit, nicht nur bei den Medizinern, sondern auch natürlich bei der Familie. Normalerweise denkt man, wenn ein Mensch krank wird, dann hat man ein Medikament. Man kann das nehmen, und dann wird alles gut. Wie ich vorhin sagte, ist es in diesem Fall genau nicht so.

Ich werde jetzt sehr persönlich. Ich kann das aus eigener Betroffenheit sagen. Mein Vater ist an einer seltenen Krankheit früh gestorben, mein Bruder ist als Kind an einer seltenen Krankheit auch sehr früh gestorben. In beiden Fällen kam die Forschung zu spät, und es gab keine Möglichkeiten, ihnen zu helfen. Bei meinem Vater, der ein bekannter Politiker war – ich sage das auch sehr persönlich –, war es so, dass wir selber als Familie auch sagten: Wir wollen keine Forschung ermöglichen, wir wollen ihn nicht zur Schau stellen. Das war vielleicht verkehrt, das war vielleicht egoistisch, aber wir hatten uns so entschieden.

Mein eigener Sohn ist vor sechs Jahren an einer noch gar nicht erkannten Krankheit erkrankt. Er war der erste Fall weltweit, an ihm wird noch heute geforscht. Und auch da weiß ich, dass natürlich die Forschung ihm selber hilft, weil er sagt, er weiß, dass die Forschung an seiner Krankheit, die so einmalig war, schon vielen Menschen geholfen hat. Das ist natürlich gut. Aber es ist so, dass es ihm selber nicht helfen konnte. Es gibt dann halt nicht nur keine passende Diagnose, es gibt auch keine bekannte Behandlung. Es ist Versuch und Irrtum, das man von Herzen machen muss. Ich habe es eben selber gerade bei meinem Sohn mehrfach erlebt, wie Versuch und Irrtum zum Erfolg führen und das Leben retten können, aber natürlich nicht dauerhaft helfen können. Und das sind Dinge, die wir verbessern wollen.

Darum ist es ganz wichtig, dass wir die Forschung ermöglichen und dass wir auch sehen: Wie können wir Finanzmittel sicherstellen, wie können wir die Netzwerke, die es schon gibt, verbessern, um für die Menschen, die es betrifft, in Zukunft Besserung zu schaffen.

Es ist eben so: Die Medizin ist zum einen schon sehr weit fortgeschritten, zum anderen in mancherlei Hinsicht eben noch in den Kinderschuhen, weil es immer wieder auch neue Fälle geben kann, gerade auch durch tropische Krankheiten. Bei meinem Sohn kam ein tropischer Virus dazu, den man bis heute nicht entdeckt hat, obwohl viele versuchen herauszufinden, was es war.

In diesem Zusammenhang ist es für uns ganz wichtig zu sehen, was man machen kann, um auch überall in der EU den Menschen den Zugang zu Behandlung, guter Diagnose und auch entsprechenden Medikamenten zu ermöglichen.

Dazu haben wir verschiedene Fragen ausgearbeitet, die ich jetzt vorlesen werde.

Die erste Frage an die Kommission: Welche Maßnahmen hat die Kommission bisher ergriffen, um für eine genaue und frühzeitige Diagnose seltener Krankheiten sowie den Zugang zu erschwinglichen Arzneimitteln zu sorgen, die für deren Behandlung in der gesamten EU benötigt werden? Wie fördert die Kommission Forschungsmaßnahmen zu seltenen Krankheiten und die Entwicklung neuer oder besserer Früherkennungsmethoden, und wie gedenkt sie diese Anstrengungen zu fördern und messbar bessere Ergebnisse bei Patienten mit seltenen Krankheiten in allen EU-Mitgliedstaaten zu erzielen?

Zweitens: Wie gedenkt die Kommission den Zugang zu Informationen, Arzneimitteln und medizinischen Behandlungen für Patienten mit seltenen Krankheiten in der gesamten EU sicherzustellen? Wie begünstigt die Kommission angesichts dessen, dass der Zugang zu frühzeitigen und genauen Diagnosen erhebliche Auswirkungen auf die Prognose und die Lebensqualität der Patienten haben kann, die Verbesserung der Koordinierungs- und Lernprozesse in allen Mitgliedstaaten?

Drittens: Welche Pläne hat die Kommission, um die dauerhafte Finanzierung von Patientenorganisationen sicherzustellen, die die europäischen Referenznetzwerke für seltene Krankheiten unterstützen, beispielsweise mittels des gemeinsamen europäischen Programms für seltene Krankheiten?

 
  
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  Vytenis Povilas Andriukaitis, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, first of all, as the Commission and other Commissioners and Members of this House have done along these past two days, please allow me to express my solidarity with the families of the victims of the terrible attack here in Strasbourg. Now we have three deaths and that is very painful for me as a medical doctor.

Secondly, I would like to tell Ms Meissner that she has just opened my heart and I give her my words of sympathy because of such an experience.

In the 20 years of work on rare diseases the Commission has fostered network structures for action and expertise. It has developed a policy framework with Member States and encouraged innovative ways of working.

Mr President, I have six questions, which – if I may say – will be impossible to answer in three minutes because I know those questions are very detailed.

Let me go question by question because I need to present a really comprehensive picture. Would you allow me to have more than three minutes? Thank you.

Going to the first block of questions, the first is about timely diagnosis of rare diseases, which is very important. We have taken concrete steps to ensure that the patients are diagnosed as rapidly as possible. First, with the adoption of the directive on the application of patients’ rights in cross—border healthcare, Member States set up national contact points. Then you have 28 national contact points. They are workable. These are key to inform doctors and patients, notably with rare diseases, on the way to access the appropriate expertise offered in the patient’s own home country or facilitate contact with a contact point in another Member State.

Second, eHealth digital service infrastructure now is workable, is in place; it is done. It helps to exchange views in cross—border areas, patient’s records and so on. The 24 European reference networks will launch in March and with more than 900 specialised healthcare units, from over 300 hospitals connected across the EU, the European reference network facilitates the access to timely diagnosis and treatment for patients with rare and low prevalence conditions. They contribute greatly to the sharing of information and linking of expertise between clinicians and researchers across the EU.

The clinical patient management system is now once again workable, from November last year, where healthcare professionals from European reference networks discuss real patient cases and conduct virtual consultations and treatment. These have led to very successful EU—wide cooperation between clinicians in identifying and addressing the needs of patients. From November until now more than 250 patients have received timely diagnosis and treatment. This shows effectiveness.

As regards the sub—question on access to affordable medicine, the study that was published early this year on the economic impact of pharmaceutical incentives and rewards in Europe including supplementary protection certificates, draws attention to timely access treatment for rare diseases. An additional study will gather information and assess, on the basis of the acquired experience, the functioning of the orphan regulations. Also, an evaluation of the orphan and paediatric medicine regulation will be finalised before the end of my mandate – maybe in spring next year. Also, there have been measures to promote research in the field of rare diseases and to improve methods of early diagnosis. Horizon 2020 and the Seventh Framework Programme on research have supported more than 200 projects on rare diseases in very different areas, and now we provide more than EUR 1 billion to rare diseases. I will just mention a few examples. The EuRenOmics and NeurOmics projects focus on improving diagnostic matters for large groups of rare diseases including rare kidney diseases, for example, and the Solve-RD and Immune—A projects are now looking to improve the capacity in the coming years. We have a lot of common clusters which can help us address the complexity of rare diseases.

Regarding the questions on achieving measurable improved outcomes for rare diseases, let me stress this year’s opinion of the expert panel on benchmarking access to healthcare in the EU, including the area of rare diseases. We have also just finalised a pilot project called ‘towards a fairer and more effective measurement of access to healthcare across the EU’. The project was launched at the request of the European Parliament, and now we are pushing forward.

The second block of questions. Access to information, first of all. I would firstly like to mention the joint action on rare diseases, which has supported over the past three years the development and sustainability of the Orphanet database on rare diseases, and has also helped us to achieve an appropriate codification of rare diseases in the health information system in order to help really to understand more about such a complex issue. This database is the biggest repository of information about rare diseases globally and is run by a large consortium of European partners. You should also know that the steering group on health promotion, disease prevention and management of non—communicable diseases selected the codification of rare diseases as a priority area to be implemented as best practice, and is now in line with achievements.

The Orphacodes project will be supported with EUR 750 000 under the 2018 annual work plan. The project aims to support Member States in better gathering information on rare diseases from all 28 Member States. Last week, the Commission developed a European platform on rare diseases registration, and is promoting the interoperability of existing registers and will help to create new ones. Can I just mention two databases – Eurocat and CSBA – which have been implemented now.

On the sub—question on access to medical treatment and medicine for rare diseases, the Cross—border Healthcare Directive helps citizens in obtaining medical treatment in other Member States and to be clearly informed as to the rules on reimbursement that apply in cross—border situations. This means that now all Member States should draw attention to the possibilities to reimburse patients with rare diseases. This specialist treatment is particularly relevant for rare diseases. The Commission also supports the Orphanet database as a unique resource for pooling knowledge of rare diseases and guaranteeing access to treatment because it is also about medicines, new legislation on orphan drugs, redirecting investment into previously neglected therapeutic areas through incentive schemes. The challenge is to find a balance between adequate incentives for research and development and equitable access to affordable medicines for all, especially in the area of rare diseases.

We are conducting a study on these very issues which will be used for the evaluation of orphan and paediatric regulation. You know, lastly, speaking about health technology assessment, now such a tool, if we succeed, will help us to move forward in this area.

On your third sub—question about promotion of better coordination and learning across Member States, rare diseases is clearly an area where cooperation at EU level provides real added value. This is a real example of subsidiarity: when you have no chance to address issues at local level you should go to the regional – if not European – level, in line with subsidiarity.

By working together we can share data and expertise, overcome fragmentation and geographical disadvantages and guarantee patients the right diagnosis.

As you know, the newly—established European Reference Network has strengthened cooperation including between clinicians, researchers and of course different developers of treatment and they are building diagnosis networks and a network of working groups to see how they can address concrete issues. I count on possibilities to develop a network of networks – European reference networks – in communication with national healthcare systems and going deeply into primary care, so that all can find pathways, easy pathways, to achieve timely diagnosis.

On your questions on sustainable funding of patient organisation support in European reference networks on rare diseases, European reference networks are economically and logistically supported by the Commission through the eHealth Programme – one resource – and, second, the Connecting Europe Facility Programme. There is no direct funding to the patients’ representatives, but each European reference network receives EUR 200 000 annually from the health programme. This grant supports the network and coordination capacity of the networks, including the organisation of meetings with patients’ representatives.

The eHealth Programme also provides operating grants for non—governmental organisations and patient organisations. Eurorodis is very important in this field.

In addition, the Horizon 2020 work programme for 2018 looks to set up a rare disease European joint programme co—fund. This encourages the participation of European reference networks and patient organisations in the programme over a five—year period.

In order to ensure sustainability beyond 2021, we made a proposal in the multiannual financial framework which envisaged support through direct grants, and this is now in the hands of all of us. Of course countries can also use structural funds, selecting centres, and use social funds supporting the qualification of medical doctors.

President, honourable Members, thank you for giving me the opportunity to update you on the broad spectrum of activities on rare diseases. These actions make up an important part of the Commission’s health and research policies and they have started to deliver clear added value to patients and their families.

Let me assure you that connecting expertise across Europe is a priority of mine.

 
  
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  Sirpa Pietikäinen, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Mr President, I would like to thank the Commission to start with, because it has been really active and very good and efficient in its work on rare diseases. In some way, in rare diseases, Europe has things in place because rare diseases are in fact not rare – there are about 8 000 to 10 000 rare diseases and almost 10% of Europeans have some sort of rare disease.

They are only rare in the cases, and only rare in the cities, and only rare in the Member States that do not have the capacity or possibilities to have all the knowledge, the cure facilities, or for that matter, the required medication.

That is why we need Europe—wide cooperation that should serve as an example for other diseases. I think that in the longer term we should have the same type of reference centre networks for other diseases as we have at the moment for rare diseases.

As you mentioned, timely diagnosis using the cross—border healthcare initiative and eHealth network are good examples where Europe can help.

I hope that we can channel a bit more Horizon funding in the future into rare disease networks and reference centres. For example into how ‘Dr Watsons’ can be further developed, so that we would have artificial intelligence helping doctors diagnose rare diseases. That could be used by general practitioners already so they can identify and pick up and issue guidance for the further treatment of people with such conditions.

Last but not least is the question concerning orphan medicines. These are extremely expensive and it is a negative lottery for local health centres, but then again at European level the cost is not so much, so I think that we should establish a European fund to buy orphan medicines for rare diseases.

 
  
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  President. – Thank you, but I need to underline that, even though we do not have a heavy agenda this afternoon, I will have to ask you to respect the time that is made available. I will be strict on keeping to the time.

 
  
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  Andrejs Mamikins, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Mr President, approximately 5 000 to 8 000 distinct rare diseases affect between 6 and 8% of the EU population – between 27 and 36 million people. Patient registries and databases, clinical research in the field of rare diseases are very fragmented. This problem can only be solved at the level of the European Union.

The EU’s strategic objective for rare diseases is to improve patient access to diagnosis, information and care. Specific measures have to include, first of all, ensuring that rare diseases are adequately coded and traceable in all health information systems. Secondly, supporting national plans for rare diseases in EU Member States. Thirdly, improving recognition and visibility of rare diseases. And then creating European reference networks linking centres of expertise and professionals in different countries to share knowledge and identify alternative treatment options.

The EU has to continue to support research into rare diseases through Horizon 2020, in the EU framework programmes for research and innovation and the European Platform on Rare Diseases Registration, which was mentioned by the honourable Commissioner.

Rare diseases are the field where you can ensure progress, creating synergy in research and innovation and let’s work for it.

 
  
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  Ivan Jakovčić, u ime kluba ALDE-a. – Poštovani predsjedavajući, gospodine povjereniče, statistike govore da skoro 10 % europskog stanovništva boluje od raznih rijetkih bolesti, a kojih ima i preko pet tisuća.

Kaže se da je rijetka bolest onda kada od nje ne boluje više od jedne osobe na njih dvije tisuće. Međutim, to je samo statistika. Sudbine su ono što je naša uvažena kolegica Meissner rekla, sudbine su ona tragedija našeg stanovništva i sudbine su ono za što mi ovdje u ovom Parlamentu moramo brinuti i govoriti. Zato, prijedloge koje smo djelomično čuli, mislim da trebamo itekako uvažiti.

Vi ste spominjali e-zdravlje ili e-medicinu. Mi bismo trebali imati, osim ove mreže o kojoj govorite, mi bismo trebali ne samo na nacionalnom nivou nego i na regionalnim nivoima imati centre, imati mogućnost zajedničke centralne europske baze podataka, gdje bi netko iz moje Pule ili, ne znam, iz Rige ili Tallina, mogao zaista negdje u nekom dijelu Europe biti prisutan, imati informaciju i znati o čemu se radi. Dovoljno rano, naravno, jer to je ono što je najbitnije.

Dakle, mislim da su ti prijedlozi o kojima razgovaramo ovdje danas nešto što sigurno može doprinijeti da se borimo protiv rijetkih bolesti. Ono što bih vam htio predložiti gospodine povjereniče je nešto što nije ovdje izrečeno. Mislim da je Europska unija zrela, Europska komisija s Vama na čelu, budite Vi taj koji će biti predvodnik svjetske koalicije za borbu protiv rijetkih bolesti.

Uključite Svjetsku zdravstvenu organizaciju, uključite druge bogate države! Danas smo ovdje glasali za Sporazum o slobodnoj trgovini s Japanom, uključimo Japan u borbu za svladavanje rijetkih bolesti, uključimo SAD, uključimo bogate zemlje, uključimo sve one zemlje koje to žele! Što nas više bude, to ćemo biti jači u suzbijanju rijetkih bolesti jer ako 10 % stanovništva ili skoro 10 % stanovništva Europske unije pati od rijetkih bolesti, na svjetskom nivou to vjerojatno može biti samo još i više, pa u tom kontekstu mislim da bi bilo jako dobro da Vi preuzmete tu ulogu i da Europska unije bude predvodnik borbe protiv rijetkih bolesti na svjetskom nivou.

 
  
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  Paloma López Bermejo, en nombre del Grupo GUE/NGL. – Señor presidente, existen más de 6 000 enfermedades raras que afectan a 30 millones de ciudadanos europeos. Muchas veces son crónicas y ponen en riesgo la vida de quienes las padecen. Como dice Eurordis, las enfermedades raras son poco frecuentes, pero los pacientes de enfermedades raras son muchos. También son muchos los problemas con los que se encuentran: entre otros, falta de acceso a diagnósticos e información correcta; consecuencias sociales, educativas, laborales, de ocio, etc.; desigualdad en la disponibilidad de tratamientos y alto coste de los medicamentos.

La lista de problemas es muy larga, pero las soluciones se reducen a dotar de recursos suficientes para realizar políticas públicas de salud. El refuerzo de la sanidad pública es imprescindible porque es la única garantía de que todos los pacientes puedan tener acceso a diagnósticos y tratamientos en igualdad de condiciones y no dependiendo de los recursos económicos de las personas o familiares. Porque esto, precisamente, genera una desigualdad adicional.

Es imprescindible, asimismo, dotar de recursos a la investigación, y —vuelvo a insistir— tiene que ser pública: no podemos dejar en manos de la investigación privada, precisamente por los costes que genera, la solución de estos problemas. Y recursos también para la atención no médica: para dependencias, apoyo familiar, apoyo social, para rehabilitación y un largo etcétera.

Tenemos en nuestras manos la posibilidad de promover estas políticas de carácter público, necesarias para que los pacientes no tengan que sufrir, además del aislamiento y la vulnerabilidad, la desigualdad y la indiferencia.

 
  
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  Ana Miranda, em nome do Grupo Verts/ALE. – Senhor Presidente, Senhor Comissário, as doenças raras enquanto assunto de saúde pública preocupam-me como política. Uma das maiores confusões é o conceito de raridade. As doenças raras são raras, mas as pessoas com doenças raras são muitas na Europa.

Conheço muitas famílias que pagam custos elevados, que têm de fazer mesmo campanhas nos meios de comunicação para falar, para pedir dinheiro para pagar esses tratamentos. É duro para essas famílias; sentem-se sós.

Uma doença pode afetar apenas um punhado de doentes, mas outra pode chegar a atingir

300 000 pessoas em conjunto ou 10% da população da Europa.

A Comissão reconhecia que os afetados se encontram particularmente isolados e vulneráveis. O que é importante, como disse o Sr. Comissário, é codificar, inventariar essas doenças raras, investigar e ampliar os centros especializados em redes europeias de referência para doenças raras.

E também, para nós, precisamos de mais fundos, possibilidades para cooperar nas fronteiras, para cooperar de um país para outro e ter esses tratamentos adequados. Também para os medicamentos órfãos e, a nível europeu, mais fundos públicos para que estas pessoas sejam tratadas com igualdade e não fiquem isoladas nem com esta vulnerabilidade.

 
  
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  André Elissen, namens de ENF-Fractie. – Voorzitter, laat ik beginnen te zeggen dat ik de betrokkenheid en de inzet van collega mevrouw Meissner begrijp en waardeer. Waarschijnlijk zijn er weinig onderwerpen in dit Parlement waarover zoveel overeenstemming is. Natuurlijk verdienen de tientallen miljoenen mensen in de Europese Unie die dagelijks kampen met de gevolgen van een zeldzame ziekte de allerbeste zorg. Natuurlijk moet iedereen een correcte en tijdige diagnose kunnen krijgen. En natuurlijk moet iedereen toegang hebben tot betaalbare medicijnen. Niemand zal dat tegenspreken, ook ik niet.

Maar, Voorzitter, zo werkt het helaas niet. Er zullen keuzes gemaakt moeten worden en die keuzes horen thuis in de lidstaten. Het is aan de Nederlanders om te bepalen hoe de gezondheidszorg in Nederland wordt vormgegeven. Of een bepaald medicijn wordt vergoed door een zorgverzekeraar, is een kwestie die thuishoort in het nationale parlement. De hoogte van de zorgpremie, de invulling van de zorg voor ouderen, kortom het hele zorgstelsel is een nationale bevoegdheid en dat moet zo blijven.

Er zijn 28 lidstaten met 28 verschillende zorgstelsels. Het is een slecht idee om te proberen deze systemen te integreren in iets wat uiteindelijk moet leiden tot één groot Europees zorgstelsel. Want, Voorzitter, één groot Europees zorgstelsel is het uiteindelijke doel van de vele eurofielen hier in het Parlement. En dat moet ten koste van alles worden voorkomen. Europa bestaat uit verschillende naties, verschillende volkeren. Ieder land, ieder volk heeft zijn eigen tradities en kenmerken. Het is onzinnig om te denken dat er één model kan bestaan dat op alle lidstaten van toepassing is. Zorg is maatwerk. Laat het daarom over aan de lidstaten.

Voorzitter, het is natuurlijk wel een goed idee om internationaal samen te werken. Niet vanuit de ivoren torens in Brussel en Straatsburg, maar vanuit de lidstaten. Vanzelfsprekend moedigen wij samenwerking aan, bijvoorbeeld tussen academische ziekenhuizen, wetenschappers en de Wereldgezondheidsorganisatie.

 
  
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  Vytenis Povilas Andriukaitis, Member of the Commission. –Mr President, let me react to the last speaker.

I can tell you that if you are in the Netherlands, you have ten people with a rare disease. You have no clinicians, no professors, no expertise or possibilities to treat those ten people. I spent more than 20 years in the field of treatment. This means that you can immediately ask in the EU: ‘where is the centre of knowledge, expertise, diagnoses and the possibility to provide assistance and treatment?’

It is also about a second possibility. Let me address the issues raised by Mr Jakovčić. This is a very good idea and we are moving in such a direction. The European Reference Network is like the backbone that can help us to join together different universities, institutes, researchers, different developers of treatment, especially in advanced therapies, or so called precision therapies.

Of course, we are now trying to encourage Member States to sign the One Million Genomes Agreement because real diseases are genetically—driven diseases.

This means that we can build a ‘collider’ of systems at EU level, joining different actors and being a leading entity worldwide, developing new treatments, new devices, new diagnostic tests, and helping people worldwide to stay alive.

Cooperation here with different actors is welcomed and we are doing as such. Big data needs big actors and it is very important to understand this. The different national registers are too weak to address the issues we are now facing and I am very keen to promote such possibilities to build networks – a ‘big collider’ – in bringing different actors together and establishing mission—driven initiatives on different rare diseases cases. This is brilliant.

On the Joint Procurement Agreement, you know that we have in our hands a Joint Procurement Agreement which allows us to encourage Member States to cooperate, especially knowing that treatment and new medicines are very costly and only economies of scale can help us to guarantee access to treatment. We are also in favour of not discriminating against patients – they could be in the Netherlands, Lithuania or in Cyprus – access to innovative treatment is a universal human right and we need to do more to achieve this right. It doesn’t matter whether a patient is in Malta or in Finland. We should speak about and think about those issues.

It’s clear that no single country has the knowledge or capacity to tackle these diseases alone. If we work as individuals, patients will suffer from a lack of diagnosis and delayed or ineffective treatment. But together we can share best practices and expertise. We can coordinate resources. We can pool data and act more efficiently – more effectively and more decisively. Patients across Europe will benefit.

So rare diseases are a prime example of the power of cooperation. This is true for research support, registers, codification, and in particular the European Reference Network.

But we also need to make sure that patient groups and NGOs maximise the potential of the EU’s health policy platform. Access to medicine is one of the challenges facing patients suffering from rare diseases. We are aware of this. Indeed, access to healthcare is one of my priorities and I ask Member States to cooperate. Now we have different Member States who have decided to cooperate. There is the Valletta Group cooperation – I am speaking about access to treatment. Benelux, the Netherlands, Belgium, Luxembourg and Austria, they are cooperating. We are now moving in this direction. Soon I should have the results also of an analysis of EU orphan medicines legislation. This analysis will help us ensure that patients have access to innovative medicine and medicinal products when they need them.

Let me finish by assuring you that the Commission will continue its support for patients suffering from rare diseases. That commitment is reflected in the Commission’s proposals – in particular the health strand of the European Social Fund+ and the Horizon Europe framework programme.

I would now ask Parliament to support the Commission’s proposals in the next multiannual financial framework.

 
  
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  President. – Commissioner, thank you very much indeed for your response.

The debate is closed.

Written statements (Rule 162)

 
  
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  Dominique Bilde (ENF), par écrit. – Les maladies rares, qui ne sont d’ailleurs pas si rares puisqu’elles concernent trente millions d’Européens, restent le parent pauvre de la recherche. Les progrès sont certes incontestables: il faut saluer l’action concertée des Européens, notamment au travers de la base de données Orphanet. De même, la recherche privée se mobilise davantage que par le passé, sans compter les promesses de la thérapie génétique. Les défis sont toutefois de taille: ainsi, Le Figaro relevait-il que deux tiers des 30 000 enfants qui consultent à l’Institut des maladies génétiques n’ont toujours pas reçu de diagnostic. Nombre d’entre eux (35 %) mourra avant l’âge d’un an, alors même que la durée moyenne d’obtention d’un diagnostic est de quatre ans. C’est donc un véritable chemin de croix qui s’impose aussi bien aux patients qu’aux familles, qui doivent souvent faire face seuls à l’errance diagnostique ainsi que, d’une manière générale, à une charge émotionnelle et matérielle considérable. Il est urgent de poursuivre nos efforts en faveur d’une recherche européenne, notamment au travers de programmes tels que E-Rare, tant une action commune semble dans ce cas particulièrement indiquée.

 
  
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  Urszula Krupa (ECR), na piśmie. – Dane dotyczące chorób rzadkich są niepełne i choć statystycznie na te choroby może cierpieć od 5 do 6 % społeczeństwa, jednak zastanawiające są szacunki dotyczące takich krajów jak Francja czy Niemcy o populacjach dwukrotnie większych niż Polska, gdzie występuje podobna liczba około 3 mln szacowanych chorób. W poszczególnych krajach występują znaczne różnice zarówno w testach wykonywanych u noworodków, jak i w możliwościach diagnostycznych i leczniczych, co wydaje się związane z możliwościami finansowymi państw, w których zapewnia się znacznie lepszą opiekę socjalną i psychologiczną oraz refundacje, co dotyczy zwłaszcza Francji i Niemiec czy Wielkiej Brytanii, gdzie jednak w Anglii refundowane jest 60 leków sierocych, natomiast w Irlandii refundacja dotyczy tylko 12. Według nie tylko polskich lekarzy, leczenie chorób rzadkich i refundacja jego kosztów jest problemem ogólnoświatowym, praktycznie nigdzie jeszcze nierozwiązanym chociaż przełomem było potraktowanie wszystkich chorób jako jednej całości i konieczna jest centralna koordynacja zarówno informacji, badań i finansowania, nie tylko wskazania w art. 12 i 13 dyrektywy z 2011 roku. Wydaje się, że wiele zależy od zaangażowania Komisji Europejskiej i propozycji regulacji, jakie powinny dotyczyć nie tylko badań naukowych, ale i procedur terapeutycznych, a szczególnie finansowania bardzo kosztownych leków sierocych.

 

15. Diffusione della peste suina africana (discussione)
Video degli interventi
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  President. – The next item is the debate on the oral question to the Commission on the spread of African Swine Fever by Czesław Adam Siekierski, on behalf of the Committee on Agriculture and Rural Development (O-00012/2018 - B8—0420/2018).

 
  
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  Czesław Adam Siekierski, autor. – Panie Przewodniczący! Panie Komisarzu! Komisja Rolnictwa i Rozwoju Wsi Parlamentu Europejskiego jest bardzo zaniepokojona sytuacją w chowie trzody chlewnej wywołaną przez afrykański pomór świń, co przekłada się na funkcjonowanie rynku mięsa wieprzowego i poziom dochodów rolników oraz wywołuje wiele innych problemów i zagrożeń.

Temat ten był wielokrotnie omawiany na forum Komisji Rolnictwa. Wielu posłów z krajów, których ta choroba dotyczy, organizowało różne wysłuchania, konferencje, spotkania z rolnikami dotkniętymi tym nieszczęściem. Stąd decyzja koordynatorów i Komisji Rolnictwa o postanowieniu skierowania pytania do Komisji Europejskiej w tej sprawie i odbycia dyskusji na forum plenarnym Parlamentu Europejskiego.

Przechodzę zatem do pytania. Afrykański pomór świń jest zakaźną, zwykle śmiertelną chorobą świń i dzików. Stanowi poważne zagrożenie dla hodowli trzody chlewnej wraz z pośrednimi niszczycielskimi stratami ekonomicznymi dla sektora trzody chlewnej w wyniku szybkich i całkowitych zakazów ze strony państw trzecich dla importu trzody chlewnej, mięsa wieprzowego i produktów wieprzowych z krajów, w których wykryto ASF. Dziki przenoszą i rozprzestrzeniają wirusa, który może przenosić się na krajowe gospodarstwa hodowlane. Mamy też do czynienia z instytucjonalnym rozprzestrzenieniem przez ludzi na duże odległości, na nowe regiony, wcześniej niezainfekowane. Zapobieganie ASF, jego kontrola i zwalczanie wyraźnie wymagają globalnego podejścia obejmującego wszystkie właściwe organy, organizacje zawodowe, stowarzyszenia myśliwych i obywateli. Ważne jest, aby państwa członkowskie rozpowszechniały dokładnie informacje o bezpieczeństwie biologicznym w gospodarstwach, aby rolnicy, którzy są na pierwszej linii, mogli podjąć natychmiastowe środki w celu powstrzymania rozprzestrzeniania się choroby.

Odnośnie do środków zapobiegawczych i kontrolnych wyznaczonych już przez Komisję, które mają być stosowane w przypadku podejrzenia lub potwierdzenia ASF w gospodarstwach lub u dzików: zatem, w jaki sposób, po pierwsze, Komisja zapewni solidną koordynację między wszystkimi właściwymi organami w obszarze zdrowia zwierząt, dzikich zwierząt, transportu drogowego i ceł? Po drugie, jakie środki w tym pomoc finansowa dla dotkniętych rolników, są obecnie planowane przez Komisję w celu poprawy kontroli i zwalczania choroby, w celu poprawy tych działań, które były stosowane obecnie, bo są one uznawane za niewystarczające przez rolników? W jaki sposób Komisja przeciwdziała, jeśli chodzi o nieproporcjonalne zakazy przyjęte przez niektóre kraje trzecie w odniesieniu do eksportu świń, wieprzowiny i produktów wieprzowych z dotkniętych państw Unii?

Sytuacja związana z afrykańskim pomorem świń tworzy określone zagrożenie w Unii Europejskiej, ale także w krajach członkowskich. A więc pytanie: co możemy zrobić my w Unii, kraje członkowskie, różne instytucje, których przecież jest tak wiele na różnych szczeblach – regionalnych, krajowych, unijnych – czy wreszcie różne służby, a także przetwórstwo, handel, aby lepiej przygotować się do tego typu zagrożeń, które mogą się pojawić, które mogą być bardzo dotkliwe dla całej Unii i nie tylko? Jak więc przygotować się na takie sytuacje wyjątkowe, sytuacje, które tworzą zagrożenie dla bezpieczeństwa w różnych obszarach? Myślę też, że to wymaga pewnego przeglądu, bo wiele działań zrobiono, wiele działań się w tym zakresie realizuje, ale to przygotowanie jest niezmiernie ważne, aby działania były szybkie.

 
  
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  Vytenis Povilas Andriukaitis, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, the prevention, control and eradication of African Swine Fever (ASF) is a high priority for the European Union. African Swine Fever poses a serious risk to the entire European Union pig farming and pork sector, which is the largest exporter of pork and one of the biggest pork producers worldwide.

The situation is being closely monitored by the Commission. Since the disease was first identified in Europe, the Commission has taken significant actions close to the EU borders to fight it. Record human and financial resources have been used to address this global challenge. Let me address each of the questions you raised.

Firstly, you ask how the Commission will ensure all activities by the competent authorities are tightly coordinated. Let me underline that the Commission has always coordinated the EU response since before the first case of ASF was identified. These efforts have intensified over time. Member States should ensure enhanced interinstitutional cross—sectoral and cross—border coordination. This will help efficiently control and prevent disease spread. Member States and relevant EU stakeholders are continuously working with the Commission to develop and review the European Union’s strategic approach on ASF and this legislation.

This strategy covers all aspects of the disease from poor animal health and biosecurity aspects, to the management of wild boar, from road transport to customs controls and to awareness campaigns. The Commission organises regular meetings with ministers every half year, with chief veterinary officers and veterinary experts, hunters, farmers, environmental experts. At conferences and other events we have presented all our steps over the four years at regular meetings.

The next of such meetings will be next week in Brussels where all EU Member State Ministers of Agriculture and the Environment have been jointly invited to discuss the issues – wild boar management strategy, biosecurity in forests and biosecurity in farming, and also possibilities to understand the environmental situation of wild boar population. In these four years, I have reported about the issue to most of the national parliaments of the interested countries. I have visited all the countries, I had meetings with all committees of agriculture, European affairs, social affairs, discussing those issues together.

The Commission is also driving Member States’ efforts to effectively control the EU’s external borders to limit the risk of human—mediated spread, and precise instructions have been sent in this respect to customs around the EU. The risk of the so—called human factor was recently highlighted in the letter to transport ministers which I jointly signed with my college Violeta Bulc.

Awareness campaigns are being carried out in affected regions, on main European Union highways and at EU borders. They highlight the risk of long—distance drivers discarding infected pork products along main highways and the importance of active and passive surveillance. Active and passive surveillance should be done in the whole of Europe.

The importance of this prevention control has been raised in several meetings with Member States at all levels, including the highest executive and political ones. The Commission remains fully committed to performing audits and fact—finding missions to ensure harmonious implementation and enforcement of European Union measures. It has convened biannual ministerial meetings on African Swine Fever since 2015. The next meeting, the first ministerial conference, will be held in Brussels on 19 December. Let me assure you that the Commission will continue to promote and coordinate prevention and a high level of preparedness, control and eradication of African Swine Fever in EU Member States.

Your second question concerned what steps the Commission plans to take to better control and eradicate the disease. This includes financial assistance to affected farmers. Let me underline here that the knowledge, science, legislation, technical and financial tools, exist in the EU to properly face ASF. EU co—financing is provided to Member States and is essential to prevent and eradicate disease. Awareness—raising initiatives can also be co—financed in Member States where no disease is present to prevent its spread via travellers, hunters or other risk groups.

Around EUR 95 million has been allocated to ASF for 2013-2018. Let me also stress the Commission initiative relied on sound, scientific advice and recent experience. It will continue to coordinate a number of activities at EU level to prevent, control and eradicate the disease. Currently this includes: political coordination; organising regular ministerial meetings; adoption of a review of specific ASF legislation, including regionalisation measures in the EU; development of a harmonised EU strategic approach on ASF management audits and fact-finding missions, including preparedness, immediate assistance, on-the-spot experts for affected Member States from experts in the EU Veterinary Emergency Team; international cooperation, including active participation and promotion of the global framework for transboundary diseases under the World Organisation for Animal Health; coordination and financial support for scientific research into ASF, asking scientists to develop vaccines – around EUR 25 million are now dedicated to research; and development of specific projects in neighbouring countries such as Moldova and Ukraine. We are now cooperating in border regions.

Your third question concerns what the Commission is doing to tackle disproportionate bans in third countries on EU export of pigs, pigmeat and pig products from affected Member States. On this, the Commission has been communicating proactively with the main EU trading partners to provide full transparency on the ASF situation and the comprehensive measures it has taken based on international standards. My last meeting was in China discussing issues about porkmeat exports.

Regionalisation measures are proving effective and successful within the EU whenever disease outbreaks occur. These target affected areas and result in trade restrictions from those areas, leaving the rest of the EU unaffected. No outbreak has been reported in the EU following the legal movement of domestic pigs or meat.

In its bilateral contacts the Commission calls upon trading partners to recognise EU regionalisation measures for animal disease outbreaks. These are aligned with the international standards promoted by world organisations for animal health. Avoiding unjustified trade barriers is an important priority for the Commission. All relevant Commission services cooperate closely on this, and I would like to mention here the WTO case, which was successfully launched against the Russian ban.

Let me underline that the Commission is committed to further drive EU efforts to tackle ASF. My services are ready to find ways to enhance coordination with Member States and stakeholders. This will help optimise the EU response and pool all available resources to control disease and prevent its diffusion.

 
  
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  Daniel Buda, în numele grupului PPE. – Domnule președinte, domnule comisar, doamnelor și domnilor colegi, în primul rând îi felicit pe cei care au făcut posibilă dezbaterea de astăzi, pe care o apreciez ca fiind deosebit de importantă. Mulțumesc, în același timp, Comisiei Europene, în special domnului comisar Phil Hogan, pentru sprijinul acordat fermierilor din România afectați de acest virus.

Din păcate, în țara mea, fermierii din acest sector au fost extrem de afectați de virusul pestei porcine africane. Sigur, despăgubirile au venit și vor mai veni de la Uniunea Europeană, dar nu cred că această stare de fapt trebuie să ne mulțumească. Apreciez că mecanismele de prevenție sunt insuficiente și trebuie diversificate și consolidate, astfel încât să fie mult mai eficiente.

Comisia Europeană, și subliniez acest lucru, Comisia Europeană nu trebuie să se mulțumească să asiste statele membre. Ea trebuie să se implice activ și să le responsabilizeze atunci când acestea nu respectă niște măsuri minimale. Trebuie să avem în vedere faptul că acest virus este extrem de agresiv, rezistă ani de zile în diferite forme, cum ar fi carnea congelată sau în pământ, poate fi ușor de transportat pe roțile mașinilor, de păsările migratoare sau animalele sălbatice.

Extrem de importantă însă, și subliniez acest lucru, este menținerea efectivelor de porci mistreți la un nivel optim pentru echilibrul biologic, iar aici vânătorii joacă un rol important. Din păcate, astăzi nu au la dispoziție toate mecanismele de a se implica activ în reducerea numărului acestora, iar statele membre ar trebui să ia măsuri urgente în acest sens.

În același timp, Comisia Europeană trebuie să înțeleagă că, în combaterea acestui virus, arderea cadavrelor reprezintă măsura cea mai eficientă și rapidă. De aceea, consider că trebuie creată o infrastructură în acest sens, inclusiv arzătoare mobile cumpărate din fonduri europene, care să poată fi folosite în zonele unde virusul pestei porcine africane este prezent. Totodată, cer ferm Comisiei Europene să aloce bani suficienți în vederea intensificării activităților de cercetare, astfel încât să avem pe piață, de îndată, vaccinuri eficiente împotriva acestui virus.

 
  
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  Clara Eugenia Aguilera García, en nombre del Grupo S&D. – Señor presidente, señor comisario, yo agradezco este debate traído aquí por la Comisión de Agricultura y Desarrollo Rural para analizar la situación de la peste porcina africana. La hora no es la más adecuada, pero no le resta importancia: es un debate importante se produzca cuando se produzca.

No se puede decir, señor comisario, que no está haciendo la Comisión cosas. Las está haciendo. Pero a veces no se están explicando bien o se explican de forma inadecuada. Lo digo porque, en la Comisión de Agricultura y Desarrollo Rural, hemos tenido a representantes de la Dirección General competente que nos han generado más incertidumbres que certezas. Lo digo porque usted hoy ha explicado —y le he entendido bien— en su intervención todo lo que están haciendo, todo lo posible, pero no siempre se está transmitiendo, y eso, de cara al comercio, de cara al sector, genera muchas incertidumbres.

A veces se ha transmitido que la diseminación vía jabalíes es muy difícil de controlar... Hay que transmitir que se están haciendo cosas y seguridad en que vamos a afrontar esta situación.

Mire, yo soy española, y además de Andalucía: hemos sufrido la peste porcina africana durante cuarenta años. La erradicamos. Eso cuesta dinero y mucho trabajo.

Y ahora lo que es necesario —por eso este debate es oportuno— es una verdadera estrategia europea integral, más allá de sus competencias, porque el transporte y otros elementos intervienen. Por lo tanto, necesitamos una estrategia europea, no solo de la sanidad animal, sino generalizada.

En mi opinión, hay tres momentos. Uno, el momento de infección: entra por los países bálticos desde Rusia e infecta a los países bálticos y a un tercio de Polonia. Polonia mantiene bien la situación, tiene controlada la situación, y tres cuartas partes del territorio polaco siguen libres de PPA y, sin embargo, la situación de los países bálticos no parece tan controlada.

El segundo momento: la situación de Rumanía. Ha hablado bien el señor Buda, que es de allí y al que preocupa esta situación. Allí, en Rumanía, se ha producido el estallido de forma importante. En mi opinión —humilde—, creo que por su sistema productivo, quizá muy antiguo, y por el sistema veterinario, que es deficiente, en mi opinión. Hay que ayudar a Rumanía. Porque, al final, si no se ayuda a Rumanía, el problema lo tendremos todos.

Por lo tanto, ese problema del sistema productivo y del sistema veterinario necesita resolverse con fondos europeos de todos nosotros, no solo con el segundo pilar y las ayudas del segundo pilar de la PAC. Necesitamos más fondos y Rumanía los necesita para hacer una reconversión adecuada.

Y, en tercer lugar, la situación de Bélgica, la República Checa y Hungría, donde hay unos focos aislados en jabalíes y vamos a ver cómo se desarrollan.

Yo creo que la preocupación más importante, aparte del avance, es la situación de Rumanía. Por eso incido en que hay que ayudar con fondos extraordinarios a resolver esta situación con una estrategia integrada, porque el problema es general.

No se puede transmitir que la erradicación es muy difícil; es difícil, es verdad, es un virus y es complicado. Nosotros, en España, lo sabemos bien, pero se puede acometer. De hecho, Polonia también está abordando bien este problema. Por tanto, necesitamos de esa estrategia, porque los productores europeos han hecho un gran avance, han evolucionado en el sector porcino, son muy competitivos, y tener una infección de PPA significa, desde luego, hundir de nuevo las posibilidades de exportación de todos los países. Y, desde luego, a nosotros, en España, nos preocupa, pero nos preocupa cualquier situación que se produzca en Europa, porque se puede hundir este sector.

¿Qué pasará con los productores afectados bálticos y polacos? ¿Que tendrán que aguantar? No lo sé, espero que se les ayude, porque la situación tampoco está provocada. Esta no es una situación que provocan los productores. Todo tiene que ver. Y usted se ha referido a ello: los viajeros, los turistas, los transportistas, todos ellos intervienen en esta situación. Por lo tanto, acometámosla.

Y comprendo, comisario —y voy finalizando—, que usted me diga: ¿y con qué fondos? ¿con qué fondos podemos actuar? Digo: más allá de los de la PAC. Porque no hay fondos suficientes destinados al desarrollo rural de Rumanía que puedan arreglar esto. Necesitan ayuda adicional. Y dice: ¿con qué fondos? A ver: si tenemos un fondo veterinario que no sube, si se propone un marco financiero plurianual con bajadas en la sanidad animal, desde luego comprendo que usted diga que es muy difícil la situación de los fondos. Pidamos todos más fondos y más recursos para la sanidad animal y no que se congelen o vayan a menos, como está sucediendo en los últimos marcos financieros.

Además de los fondos, la segunda cuestión que ha de reclamar la Comisión es la defensa firme hacia los terceros países de nuestro sistema de regionalización. Se trata de una oportunidad también porque tenemos grandes exportaciones y no queremos que caigan. Lo único a lo que le animo, comisario, es a que busquemos fondos, ayudemos a resolver la situación que creo que es la más grave, la de Rumanía, y abordemos con claridad esta situación con una estrategia integral.

 
  
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  Beata Gosiewska, w imieniu grupy ECR. – Panie Przewodniczący! Panie Komisarzu! Polska rzeczywiście bardzo rygorystycznie przestrzega zasad bioasekuracji, ale niestety w wyniku ASF, który przychodzi do nas ze wschodu, i trudności z eksportem, spadek cen, nawet teraz przed świętami Bożego Narodzenia, doprowadził do tragicznej sytuacji rolników produkujących wieprzowinę. Na wschodzie Polski zniknęła prawie jedna trzecia gospodarstw produkujących trzodę chlewną. Jeśli wirus przesunie się na zachód, gdzie znajduje się największa hodowla trzody, straty mogą być niewyobrażalne. Panie komisarzu, polscy rolnicy chcą produkować trzodę chlewną, a nie likwidować produkcję, a Komisja Europejska zachęca do likwidacji małych stad. Nie możemy w Unii Europejskiej likwidować produkcji trzody chlewnej. Musimy skutecznie walczyć z tą chorobą.

Jaką pomoc finansową proponuje Komisja Europejska z tytułu spadku cen wieprzowiny? One są niezależne od producentów i należałoby to zrekompensować.

 
  
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  Jozo Radoš, u ime kluba ALDE-a. – Poštovani predsjedavajući, gospodine povjereniče, kolegice i kolege, u Republici Hrvatskoj i bez ovoga problema, dakle afričke svinjske kuge, imamo problema s divljim svinjama koje se približavaju naseljima, rasplodno se miješaju s domaćim svinjama i, naravno, čine velike štete na poljoprivrednim površinama. U zdanje vrijeme čak prelaze na otoke i na tim uskim, posebnim, biološkim prostorima čine još veću štetu.

S pojavom odnosno opasnošću od afričke svinjske kuge ta dimenzija opasnosti postaje još snažnija, stoga podržavam sve ove prijedloge koji su navedeni u pitanjima i o kojima se izjasnila Komisija u pogledu bolje kontrole prometa, financijske pomoći ugroženim poljoprivrednim proizvođačima i, naravno, jednako tako pitanje nerazmjernih zabrana prometa svinjskoga mesa, svinja i prerađevina od svinjskoga mesa.

Dodao bih tu još neke prijedloge koji se razmatraju u Hrvatskoj, s obzirom na to da su Češka Republika, Rumunjska i Mađarska zemlje u kojima je potvrđeno postojanje svinjske kuge, a zbog pokretljivosti divljih svinja ta opasnost, naravno, postoji i za susjedne zemlje. Zato predlažem da se malo više posveti edukaciji onih koji dolaze u dodir s divljim svinjama, pogotovo lovaca prilikom lova i prilikom hranjenja divljih svinja, bolja edukacija onih koji dolaze također u kontakt s divljim svinjama, a jednako tako bilo bi dobro i bolje pridržavanje higijenskih, zdravstvenih, veterinarskih pravila za osobe koje dolaze u kontakt s divljim svinjama.

Dakle, radi se o ozbiljnom problemu. Treba raditi na tome da se ta bolest eliminira u zemljama gdje postoji i zahvaljujem Odboru za poljoprivredu i ruralni razvoj i gospodinu Siekierskom na pokretanju ove inicijative.

 
  
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  Ana Miranda, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Mr President, African Swine Fever represents a serious threat to pig farming with indirect devastating economic losses for the pig sector due to rapid and complete third country bans on pigs, pigmeat and pig products imported from countries where the disease is detected.

Commissioner, in our Group we are very worried about how the Commission will ensure robust coordination between all competent authorities in the areas of animal health, well—being, road transport and customs. You mentioned the budget and the financial assistance for farmers affected, who are in the front line of the problem, but how can the Commission take immediate measures to stop the disease from spreading? We are also worried about how the Commission is tackling disproportionate bans adopted by certain third countries on exports of pigs, pigmeat and pig products from the ten EU Member States affected.

 
  
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  Norbert Erdős (PPE). – Az afrikai sertéspestis egész Európát érintő kihívás, hiszen ez a súlyos állatbetegség már tíz tagállamban bukkant fel. Szeretném hangsúlyozni, Magyarországon sikerült biztosítani, hogy a pusztító sertéspestis a házi sertéseket ne fertőzze meg, ami a bevezetett szigorú védelmi intézkedéseknek köszönhető. Fontos érdekünk, hogy a szükséges uniós források egyrészt a hatósági védekezésre, másrészt a károsult gazdák kártalanítására elérhetőek legyenek. Komoly siker, hogy a jövő évi költségvetés tervezetébe Deutsch Tamás és Sógor Csaba képviselőtársaimmal együtt sikerült beemelnünk 50 millió eurót a sertéspestis által okozott károk kezelésére. Kérem a Bizottságot, hogy növelje ezt a forrást, amennyiben lehetősége van. A fentiek mellett elvárom a Bizottságtól, hogy kövessen el mindent az uniós exporttal érintett harmadik országok – különösen Kína, Tajvan és Hongkong – meggyőzése érdekében, hogy oldják fel a sertéspestissel érintett uniós országokra kivetett exporttilalmat. Meg kell győzni ezeket az országokat, hogy fogadják el a regionalizáció nemzetközi alapelvét. Meg kell értetnünk velük, hogy ne a teljes exportot tiltsák le a sertéspestis miatt, hanem csak a fertőzéssel érintett megyékből származó kivitelt.

Várom a bizottság képviselőjének a szíves válaszát mindkét kérdésemben.

 
  
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  Ramón Luis Valcárcel Siso (PPE). – Señor presidente, señor comisario, la peste africana supone una amenaza grave para el sector porcino, al resultar letal para cerdos y jabalíes y ocasionar importantes pérdidas a nuestra ganadería. Ya afecta a diez Estados miembros. Sabiendo lo fácil que es la propagación en un mercado sin fronteras, la prioridad debe ser que no haya más focos. Deben extremarse al máximo los controles para que el virus no se extienda más.

Señor comisario, mi país —España— está a la cabeza de la producción porcina, con un sector valorado en 7 000 millones de euros. Un foco en España sería letal. Sé que usted está haciendo todo lo que está en su mano para proteger las explotaciones sanas. Por otra parte, está claro que se necesita un enfoque mundial para acabar con esta enfermedad. Es importante que la Comisión se coordine estrechamente con el resto de autoridades para dar a los ganaderos la información necesaria.

El objetivo es que quienes se encuentran en primera línea puedan adoptar medidas. Y, por supuesto, no perdemos de vista las noticias esperanzadoras que llegan de España. Si todo sale bien, la vacuna del doctor Sánchez Vizcaíno, de la región de Murcia —que es mi región, para más señas—, podría ser clave para erradicar esta epidemia. Espero que su investigación cuente con todo el apoyo posible de la Comisión Europea.

 
  
 

Catch-the-eye procedure

 
  
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  Krzysztof Hetman (PPE). – Panie Przewodniczący! W tej ciepłej, jasnej sali dyskutujemy o problemie, który doprowadził do tego, że w kilku tysiącach gospodarstw produkujących trzodę chlewną, szczególnie na terenie Polski wschodniej, jest ciemno i zimno. Produkcja w tych miejscach została w wielu przypadkach bezpowrotnie zlikwidowana.

Pani poseł Aguilera Garcia mówiła, że Polska poradziła sobie świetnie z tym problemem. To pytanie brzmi: dlaczego w tym momencie, kiedy dyskutujemy, na drogach w Polsce są rolnicy, którzy blokują ruch właśnie z powodu afrykańskiego pomoru świń?

Mówimy tutaj o dramacie tysięcy rodzin, które straciły bardzo często jedyne źródło utrzymania. Jak dowiodła konferencja, którą wraz z posłem Siekierskim zorganizowałem pół roku temu w Parlamencie w gronie międzynarodowych ekspertów i rolników na temat ASF, rolnicy przegrywają tę bitwę, ale przede wszystkim przegrywają z biurokracją i brakiem skutecznej walki z przyczynami tej choroby. Alarmowaliśmy, że brak solidarności, nieudolność władz niektórych państw członkowskich doprowadzą do rozprzestrzenienia się tej choroby w Europie. Nie funkcjonuje systemowe wsparcie dla rolnicków, zarówno dla tych, którzy już nie prowadzą produkcji, ale także dla tych, którzy jeszcze starają się ją ocalić. Rolnicy zostali z tym problemem sami, to jest głęboko nieuczciwe.

 
  
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  Albert Deß (PPE). – Herr Präsident! Vielen Dank, Herr Kommissar Andriukaitis, dass Sie heute hier sind. Der Agrarausschuss hat die Anfrage gestellt, weil hier ein großes Problem vorhanden ist. Ich möchte jetzt nicht auf die Probleme eingehen; die Kollegen haben sie sehr deutlich geschildert. Aber ich habe festgestellt, dass gerade die Wildschweine eine große Gefahr darstellen, und ich habe gerade die Abschusszahlen für Deutschland herausgesucht: 2007 waren es noch 287 000, im Jahr 2017 590 000 Wildschweine, die von den Jägern geschossen wurden. Hier, Herr Kommissar, sollten Sie vielleicht daran denken, ob man hier nicht eine Abschussprämie gibt, damit hier noch mehr Bekämpfung möglich ist.

Ich möchte aber auch die kurze Zeit nutzen, um Ihnen, Herr Kommissar Andriukaitis, zu danken für das Interesse, das Sie der Landwirtschaft entgegenbringen, Ihnen ein gesegnetes Weihnachtsfest wünschen und alles Gute für das neue Jahr.

 
  
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  Ivan Jakovčić (ALDE). – Poštovani predsjedavajući, gospodine povjereniče, imam sasvim konkretan prijedlog. Mislim da je vrijeme da se osnuje pravi europski stožer za suzbijanje afričke svinjske kuge, ali ne samo europski stožer.

Sa zemljama članicama dogovorite nacionalne stožere, dogovorite regionalne i lokalne stožere jer divlje svinje u Njemačkoj neće riješiti vlada u Berlinu nego će ih rješavati netko u općini, gospodine Deßa. Kao što Vam ja kažem u mojoj općini u Grožnjanu, dajte lovcima mogućnost da riješe problem, riješit ćemo problem. Ne možete ga Vi riješiti gospodine povjereniče na europskom nivou, taj problem počinje negdje u nekoj šumi, u nekom svinjogojstvu i tu moramo riješiti problem. Trebaju nam vertikale, od Bruxellesa do najmanje općine u Europskoj uniji. Na taj način ćemo suzbiti ono što nas danas muči.

Također, trebamo učiniti to i s nekim zemljama, našim susjedima koji još nisu članice Europske unije i to na Balkanu i, naravno, Ukrajini i Moldovi. Mislim da je to način na koji možemo riješiti taj problem.

 
  
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   (End of catch-the-eye procedure)

President. – Commissioner, you have the floor for your closing remarks – the last Commissioner’s remarks for this year!

 
  
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  Vytenis Povilas Andriukaitis, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, thank you very much indeed! I have listened with great interest to the views expressed during this debate. Let me start with my reply to Mr Buda, because he mentioned Romania. I would like to tell you, Mr Buda, that we started to work together with Romania from 2015 when there was no case was in Romania. We started to develop Romanian capacities to detect and we started to finance laboratories, with a range of Romanian officials. We invite Romania to every meeting, presentation and training session. When in 2017 the first cases occurred in Romania, first of all in different regions, outside the Danube region – we immediately spoke to the Romanian authorities, local authorities, regional authorities, actors and operators. I sent my veterinary team on the ground and I asked Romania to please be very careful, because disease carriers could come from Ukraine to the Danube area because the Danube is very difficult from a climatic point of view, because it is in Natura 2000, and there you have no hunting strategies and there are problems with the elimination of carcases because the climatic situation it is very difficult. We started to think about possibilities of also inviting hunters, environmentalists, local leaders, but in Romania you have problems with backyards. People do not always register their pigs, there is a deep cultural tradition. When such big outbreaks occur we immediately send the best experts, best teams, to eradicate it, to stop it, and of course we introduce very strict measures. It is true. In the Romania case we introduced very strict measures and it helps us now to see and to monitor the situation addressing all the challenges.

We have provided a lot of money to Romania since 2015. You just mentioned the issues of carcases and machines. We assist Romania to equip their possibilities to eliminate carcases from those difficult regions. In this case Romania was very brave. They deployed the army, they did what they could. We provided a lot of money to Romania. But one thing is our measures and another thing is the common agricultural policy. Together with Commissioner Hogan we discussed how the Commission can also help with financial instruments in the Romania case. It is an everyday job, a very difficult job. That is why at the next meeting on 19 December we are inviting Ministers of the environment and Ministers of agriculture, once again to discuss what we can do.

My answer to Ms Aguilera García. On African Swine Fever, hundreds of pages are available to all of us. If I speak about uncertainties we can provide you with full information about what we do every month, because we are revising our African Swine Fever strategy ever half year. We ask EFSA to monitor the situation and to provide scientific advice every time – what can we do, what is the new data? How can we address the wild boar population? How can we have a common methodology to calculate more or less the density of wild boar? Now we can discuss issues, how can we encourage Member States really to work together in reducing the number of wild boar and their dense population because it is a very complex one.

Speaking about the possibility to provide more money. As I mentioned, from our side we provided EUR 95 million to concrete measures, financing all concrete measures which were enshrined in the African Swine Fever strategy. One very difficult issue is with transport. Hungary, the Czech Republic, and Belgium were affected by long—distance trailers and we immediately used our teams to eradicate those zones. In Zlin in the Czech Republic there were very good effects and now in the Arlon area of Belgium. We will eradicate it from the zone. In Hungary there were two cases, not so far from Austria, which were eradicated.

But nobody can provide guarantees that drivers do not disseminate the disease because the Schengen area has no borders, and now a slightly different situation compared to issues in Spain which was not a Schengen area and is a different situation. But now we are doing a lot, encouraging transport ministers also to draw attention to issues because the human factor is a very dangerous one in this situation.

I was in Moscow, I was in Kiev, I was in Chișinău, I was in Minsk. We discussed those issues there with third countries. Our proposal was simple. Let’s organise common strategies, because it is now pandemic. Now we know that African Swine Fever is in China. If you compare the spread of African Swine Fever from 2014 when we came to office, in 2014 African Swine Fever was only on the Russian-European side. Now, it comes to Irkutsk and to China. We are containing it more or less at the eastern borders, including also a case in Romania and the jump into one small area in Bulgaria.

But speaking about scientific measures, we provided money to discover new vaccinations. EUR 25 million were allocated to those issues. I don’t know how the situation is today but at the moment there is no good positive result about the possibility of a real vaccine. Maybe in the future, but nobody knows.

Speaking about more money, you know very well that the Multiannual Financial Framework is now in our hands, in the hands of Parliament and in the hands of the Council. We proposed instruments, we proposed raising much more dedicated to prevention and preparedness, and how to really have enough financial instruments, but I think it is in our hands to do more.

I can just tell you about trade. Commissioner Malmström was informed about the whole situation with our trading partners. I also visited three countries discussing possibilities of their removing their unjustified ban. Now we are in a very tough relationship with China and with some countries, in a battle against trade restrictions with Russia, but politically it is very complex. We could discuss possibilities to use reciprocal measures, but now we are discussing how we can eliminate unjustified barriers and regionalisation is the main instrument, which we did defend at WTO level.

Colleagues, thank you very much indeed. Of course my obligation is to provide the Committee on Agriculture and rural Development (AGRI) with full information about what was done on the ground. I shall ask my services to send to you all detailed information because we provide the AGRI Council with full information every month, and I am ready to provide the AGRI Committee also with full information so as to eliminate all uncertainties about this issue. It is really a very challenging time and we need to act together.

 
  
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  President. – The debate is closed.

Before declaring this session of Parliament adjourned, I would like once again to thank all the services that participate in the smooth running of the plenary – this means the plenary Secretariat, the ushers, the interpreters and everyone involved – for an excellent job. We are highly dependent on you. I wish you all a very good Christmas and a good start to next year, and also to you, colleagues – those last remaining ‘warriors’ – the same, and especially a safe trip home. Commissioner, the same to you. Thanks very much for being with us.

 

16. Trasmissione dei testi approvati nel corso della presente seduta: vedasi processo verbale
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17. Calendario delle prossime sedute: vedasi processo verbale
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18. Chiusura della seduta
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(The sitting closed at 16.24)

 

19. Interruzione della sessione
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  President. – I declare adjourned the session of the European Parliament.

 
Ultimo aggiornamento: 5 aprile 2019Avviso legale