Dobesedni zapisi razprav

Torek, 15. januar 2019 - Strasbourg

2. Reforma azilne in migracijske politike EU glede na še trajajočo humanitarno krizo v Sredozemlju in Afriki (razprava)

  President. – The next item is the debate on the Council and Commission statements on reform of the EU asylum and migration policy in light of the continued humanitarian crisis in the Mediterranean and Africa (2019/2516(RSP)).

  Melania Ciot, President-in-Office of the Council. – Madam President, the migratory situation in the Mediterranean Sea has improved significantly over the last years in terms of the number of arrivals. In total in 2018, approximately 150 000 irregular arrivals were registered at our external borders in the Mediterranean. This represents a fall by a quarter compared with 2017 and is the lowest level in five years. This total for 2018 was also 92% below the peak of the migratory crisis in 2015. This shows that our resolute and comprehensive action and our engagement with key partner countries have paid off and should continue to be pursued.

The number of deaths at sea remains too high, of course, and efforts must continue to bring it down. But in 2018 this number also decreased by a quarter since 2017, and on the central Mediterranean route alone, the decrease is more than 50%. The UNHCR estimates that in 2018 the Libyan Coast Guard rescued or intercepted nearly 50 000 migrants at sea. The EU holds an important stake in that number, and I would do like to start by referring to recent developments regarding Libya and the EU Emergency Trust Fund for Africa.

Since 2014, the European Union has mobilised EUR 338 million on migration-related projects in Libya, EUR 318 million under the EU Emergency Trust Fund for Africa, and EUR 20 million as bilateral assistance. One third – EUR 91 million – was granted to support the Libyan Coast Guard in the form of training, including on human rights and equipment to set up basic operational rooms for the Coast Guard in Tripoli and to support the development of Libya’s own Maritime Rescue Coordination Centre.

EUNAVFOR Operation Sophia has so far provided training for a total of 237 coast guard personnel, and the European Asylum Support Office (EASO) has provided training on access to the asylum procedure. Regarding our support inland in Libya, an important component of the EU Emergency Trust Fund programme consists of EUR 134.7 million in assistance and protection services to stranded migrants. It also covers voluntary humanitarian return assistance by the International Organization for Migration (IOM), including reintegration support, which has benefited over 16 000 migrants in 2018 and over 19 000 migrants in 2017. The EU entirely supports the evacuation of asylum seekers and refugees from Libya in the framework of the Evacuation Transit Mechanism (ETM) by UNHCR. Since its start in 2017, this has so far benefited over 2 800 persons. Finally, on 4 December 2018, following a month of negotiations with the authorities, the UNHCR – again with EU support – was able to open a gathering and departure facility in Tripoli. The facility is the first open centre in Libya, hosting migrants released from detention centres in view of resettlement.

Nevertheless, a number of challenges remain on all Mediterranean routes, and they are very different from one another. The European Council conclusions of June last year set out clear guidance for priority action on each route. Hence we will continue taking forward the implementation of existing policies on the eastern and central Mediterranean routes. On the eastern Mediterranean route, numbers remain low, but the significant increase of irregular arrivals at the Greek-Turkish land border shows that we must keep a vigilant attitude to any shifts along the route. In this respect, cooperation with Turkey under the EU—Turkey Statement, as well as with our Western Balkan partners, is essential. Our work with neighbouring Mediterranean countries on the more pressing issues has been complimented with further engagement with countries further afield in Africa.

The regional dialogue in recent years, the Rabat and Khartoum Processes and the Valletta Action Plan represent useful frameworks for a comprehensive and deep cooperation with African partners. They are supplemented by a robust set of funding instruments, including the EU Emergency Trust Fund for Africa, through which the EU has been able to mobilise more than EUR 4 billion for actions across the main African migratory routes. New cooperation initiatives are also in the pipeline, like the upcoming EU—AU ministerial meeting of 21—22 January 2019, which will contribute to strengthening region—to—region ties and addressing common challenges. It will also establish a regular forum for discussions with our African partners.

Regarding the reform of the EU asylum rules, the Council has worked intensively on these complex files during successive Presidencies. Fruitful negotiations have taken place between the Council and the European Parliament, which resulted in substantial progress on five of the seven proposals. The Romanian Presidency stands ready to continue these efforts in order to make progress where possible. For other important legislative files, like the Schengen Borders Code, the Visa Code and the Immigration Liaison Officers Regulation, the Presidency hopes to conclude the ongoing trilogues with Parliament before the elections.

Regarding the reform of the European Border and Coast Guard, both co—legislators are putting a lot of effort into reaching a position which will allow them to start interinstitutional negotiations. However, there are still significant disagreements between Member States on some major issues of the asylum reform, in particular the Dublin Regulation. While all Member States agree on the importance of striking the right balance between responsibility and solidarity, it has so far proved impossible to find a compromise on the concrete elements of that balance. It has been argued that enhancing the responsibilities of Member States should be compensated by a predictable system which is capable of providing relief to frontline Member States faced with a crisis. Striking the right balance is not only about finding the right formula for the distribution mechanism. Solidarity can be expressed in different ways.

The complexity of the situation is demonstrated by the fact that, notwithstanding the important decrease in the number of arrivals, there is still a high number of asylum applications, a big proportion of which are lodged in countries other than the frontline Member States. This shows that there are significant secondary movements which will need to be tackled if we want to come to a structural solution for the issue at stake.

  President. – Please, colleagues, a little bit of respect for the speaker and do not interrupt. You may have the floor at a later time (protests from the left) ... yes and I have the microphone.

Commissioner Avramopoulos, you have the floor. This is a difficult issue so we will try and have an important and strong debate on this critical issue.

  Dimitris Avramopoulos, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, I feel like we have been here before, discussing again and again the same issue in similar circumstances. However, while the context has changed and irregular migrant arrivals have dropped drastically, certain political attitudes have unfortunately not changed and so we find ourselves here again.

First of all, let me state that I am relieved that a solution has been found that allowed all the migrants on board the two NGO vessels to disembark in Malta. But also let’s not fool ourselves; having 49 people – 49 – on boats at sea for almost three weeks is not what the European Union stands for.

(Applause)

It is even more shameful to think that this happened during the Christmas period. The European Union is about human values and solidarity and we are all determined to uphold these values. But if human values and solidarity are not upheld, it is not Europe.

At the Commission we spared no effort to call for and coordinate relocation pledges among Member States and make this disembarkation possible. I was myself, day and night, in direct contact with a number of ministers. I have also called publicly on all Member States to show more solidarity. This is a message I will keep repeating because we cannot continue to negotiate with human lives at sea.

First, I wish to commend Malta, as one of our smallest Member States, for demonstrating such solidarity and I plan to visit Malta very soon.

(Applause)

I would also like to thank all the Member States that agreed to receive the migrants who disembarked in Malta: Germany, France, Portugal, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Romania, Slovenia, Ireland and Italy.

(Applause)

All these countries have shown European solidarity in the most concrete way possible. But the European Union simply cannot continue to rely on unorganised ad hoc solutions when it comes to disembarkation. I was in Italy, as you know, yesterday where I had constructive discussions with the leadership of the country, with Prime Minster Conte and Interior Minister Salvini. We are all committed to establishing a truly European solidarity mechanism because it is not only through a European approach that we can really manage this challenge. The situation today is already proof of that.

The number of irregular arrivals today is nowhere near to that of three years ago and is 80% less than last year, and yet the political resistance today seems almost bigger. I ask everyone to open their eyes. We are not in a migration or refugee crisis anymore, although some try to present it as such. And while we are determined to continue reducing irregular migratory flows towards Europe, we also have to acknowledge that some migrants and refugees will continue to come, even if those numbers are much smaller today. This is not something that we cannot handle, but it does become unmanageable if countries have to act alone. It is for exactly this reason that we need predictable and sustainable mechanisms in place.

It is indeed critical for Europe to uphold its moral and human duty while at the same time to have in place a solid, sustainable, future-proof and fair asylum system. This is the essence of our common European asylum reform. Until we get there the Commission is ready to work with Member States to set up temporary arrangements. They will allow us to ensure solidarity with the most exposed EU countries while avoiding creating a pull factor. They will serve as a bridge until the new Dublin regulation becomes applicable.

I said this in December, and I will not stop making this point until we succeed: now is the time to finalise the reform of the European Union’s asylum rules, now is the time for the governments to take up their responsibilities in the Council and stop blaming the Commission.

(Applause)

I count on this House’s continued support and before I close my remarks, I would like to express my gratitude to Parliament for its support during all these four years. Thanks to your support and your commitment we are in a position to say that we deliver, but we can do more in the future. But unfortunately the clock is ticking. We are running out of time and we have only three months ahead. Let’s do our duty. Let’s do our job.

(Applause)

  President. – Colleagues, before I open the floor for our group speakers I will not be taking blue cards in the first round. We are quite constrained on time and a number of colleagues want to take the floor at the end of this debate.

  Agustín Díaz de Mera García Consuegra, en nombre del Grupo PPE. – Señora Presidenta, aunque la crisis del Mediterráneo ha llevado a centrar la atención en las necesidades inmediatas, también ha puesto de manifiesto las limitaciones estructurales de las herramientas en la política migratoria de la Unión.

En 2016, la Comisión impulsó siete propuestas para reformar el Sistema Europeo Común de Asilo. A día de hoy, existen posibilidades de acuerdo político en cinco de ellas, pero las instituciones comunitarias adolecen de la necesaria solidaridad y determinación.

Los instrumentos recogidos en estas propuestas incluso por sí solos representan un avance en la gestión de la migración. La reforma del sistema «Eurodac», el Reglamento para la Oficina Europea de Apoyo al Asilo o la creación de un marco común de reasentamiento pueden salir adelante si hay voluntad política y acuerdo político, pero es necesario seguir trabajando en la reforma del sistema de Dublín ya que, dos años después de que la Comisión lanzara su propuesta, las posiciones divergentes de los Estados miembros continúan y han impedido que el Consejo adopte un mandato para iniciar negociaciones con el Parlamento.

La Unión tiene todo a su alcance para paliar esta crisis: la Agenda Europea de Migración de 2015, el Fondo Fiduciario de Emergencia para África o el Plan de inversiones exteriores de la Unión. Además de las siete propuestas legislativas, se ha previsto un incremento presupuestario en el próximo marco financiero que puede alcanzar los 10 000 millones de euros, sin olvidar la firma del Pacto Mundial para la Migración con las Naciones Unidas.

Pero se precisan solidaridad y una mejor gestión para evitar que los hombres, mujeres y niños que huyen del terror, las guerras o el cambio climático queden desamparados, mueran en el mar o caigan en manos de redes criminales. La aprobación de los siete informes y un compromiso firme de solidaridad europeo frente a resistencias egoístas y políticas miopes sería una buena solución.

  Tanja Fajon, v imenu skupine S&D. – Gospa predsedujoča, kolegi, neenotna evropska emigracijska politika vsak dan razčloveči več ljudi, ki bežijo pred vojnami in iz kriznih žarišč. Zadnji v vrsti takšnih primerov je nesrečna zgodba, ki ste jo omenili, 49 ljudi, ki so 19 dni ostali ujeti na Sredozemskem morju in nobena država ladji Sea-Watch, na kateri so bili ujeti begunci, ni dovolila niti vstopa v svoje teritorialne vode, da bi se tako umaknili pred nevihtami v vodah.

Navkljub poznemu odzivu pozdravljam odločitev držav članic Unije, ki so se odločile pomagati in sprejeti begunce, nenazadnje tudi moja država, Slovenija. In vsaka takšna tragedija je nov dokaz, da je potreben skupen pristop in odziv držav članic na humanitarno krizo, ampak kdaj kolegi, kdaj, sprašujem države članice.

Reformo azilnega sistema, ki bi presegla parcialne interese posameznih držav in ki bi prestala zob časa, smo v Parlamentu sprejeli že pred dvema letoma in strinjam se z vami, spoštovani komisar, da je zdaj odgovornost in krivda povsem na strani držav članic.

Sprašujem se, koliko tovrstnim tragedijam bomo še priča, preden bomo ukrepali. Pogum v dejanjih, zvestoba evropskim načelom in solidarnosti ter skupen odziv na izzive našega časa še vedno ostajajo edina prava pot k rešitvi.

  Helga Stevens, namens de ECR-Fractie. – Voorzitter, wij blijven in herhaling vallen. In dit kader verwijs ik naar de toespraak van collega Verhofstadt, de fractieleider van de Europese liberalen, van vorige zomer hier in de vergaderzaal over de noodzaak van hervorming van de Europese asiel- en migratieregels. Hij verweet de Raad toen dat er werd getalmd met de aanpak van de migratiecrisis. Verhofstadt pleitte in één adem voor Europese centra in Afrikaanse transitlanden, waar elke migrant asiel zou kunnen aanvragen, lees: een ticket enkele reis naar de EU.

Dit is echt om problemen vragen, want wereldwijd zijn er zo'n 60 miljoen mensen op de vlucht. Europa kan hen niet allemaal opvangen. Daarom is er een limiet nodig voor het aantal migranten dat we opvangen. Maar zolang het Europees Parlement, net als collega Verhofstadt, migratiedossiers blijft benaderen vanuit een optiek van open grenzen, zullen vele Europese hervormingsvoorstellen inzake migratie stranden op de onwil van de Raad. Het Parlement dicteert idiote en onwerkbare voorstellen, in het genre luchtbruggen tussen Afrika en Europa en verbaast zich dan over de weigering van de lidstaten.

Deze legislatuur loopt op zijn einde en vele asieldossiers zitten nog altijd muurvast. Het is tijd voor realisme. De ongebreidelde instroom moet worden beperkt. Daarom moeten we focussen op de bewaking van de buitengrenzen en de lidstaten hierbij meer ondersteunen.

  Cecilia Wikström, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Madam President, a year and a half ago this Parliament approved with a two-thirds majority a pragmatic reform of the Dublin Regulation – after very difficult work, I must say. We managed to join five groups in a text that actually points out the need for a truly European compromise.

We voted for a proposal that would ensure solidarity between Member States; where every Member State would play a positive part in correcting the failures of the current system. We improved the Commission proposal by ensuring immediate registration and security screenings of applicants, reasonable balance, easing the burden on front-line Member States and a fair sharing of responsibilities for all.

Our text would incentivise applicants to work with the authorities instead of driving them to abscond and make use of smugglers. What I want to see is an orderly asylum system in Europe where those in need of protection who reach our shores would receive exactly that, and those that do not comply with the criteria would be sent back.

We did our homework in this House. What did the Member States do? They dug themselves deeper and deeper into the trenches. All of them seem to worry mostly about themselves and no one is ready to find a compromise.

Now I quote Commissioner Avramopoulos: ‘Open your eyes’. We are all time low on migration at this moment. And still there are a few that manage to reach our shores and we need to take full responsibility for them and we should do it jointly together. The result that we see from Member States now is that people rescued at sea have to wait for weeks in full despair and desperation as Member States haggle over their future. With every failure of the Member States the bar seems to be set lower and lower.

Believe me, judgment day will come and generations to come will ask all of us, why did you allow this to happen? Why? No one can give a full answer to that but we know that we managed to put systems together on everything except for human beings. The day has come for us to deliver.

(Scattered applause)

  Philippe Lamberts, au nom du groupe Verts/ALE. – Madame la Présidente, «La nuit, tout est noir. J’avais très peur mais j’étais obligé de monter dans le canot. J’ai vu beaucoup de personnes, de rebelles, tirer sur n’importe qui. On entendait des gens crier, hurler, pleurer. J’ai cru que j’étais mort.»

Voilà, chers collègues, un témoignage parmi tant d’autres d’un migrant rescapé de la Méditerranée. Tous les jours, aux confins de notre Europe, des humains meurent d’avoir simplement voulu quitter l’enfer – près de 18 000 depuis 2014

Si l’Europe ne peut accueillir toute la souffrance du monde, elle doit prendre sa juste part dans l’accueil de celles et ceux qui l’appellent à l’aide, d’autant plus qu’elle porte sa part de responsabilité dans les causes de la migration.

Au lieu de cela, l’Union européenne, qui aime à se revendiquer comme la championne du monde des droits humains, n’hésite pas à se faire la meilleure alliée de régimes oppressifs, comme le Soudan ou l’Érythrée, ou d’États faillis, comme la Libye. Aujourd’hui, c’est avec de l’argent européen que nous finançons dans ces pays des bandes armées, rebaptisées à l’occasion garde-côtes ou auxiliaires de sécurité – une supercherie qui ne trompera pas grand monde. Car l’objectif est limpide: empêcher à tout prix la moindre demande d’asile d’être déposée en Europe. Tel est l’objectif annoncé clairement par le ministre autrichien de l’intérieur en juillet dernier.

Et ne vous y trompez pas: si ce dernier appartient à l’extrême droite, ses positions ont été de facto entérinées par les chefs d’État et de gouvernement, tant de droite que de gauche. De sommet en sommet, ils mesurent, comme vous l’avez fait, Madame la Ministre, le succès de la politique d’asile et de migration à la seule aune de la baisse des arrivées.

L’Europe forteresse est une insulte aux valeurs de l’Union européenne. Cette politique répressive nous rend complices de régimes et, osons le mot, de régimes meurtriers qui piétinent la dignité humaine, au risque de commencer à leur ressembler. Mais, n’est-ce pas déjà trop tard alors que, de la Belgique à l’Italie, de la Hongrie à la France, certains gouvernements criminalisent les migrants et ceux qui leur viennent en aide?

Voici plus d’un an, rejetant le chacun pour soi et les formules simplistes, ce Parlement a adopté à une majorité écrasante, sous la houlette de Mme Wikström, qui vient de parler, une position radicalement opposée à la fois au simplisme et à la fuite en avant populiste. Nous avons eu le courage de dépasser les égoïsmes nationaux en abandonnant la règle insensée de Dublin.

L’Europe peut faire plus, elle doit faire plus. Elle peut faire plus et mieux, et si elle ne veut pas renoncer à ses valeurs, ce plus et ce mieux s’imposent à elle.

  Cornelia Ernst, im Namen der GUE/NGL-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin! Vielen Dank, Herr Kommissar, für Ihren Beitrag. Aber worüber will der Rat eigentlich heute mit uns reden? Das frage ich Sie. Wollen Sie mit uns über die 40 000 Menschen, die seit 2000 an den EU-Außengrenzen umgekommen sind, oder über die 18 000 seit 2014 reden? Wollen Sie mit uns über die verschwundenen Kinder reden, die Zigtausende, die auf den unsicheren Routen nach Europa einfach weg waren? Wollen Sie mit uns über die vergewaltigten Frauen in den libyschen Gefängnissen reden? Wollen Sie das? Haben Sie Lust dazu? Das frage ich Sie, den Rat. Das wäre doch mal spannend. Sie blockieren seit anderthalb Jahren progressive Vorschläge, progressive Vorschläge, in dem Parlament mit einer Zweidrittelmehrheit beschlossen, und nicht nur mit Blick auf Dublin, auf die Aufnahmerichtlinie. Sie blockieren das! Sie blockieren eine positive, eine progressive Asylpolitik. Sie sind mitschuldig an den vielen Toten an den EU-Außengrenzen. Ich schäme mich für Sie – für Sie, den Rat, und ich glaube, Sie haben es eigentlich verwirkt, über Menschenrechte zu sprechen.

  Laura Ferrara, a nome del gruppo EFDD. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, dopo anni di lavoro, la riforma del sistema comune europeo di asilo è affossata, affossata dagli egoismi nazionali che non consentono di trovare una posizione comune sull'equa ripartizione delle responsabilità e sulla solidarietà nelle politiche di asilo e immigrazione fra gli Stati membri, così come sancito, peraltro, nell'articolo 80 del trattato.

Secondo un recente studio dell'EPRS, le carenze del CEAS hanno un impatto non soltanto sui diritti fondamentali, ma anche in termini di costi economici, che sono stimati annualmente in circa 49 miliardi di euro. Una cifra che include, tra l'altro, i costi delle inefficienze riguardanti i trasferimenti di Dublino, le procedure di asilo e anche i rimpatri.

L'assenza di vie legali di accesso determina ancora oggi il ricorso ai trafficanti di esseri umani per chi è costretto a fuggire da guerre e persecuzioni. Ebbene, di fronte a questo desolante quadro, è ora che gli Stati membri passino dalle parole ai fatti, mostrando coerenza non soltanto con i trattati, e quindi con la solidarietà e con la cooperazione, ma che mostrino coerenza anche ponendo fine alle politiche neocolonialiste che continuano ad impoverire e a destabilizzare intere aree del continente africano, sfruttando risorse umane e materiali.

A questo punto non si può che condividere quanto affermato dal premier italiano Conte ieri, quando definisce il tema dei migranti qualificante per il progetto europeo. Se si continua a tergiversare e a fare in modo che i singoli paesi affrontino il fenomeno in modo non strutturale, ma emergenziale, rischiamo di far cadere l'intero edificio europeo.

  Marcel de Graaff, namens de ENF-Fractie. – Voorzitter, de Raad en de Commissie prijzen zichzelf de hemel in voor de teruglopende migratie. Maar laten we duidelijk zijn: het is het resultaat van zwichten voor chantage van Turkije en van corrupte stamhoofden in Libië waar miljarden belastinggeld van EU-burgers naartoe wordt gesluisd. Het is het resultaat van het met tegenzin accepteren van de keiharde aanpak van mensensmokkelende ngo's door Matteo Salvini, de Italiaanse minister van Binnenlandse Zaken.

De Raad pleit voor hetzelfde slappe EU-beleid waar het gaat om het terugzenden van illegale migranten, terwijl mevrouw Merkel vorige week nog erkende dat de Turkije-deal op dit punt volledig gefaald heeft. De Raad heeft dus afgesproken om nog meer miljarden naar corrupte Afrikaanse landen te sturen, maar nauwelijks een migrant terug te zenden.

Dus de oplossing moet opnieuw van de patriotten komen. Zoals de heer Wilders in Nederland al jaren bepleit: de grenzen moeten dicht en niet alleen de grenzen van de EU, maar ook de grenzen van de lidstaten. Daarmee wordt doorreizen naar Duitsland, het migrantenwalhalla van de EU, vrijwel onmogelijk. Terugslepen van boten met migranten naar de Afrikaanse kust, en ik zeg u: de EU-kustwacht gaat dit niet doen. Ook daar zullen we het moeten hebben van de lidstaten waar patriottische partijen regeren.

De enige oplossing voor deze falende EU is de samenwerking van soevereine staten die zelf zorgen voor de bescherming van hun burgers. Dus ik zeg tegen de Commissie en de Raad: stop met uw geldverkwisting en falend beleid en steun Italië, Polen en Hongarije. Neem dat tot voorbeeld voor de EU.

  Γεώργιος Επιτήδειος (NI). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, αν και γνώριζε ότι τα κράτη εισόδου η Ισπανία, η Ιταλία και η Ελλάδα δεν έχουν τις απαιτούμενες δυνατότητες, εντούτοις ανέχθηκε να παραμείνουν επί μακρό χρονικό διάστημα σε αυτά, και κυρίως στην Ελλάδα, εκατοντάδες χιλιάδων παρανόμων μεταναστών οι οποίοι ζητούν άσυλο. Οι άνθρωποι αυτοί, όπως γνωρίζετε, ζουν κάτω από άθλιες συνθήκες, κυρίως στην Ελλάδα, και αυτό αποτελεί στίγμα για τον ανθρωπισμό και τον πολιτισμό μας. Από την άλλη πλευρά, τώρα που τα πράγματα έχουν φτάσει στο απροχώρητο, η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση προσπαθεί να μας πείσει ότι θα επιλύσει το πρόβλημα με το να προτείνει κάποιες μεταρρυθμίσεις στον θεσμό του ασύλου και κυρίως στην αναχρονιστική Συνθήκη του Δουβλίνου. Όμως αυτές οι μεταρρυθμίσεις δεν θα επιτύχουν και δεν θα επιτύχουν πολύ απλά διότι, έτσι όπως έχει εξελιχθεί η κατάσταση, κανένα κράτος δεν πρόκειται να τις εφαρμόσει και θα μείνουν γράμμα κενό περιεχομένου. Διότι ποιο κράτος στην πράξη θα είναι υπεύθυνο να εξετάσει την αίτηση ασύλου; Μα το κράτος εισόδου. Πώς θα περιοριστεί η δευτερογενής μετακίνηση εντός της Ευρωπαϊκής Ενώσεως αυτών των ανθρώπων; Μα φυσικά με το να παραμένουν στο κράτος εισόδου. Έτσι λοιπόν, κυρίως η Ελλάδα θα παραμείνει και θα μετατραπεί σε ένα χώρο μονίμου εγκαταστάσεως λαθρομεταναστών. Ας αφήσει, λοιπόν, τις σπασμωδικές κινήσεις και την υποκρισία η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση και ας αφήσει τα κράτη να προστατεύσουν τα σύνορά τους και να συνεργαστούν μεταξύ τους για να επιλυθεί το πρόβλημα αυτό.

  Ελισσάβετ Βόζεμπεργκ-Βρυωνίδη (PPE). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, κυρίες και κύριοι συνάδελφοι, ξέρουμε ότι το μεταναστευτικό πρόβλημα αποτελεί, την πενταετία που διανύσαμε, μια ρωγμή στο ευρωπαϊκό οικοδόμημα. Πρέπει να μιλήσουμε με αλήθειες. Η Επιτροπή έχει κάνει πολύ σημαντικές προσπάθειες και εμείς, ως Κοινοβούλιο, πήραμε καθοριστικές αποφάσεις. Όμως, το γεγονός ότι, ιδιαίτερα, η πρόταση του Δουβλίνου, που ήταν απόλυτα ισορροπημένη, μένει ανοιχτό θέμα στο Συμβούλιο, δείχνει τις ευθύνες των κυβερνήσεων συγκεκριμένων κρατών μελών. Πρέπει να αποδείξουμε στις επερχόμενες εκλογές – υπάρχει ικανό διάστημα – ότι η αλληλεγγύη και η ίση κατανομή ευθυνών είναι υποχρέωση όλων των κρατών μελών διότι αναμφισβήτητα το γεγονός ότι βιώνουμε μια αναποτελεσματικότητα στη διαχείριση την καθοριστική του ζητήματος αυτού – χωρίς ευθύνη, επαναλαμβάνω, της Επιτροπής ή του Κοινοβουλίου – ρίχνει νερό στον μύλο του λαϊκισμού. Το επόμενο στοίχημα που καλούμαστε να αντιμετωπίσουμε είναι να αποδείξουμε ότι στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση η δημοκρατία μπορεί να νικήσει τον λαϊκισμό. Προέρχομαι από την Ελλάδα που ξέρετε όλοι ότι ήταν πρώτη πύλη εισόδου λόγω της γεωγραφικής της θέσεως και οι δραματικές ροές του 2015 ρυθμίστηκαν πολύ σημαντικά αλλά πάντα το πρόβλημα υπάρχει. Μπορεί η κυβέρνηση της χώρας μου να είχε προβλήματα στη διαχείριση και στις ελλιπείς υποδομές, όμως είναι το πρώτο κράτος μέλος που έδειξε την αλληλεγγύη στην πράξη. Αυτή η αλληλεγγύη είναι και το στοίχημα των επόμενων εκλογών, είναι το στοίχημα του μέλλοντος της Ευρώπης.

  President. – I just want to announce that because of time constraints we are not able to take a blue card, apologies to Mr Carver. We do want to take some catch-the-eye contributions.

  Elena Valenciano (S&D). – Señora presidenta, en primer lugar, me dirijo a la Presidencia rumana para decirles que tienen ustedes la última oportunidad de tratar de aportar un poco de luz a este grave problema a que enfrentamos en la Unión Europea. Será difícil que lo hagan peor que la Presidencia austríaca, así que tienen ustedes una oportunidad.

Porque es muy frustrante volver a hablar de esta cuestión en este Parlamento. Este es un Parlamento y para eso está, pero los ciudadanos europeos deben saber que este Parlamento ha hecho sus deberes; que nosotros tenemos una hoja de ruta para resolver la grave crisis humanitaria que se vive en el Mediterráneo y en África; que tenemos una receta para hacer una reforma del sistema de Dublín que sea eficiente y que sea humana; y que son los Gobiernos, muchos Gobiernos de los Estados miembros, los que están frenando esa solución.

Es muy importante que los ciudadanos lo sepan, porque los ciudadanos hablan del conjunto de la Unión Europea. Y no es el conjunto de la Unión Europea. Este Parlamento ha hecho su trabajo, la Comisión hace, en gran medida, su trabajo, y es el Consejo el que está bloqueando una solución.

Hablamos de este problema del Mediterráneo como si fuera un drama humanitario. Así dice en nuestro título, pero lo tratamos como si fuera un mero problema técnico. Y tenemos a cuarenta y nueve personas dando vueltas por las tormentas del invierno, porque no somos capaces de darles acogida en uno de nuestros puertos. Y eso sucede porque hay Gobiernos de la Unión Europea que están bloqueando una política de asilo y de migración común.

Esto es lo que tienen que saber los ciudadanos. Para que se dirijan, también, a sus Gobiernos. Porque, insisto, este Parlamento, que, por cierto, está compuesto también por veintisiete nacionalidades distintas y por muy distintos grupos políticos, ha conseguido votar un acuerdo importante que daría solución al drama que en este momento sufren los refugiados y migrantes.

Nosotros hemos hecho nuestro trabajo. Les toca a ustedes, señores y señoras del Consejo.

  Jussi Halla-aho (ECR). – Madam President, after many years of debate and work we are still not close to a solution to the migration crisis. The reason is that the approach of the Commission and this Parliament has been unrealistic. The left and the centre say that Europeans demand solutions. That is true, but Europeans do not want bad solutions. The common European asylum system is centred on ideas like solidarity, management and burden-sharing. What most Europeans actually want is not just managed immigration but less immigration, because massive third world immigration is damaging to our societies. Reducing immigration must be the cornerstone of any European solution. This is already understood in many Member States. I hope the next European Parliament has the will to deliver what Europeans need and want.

  Sophia in 't Veld (ALDE). – Madam President, what would we say if 2 000 people had died trying to cross Mr Trump’s border wall? We would consider that a gross violation of human rights, yet we hear the Presidency here say ‘oh the situation has improved significantly, numbers have gone down’. But Madam President, last year over 2 000 people died trying to cross the Mediterranean. We are very critical, and rightfully so, of this silly wall of President Trump, but Fortress Europe is just a European equivalent of that wall, and you in the Council are building Fortress Europe. You are building the wall. We just happen to have the Mediterranean in between.

Now, like Trump and his stupid wall, the Council is using Fortress Europe for populist purposes and political debate. Like Trump and his silly wall, you are spending billions on Fortress Europe and on unsavoury regimes, rather than adopting the package that’s on the table that has been adopted by a majority of this House.

Something else: it’s not just the European Parliament and the Commission; it’s local authorities. The mayor of Gdańsk, who was stabbed to death, welcomed thousands of migrants into his city. You should take an example from that. You should learn from that, from all the NGOs and churches who are actually clamouring for a sensible, humane and effective asylum policy. It is ready to be adopted, so stop playing games. I would like to commend the Commissioner for his strong personal commitment and all the efforts, the tireless efforts, he is making for a common asylum policy.

I just have one small request to you, and that is true refrain from putting new proposals on the table, like the recast of the Return Directive, which is absolutely, completely unnecessary and just part of the silly political games of the Council. Do what the European citizens expect of you and adopt the asylum package, because yes we can do it. Germany has demonstrated it can be done, so just do it.

(Applause)

  Jean Lambert (Verts/ALE). – Madam President, I wanted to start by making a comment on numbers. The figure of 65 million was raised earlier. This is the number of people displaced, the overwhelming majority of whom are in their countries of origin. And while we are seeing an increase in the number of refugees we also have to recognise that that is a result of conflict, persecution and that increasingly we are going to see people pushed to move because of climate change, and I am sure that even patriots would want a robust position from the European Union on tackling climate change if they are so worried about the growing number of people moving.

But I am concerned about what’s happening to a number of EU policies. A shift in our development policy where we’re actually looking more and more at migration control as a central point rather than poverty reduction. And I would like to ask Council whether they think we have got the balance right, where we are turning a blind eye to human rights abuses in Turkey and Libya? Whether the EU is doing enough on resettlement, that you mentioned, and that in terms of Dublin and secondary movements, are we doing enough to remove the push factors where our Member States are not delivering on the asylum policy correctly so people will move on for family reunion to have their claims heard? We need to be looking at what we are doing and we could do better.

  Barbara Spinelli (GUE/NGL). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, diciamo sempre che la nostra è un'Unione fondata sul diritto.

Falso. Sull'immigrazione non siamo un'Unione e violiamo il diritto europeo e internazionale. I soli regolamenti su cui insiste il Consiglio sono quelli securitari, guardia di frontiera, rimpatri, che esternalizzano gli obblighi di asilo.

I fascicoli basati sulla solidarietà sono tutti seppelliti. È passato un anno e mezzo e il Consiglio ancora non ci fa controproposte su Dublino 4. Gli altri fascicoli, qualifiche, reinsediamenti sono fermi da un anno.

Il risultato, eccolo: litigi tra Stati membri, criminalizzazione della ricerca e salvataggio, accordi ad hoc tra Stati UE per aggirare perfino le norme di Dublino 3, consegna di migranti ai lager libici, Presidente, sono campi di morte.

Il Consiglio è colpevole di omissione di atti dovuti e la Corte dovrebbe occuparsene. Ha ragione il commissario Avramopoulos, now is the time.

  Nathan Gill (EFDD). – Madam President, Mr Lamberts said, I quote ‘people getting onto boats and dinghies in order to leave a living hell’. If Mr Lamberts is still here – he’s not here – okay. But, Mr Lamberts, does this include those migrants getting into dinghies in France in order to cross the English Channel? What are they fleeing from? What is the living hell in France that they are fleeing from? They are not asylum seekers, are they? These are migrants, and the problem we have is that we are conflating the issue; we are reforming the EU asylum and migration policy, but until we deal with migration policy, we cannot truly deal with asylum.

We need to have a very strict ability to decide on exactly how many people come into Europe so that our local authorities can ensure that there are enough houses for these people, enough jobs for these people, enough schools and doctors and teachers. Right now it’s a free for all, and all that’s happening is that the countries that have opened up their borders – like Germany – have realised that they can’t cope with this huge amount of people and are now trying to force these people onto other nations, like Hungary and Poland – nations that don’t want them because they don’t have the infrastructure for them.

So until we actually manage – and government is about governing, about being in charge – our borders, until we manage how many people come here in an orderly fashion, how can we make sure that people who truly need asylum are not being ignored, or that we’re not creating migration fatigue among the people who live in our nations, leading them to turn their backs on those people who truly need asylum?

Can we get our house in order? Reform means to improve. We are not improving anything. We are just moving the deck-chairs around on a ship that’s sinking.

  Mario Borghezio (ENF). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, più che di "fortezza Europa" parlerei di "forte Italia", in cima al quale c'è un capitano coraggioso, il ministro Salvini, che è riuscito ad applicare la ricetta populista, quella di fermare gli sbarchi, di fermare l'attività dei trafficanti di carne umana, che è questa la vergogna che questa Europa ha consentito.

Il commissario Avramopoulos si è dimenticato di ricordarci la lista dei 670 migranti da ricollocare, che questa Europa si era impegnata a ricollocare. Se ne è tornato da Roma senza dare garanzie al governo italiano che le chiedeva, e da questi banchi ci sono molti rappresentanti di governi europei, tutti solidali con il commissario Avramopoulos.

Passiamo alla solidarietà concreta, andate dal commissario Avramopoulos, a nome del vostro Paese, e indicate quanti di questi migranti da ricollocare, che sono in Italia e che questa Unione europea si era impegnata a ricollocare, che non sono stati ricollocati, altrimenti siete solo degli ipocriti.

L'Italia ne ha le scatole piene di dover subire i risultati negativi delle politiche sbagliate. Bisogna bloccare gli sbarchi per bloccare i traffici, bloccare gli sbarchi e allora poi rivedere le regole anche di... (parole inaudibili) ... che è un istituto di fronte al quale il governo italiano riconosce di essere assoggettato, perché è un istituto di alta civiltà politica.

(La Presidente ritira la parola all'oratore)

  Steven Woolfe (NI). – Madam President, the EU does not have a policy to control migrants; it has a policy to entice migrants. The EU policy has turned commercial shipping and coastguards in the Mediterranean into a taxi service for criminal gangs dealing in human beings. The EU is colluding in human misery and criminal money. If the EU were to insist that all asylum applications must be processed in countries outside of the EU, this would cut the deadly traffic immediately.

EU policy is therefore resulting in death and human trafficking. It is encouraging the slave markets in North Africa. It has resulted in migrants being shipped into the EU for forced labour. The hope for Europe now lies in national leaders to protect our ancient nations from themselves. Sebastian Kurz in Austria, Viktor Orbán in Hungary, Matteo Salvini in Italy – these democratic leaders have taken back control from the migrant smugglers for the people.

Borders belong to nations. Without borders there are no nations, just a smugglers’ gold rush.

  Kinga Gál (PPE). – Tisztelt Elnök asszony! Kollégák, ha valóban segíteni akarunk, akkor meg kell tudnunk akadályozni, hogy migránsok ezrei kockáztassák életüket útra kelve a kontinensünk irányába. Ezért nyilvánvalóvá kell tennünk, hogy illegálisan nem lehet Európába belépni. Fel kell számolni az embercsempész-hálózatokat és -útvonalakat a Földközi-tengeren, mert nem megengedhető, hogy a most kialakult helyzetben az embercsempészek döntik el, hogy ki jöhet Európába.

Az embercsempészet egyik legvirágzóbb üzleti modellé nőtte ki magát, és ehhez asszisztálnak az európai NGO-k is, amikor több száz kilométeren keresztül Európába szállítják a migránsokat. Az előrejelzések szerint Afrika népessége 2050-re meg fog duplázódni. Ez nyilvánvalóan újabb és újabb Európa irányába szerveződő migrációs hullámhoz vezet majd. Tehát a probléma évtizedekig velünk lesz, velünk marad. A migránsok kötelező szétosztása az Unióban tehát ezt nem oldhatja meg, mint ahogy a humanitárius vagy migránsvízum sem.

Minden félreérthető jelzés csak „pull” faktor, tehát ösztönző tényező, hogy az afrikai fiatalok a jobb élet reményében elinduljanak Európába, hiszen ott majd úgyis szétosztják őket. Európának meg kell tudnia védeni külső határait szárazföldön és tengeren egyaránt, ahelyett, hogy olyan helyzeteket menedzselne, amelyeket az embercsempészek kényszerítenek ki. Ezt várják el tőlünk választópolgáraink, Európa-szerte elsősorban. A segítséget kell a bajban levőkhöz vinnünk, nem a problémát Európába hoznunk. Ott kell erősítenünk az érintett harmadik országok népességmegtartó erejét.

  Elly Schlein (S&D). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, mi sarei aspettata che il Consiglio iniziasse l'intervento chiedendo scusa alle 49 persone e agli equipaggi di Sea Watch e Sea Eye, che avete tenuto ostaggio di un braccio di ferro tra Stati per venti giorni.

E invece non li ha nominati e ha fatto il solito bollettino di quanto siano diminuiti i flussi, ma se solo questo è il vostro obiettivo, qual è il prossimo passo? Sparare direttamente sui barconi? È vergognoso che né il governo maltese, né quello italiano, né nessun altro abbiano concesso un porto sicuro per venti giorni, violando il diritto internazionale.

E chi ci assicura che non succeda di nuovo domani? Invece di andare avanti sembra di tornare indietro: nel 2015 i governi si erano impegnati a fare 160 000 ricollocamenti, in due anni ne hanno fatti poco più di 30 000 e oggi ci sono voluti venti giorni per decidere su 49 persone.

Serve una soluzione strutturale e ci sarebbe già: è la riforma di Dublino votata a maggioranza di due terzi da questo Parlamento, che condivide in modo equo le responsabilità, obbligando ogni Stato membro a fare la propria parte sull'accoglienza e valorizzando i legami significativi dei richiedenti con i vari paesi.

Governi, fate il vostro lavoro e approvate questa riforma, altrimenti spiegherete voi ai cittadini europei perché la vostra inerzia e il vostro egoismo rischiano di farla finire in un cassetto. E agli ipocriti, come il collega Borghezio, chiedo con che faccia oggi si lamenti dei mancati ricollocamenti, visto che in quest'Aula avete votato contro e che sulla riforma di Dublino vi siete astenuti.

(Proteste fuori microfono da parte di Mario Borghezio)

  Kristina Winberg (ECR). – Fru talman! Det talas mycket om reformer i den här kammaren, till exempel en reformerad Dublinförordning. Den skulle grundas på tvångsfördelning av migranter som kommer till EU. Detta kunde ni insett redan från början, att det skulle misslyckas.

Ni talar också mycket om solidaritet, men inser inte att verklig solidaritet inte kan komma genom tvång. Den måste vara frivillig, och EU kan aldrig beordra en medlemsstat att visa solidaritet med en anvisad kvot asylsökande. Därför har vi i dag en djup klyfta inom EU som bara verkar bli allt djupare. Ni har aldrig förstått allvaret och försökt finna lösningar på migrationen i närområdet. I stället för att finna praktiska, hållbara lösningar har det varit viktigare för er att spela goda och vara politiskt korrekta. Verklig solidaritet kan inte reformeras!

  Elena Valenciano (S&D). – Es muy sencillo, señora presidenta. Se trata de la mínima cortesía parlamentaria.

Primero, el señor Borghezio se ha pasado media hora en el tiempo de palabra y, luego, se levanta y, a gritos, insulta a otros diputados.

Eso no es tolerable en esta Cámara, y usted debería intervenir.

  President. – Indeed, Madam, as you will have seen, I did step in on a number of occasions so I am trying to give balance to what is a very emotional debate. Thank you for your support.

  Ernest Urtasun (Verts/ALE). – Señora presidenta, en materia de refugiados y migración Europa está incumpliendo el Derecho internacional en muchos aspectos, pero hay dos en los que resulta insoportable. El primero es negarse a tener una política de acogida de refugiados. Y, por favor, quiero sumarme a las voces que piden a la Presidencia, en este caso, que desbloquee, de una vez, la reforma del sistema de Dublín. No podemos seguir ni un minuto más sin tener una política de acogida digna de este nombre.

Y el segundo es la criminalización de la ayuda humanitaria. Lo que ha ocurrido con el buque de Sea—Watch dejando a mujeres, hombres y niños durante días en medio del mar sin darle puerto seguro, que es una obligación del Derecho internacional, es una auténtica vergüenza. Y ahora, además, se suma la cuestión del buque de Open Arms, que, incomprensiblemente, está retenido en el puerto de Barcelona. No se le permite ir a rescatar vidas con un argumento alucinante: que si los Estados no cumplen sus obligaciones del Derecho internacional, no debe hacerlo un buque como Open Arms.

Así que, desde aquí quiero pedir, por favor, que desbloqueen la reforma del sistema de Dublín y que dejen de criminalizar la ayuda humanitaria y dejen a las ONG trabajar si ustedes no lo hacen.

  Xabier Benito Ziluaga (GUE/NGL). – Señora presidenta, señoras y señores del Consejo, lo que ustedes hacen no se puede llamar política migratoria y de asilo, sino cerrar y externalizar fronteras, provocar las condiciones para que los migrantes mueran, asesinar en diferido. Ahogados en el Mediterráneo o abandonados en el desierto... ¡Qué más da! Son migrantes, pero, sobre todo, son pobres.

El mes pasado, una delegación de mi Grupo viajó a Níger a conocer lo que ustedes llaman «el ejemplo emblemático» en política exterior y de fronteras de la Unión Europea: con fondos europeos se entrenan y equipan a guardas de fronteras nigerinos para luchar contra el terrorismo y —ya de paso— detener migrantes.

La consecuencia es clara: las que antes eran rutas seguras de migración incluso para mujeres con niños, ahora son rutas de riesgos, de secuestros y de violaciones, imposibles de transitar sin pagar a mafias. Sus políticas favorecen tanto el negocio de las mafias que parecen diseñadas por las propias mafias.

«Seguiremos migrando» nos decían personas refugiadas de la guerra en Sudán, personas que ahora mismo tendrían derecho de asilo en Europa pero que han sido detenidas y torturadas en Libia.

  Gilles Lebreton (ENF). – Madame la Présidente, comme les Nations unies avec le pacte de Marrakech, la Commission de Bruxelles croit que la submersion migratoire est une fatalité qu’il faut accepter, voire une chance qu’il faut saisir. Elle veut la faciliter par trois mesures insensées: premièrement, l’adoption d’un règlement Dublin IV qui répartirait les nouveaux migrants entre les États européens, selon un système de quotas obligatoires; deuxièmement, la création de voies légales d’immigration; troisièmement, l’abandon des contrôles aux frontières intérieures que plusieurs États européens ont rétablis depuis plus de deux ans en réaction contre l’absurde accord de Schengen.

Aucune de ces trois mesures n’aboutira. Elles connaîtront le même échec que le plan Juncker de 2015, qui visait à relocaliser 160 000 migrants et auquel plusieurs États européens ont résisté, à juste titre, pour préserver leur identité nationale. Les peuples européens sont mortels, ils le savent et ne veulent pas mourir. La Commission de Bruxelles est mortelle aussi, mais elle semble l’ignorer. Faute de vouloir écouter les peuples européens, c’est elle qui disparaîtra.

  Carlos Coelho (PPE). – Senhora Presidente, Senhor Comissário Avramopoulos, Senhora Secretária de Estado, durante as primeiras duas semanas deste novo ano morreu uma pessoa por dia a tentar alcançar as nossas fronteiras. O ano passado, 2018, tivemos provavelmente o rácio mais mortal de sempre, com mais de um morto por cada cem chegadas.

São cada vez menos os novos pedidos de asilo e, no entanto, cinco países continuam a acolher quase 75 % das pessoas. Dada a narrativa populista recente, poderíamos pensar que pelo menos o retorno daqueles que não têm direito a permanecer na Europa estava a correr bem. Mas não é verdade. Também aqui os governos falham. Em 2017, a taxa de eficácia dos retornos foi de 37 %, abaixo do que tinha sido no ano anterior.

Fomos capazes de reforçar a Frontex e estamos prestes a fazê-lo novamente. Seria de esperar que, pelo menos, conseguíssemos criar a Agência Europeia de Asilo, uma das oito medidas estruturais propostas. Também aqui, os governos não deixaram que se agisse, como já disse o senhor Diaz de Mera.

Senhora Secretária de Estado, o que pretende fazer nestes quatro meses da sua Presidência? O Conselho vai finalmente respeitar e ouvir este Parlamento? Não tenha dúvidas, Sra. Secretária de Estado: a inação não afeta apenas os que procuram proteção do nosso território, compromete a nossa imagem no mundo, fragiliza o respeito pelos nossos valores e encoraja os nacionalismos ultrapassados e os populismos vazios.

  Péter Niedermüller (S&D). – Tisztelt Elnök asszony! Az elmúlt hetek eseményei, a Földközi-tengeren hánykódó menekültekkel teli hajók pontosan mutatják azt, hogy milyen helyzetben vagyunk ma. Egy olyan helyzetben, amikor a tagállamok egy része politikai önzésből, ostoba félelem- és gyűlöletkeltő politika okán nem hajlandók egy új dublini egyezménynek az aláírására. Ez a tény újabb bizonysága annak, hogy a Tanács egyszerűen képtelen ellátni a feladatát. Mivel továbbra sincs semmi esély egy új dublini megállapodásra, azt gondolom, egy átmeneti egyezményre van szükség. Olyan átmeneti egyezményre, amely legalább az új Parlament felállásáig garantálja, hogy a Földközi-tengeren megmentett menekülteket szétosztják az arra önként vállalkozó tagállamok között. Azoknak a tagállamoknak pedig, amelyek erre nem hajlandók, technikai és pénzügyi segítséget kell nyújtania a többieknek. Arra kérem a román elnökséget és Önt, biztos úr, hogy vizsgálják meg egy ilyen átmeneti egyezmény létrehozásának a lehetőségét, mert szégyenletes lenne, hogyha képtelenek lennénk ezen a mai helyzeten változtatni.

  Anders Primdahl Vistisen (ECR). – Fru formand! Hvert år oversvømmer hundredetusindvis af ulovlige migranter Europas grænser. Når man hører debatten her i salen, kunne man få indtrykket af, at man ligefrem støtter de ulovligheder, der finder sted, både fra menneskesmuglernes side og fra de migranters side, der ikke har nogen som helst lovlig adgang til Europa. Det store flertal i dette hus synes faktisk at mene, at man skal lovliggøre, at op imod en million mennesker hver eneste år kommer til Europa uden nogen som helst forudsætninger for at bo, leve og integrere sig her. Det er måske det bedste svar på, hvorfor det er så væsentligt for Danmark at have et forbehold over for alt dette integrationsvanvid, som hver eneste dag foregår her i Europa-Parlamentet. Den eneste institution, der har taget en nogenlunde fornuftig linje i dette spørgsmål, er Rådet. Derfor kan man kun håbe, at Rådet står fast og siger nej tak til det vanvittige forslag om migrationsdeling og lovlig migration, som ligger fra Kommissionen og Parlamentet, og derimod tager europæernes bekymringer alvorligt og får stoppet den ulovlige migration, før det river Europa fra hinanden.

  Marina Albiol Guzmán (GUE/NGL). – Señora presidenta, primero decidieron cerrar a cal y canto las fronteras para que ningún migrante ponga un pie en Europa. Luego decidieron que la mejor estrategia de disuasión es dejarles morir en el Mediterráneo. Les fuerzan a echarse al mar en manos de las mafias, porque no hay otra forma de llegar. No hay barcos de salvamento fletados por la Unión Europea y ni siquiera dejan que las ONG salven vidas.

El Gobierno de España impide al barco de Open Arms salir a rescatar personas y se convierte así en cómplice de asesinato. Y ahora la estrategia pasa por no dejar siquiera que salgan de África. La externalización de fronteras es el nuevo colonialismo y se materializa en acuerdos con países africanos donde se financian con fondos europeos centros donde se tortura y esclaviza. Los fondos de cooperación se dedican al control de fronteras en África, y la Unión Europea llega a acuerdos con dictadores sanguinarios, como en Sudán.

Porque todo vale en esta carrera electoral donde el espacio de la extrema derecha lo está disputando hasta la socialdemocracia.

  Francis Zammit Dimech (PPE). – Sinjura President, meta nirreferu għal dak li ġara l-ġimgħa li għaddiet fejn dawk li kienu ilhom isofru għal kważi tliet ġimgħat, jiġifieri 49 persuna, inkluż ħamest itfal, tħallew abbord dawn iż-żewġ dgħajjes, fl-aħħar il-każ tagħhom ġie riżolt. Madankollu ġie riżolt qisu ttrattat fuq bażi ta’ kriżi, b’telefonati għaddejjin bejn Prim Ministru u ieħor.

Il-Kummissarju Avramopoulos naħseb li esprima s-sentiment Ewropew mill-aqwa meta qalilna: “Dan mhuwiex dak li l-Unjoni Ewropea għandha tirrappreżenta”. Għaliex fil-verità dak li rridu huwa li jkun hemm mekkaniżmu sostenibbli li huwa bbażat fuq il-valur tagħna tas-solidarjetà, mhux li nittrattaw każ b’każ.

U jiena nżid kummenti oħra hawnhekk ukoll għaliex rajna sitwazzjoni fejn ikollok anke tattiċi ta’ pressjoni kbira minn pajjiżi kbar fuq pajjiżi iżgħar, tattiċi ta’ bbulijar, u dan ma nistgħux nittollerawh. Ma nistax ma ngħidx ukoll kemm huwa kruċjali li nindirizzaw il-kwistjoni li jrid ikun hemm policy ċara ta’ ritorn ta’ min m’għandux dritt ikun f’pajjiżna.

Però ma nistax ma nagħlaqx, Sinjura President, billi nirringrazzja lill-Kummissarju Avramopoulos għall-kummenti tiegħu rigward Malta. Qal li se jerġa’ jiġi fostna, mhux l-ewwel darba tiegħu, u mill-ġdid jerġa’ jkun milqugħ f’pajjiżna.

  Claude Moraes (S&D). – Madam President, as we approach very fast the end of the mandate we only have a three-month window and it is somewhat déjà vu – a tiny country like Malta, 400 000, which was the country when I first became a Member of Parliament that was taking refugees and again such a tiny country taking refugees, again the Commissioner going Member State to Member State, and we have to then ask the question: are we deluded if we say there is no common policy or that we don’t reform Dublin or we don’t have a package?

That is the question everyone needs to answer today. And the answer to that question is, of course we need some common approach otherwise the shame of Sea—Watch and Sea—Eye will be repeated, over 2 000 people will die and their numbers will be added to and that will continue. So we have a window of three months, in that window an opportunity must be taken. We didn’t have QMV in the Austrian Presidency and I say to and I ask the Romanian Presidency: take this opportunity, we should have QMV under the Treaties, we should have some movement, the homework was done in this Parliament, many of the rapporteurs were here. Let’s take this opportunity. We have three months. Let’s do it.

(Applause)

  Емил Радев (PPE). – Г-жо Председател, днес говорим за сегашна криза в Средиземно море, но в момента не ставаме свидетели на нова криза, нито говорим за големи бройки хора. И в същото време Европейският съюз е парализиран – къде да бъдат преразпределени нови 40 души, след като толкова години поред не успяхме да преразпределим хилядите бежанци от Италия и Гърция. След като от поне три-четири години се опитваме да реформираме европейската система за убежище и миграция, но не успяваме.

Начинът, по който можем да се справим с каквито и да е предстоящи бежански или миграционни кризи, е чрез завършване на реформата за убежище, така че да е ясно кой е отговорен за кандидатите за убежище, кой разглежда молбите им, както и как точно се прави разликата между кандидати за убежище и икономически мигранти.

Важно е тази реформа да премахне бремето от граничните държави на първо влизане, като Малта, Гърция, Италия и дори България, и да гарантира, че всички държави – членки на Съюза, независимо къде се намират географски, поемат своята отговорност.

  Dietmar Köster (S&D). – Frau Präsidentin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Vor einigen Tagen wurde das zynische Spiel mit 49 Menschen, die von NGOs vor dem Ertrinken gerettet wurden, endlich beendet.

Die Flüchtlinge auf den Booten der Sea-Watch 3 und der Sea-Eye wurden nach 18 Tagen traumatisiert und völlig erschöpft in Malta an Land gebracht. In Kürze wird sich dieselbe Frage erneut stellen: Werden die Rettungsschiffe den sicheren Hafen, der ihnen laut Seerecht zusteht, bekommen und werden die Geflüchteten in der EU verteilt, oder versagen die Mitgliedstaaten erneut? Deshalb fordere ich umgehend eine Lösung.

Es muss eine Koalition aus willigen Mitgliedstaaten geben, die sich auf einen permanenten Verteilungsschlüssel einigt. Noch immer weigert sich der Rat, über den Beschluss des Europäischen Parlaments zur Dublin-IV-Verordnung ernsthaft zu verhandeln. Dieser Beschluss beinhaltet genau die solidarische Verteilung, von der immer geredet wird. So stelle ich mir ein Europa der Solidarität vor.

Die Europäische Union muss endlich ein eigenes Seenotrettungsprogramm auf den Weg bringen, damit das Sterben auf dem Mittelmeer beendet wird.

  Lukas Mandl (PPE). – Frau Präsidentin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Fast nirgendwo sonst auf der Welt werden die Werte der Menschenwürde und der Freiheit so gelebt wie in Europa, und nicht zuletzt das führt zum Wohlstand in Europa, nicht zuletzt das macht Europa so attraktiv. Diese Werte bedeuten auch eine Verantwortung Europas in der Welt, bedeuten, Verantwortung zu übernehmen für ein starkes Europa mit diesen Werten und auch für Menschen in Not. Das bedeutet aber auch, dass Europa ein System braucht, mit dem wirklich die Schwächsten, die wirklich in Not sind, in Europa aufgenommen werden können und nicht verbrecherische Schlepper unterstützt werden. Wenn es keine Migrationskrise mehr gibt – wie auch der Herr Kommissar gesagt hat –, dann liegt das daran, dass die verbrecherischen Schlepperrouten durch den Balkan, durch das Mittelmeer zurückgedrängt werden konnten. Dass es jetzt im Mittelmeer weniger Todesfälle gibt, ist eine Folge dieser Politik. Wir müssen die Außengrenzen schützen, und wir müssen uns vor allem jetzt um Integration in Europa kümmern für die, die kommen können, die die Schwächsten sind und die wir in Europa auch für die Arbeitsmärkte brauchen.

  Cécile Kashetu Kyenge (S&D). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, è da più di un anno che quest'Aula ha deliberato la sua riforma al regolamento di Dublino, una riforma innovativa, coraggiosa, centrata sul principio di solidarietà.

Senza questa riforma è illusorio poter pensare di gestire il fenomeno migratorio. Senza una chiara definizione delle responsabilità e senza nessuna garanzia a tutela dei diritti dei rifugiati e dei migranti, le vergognose vicende di Aquarius, della nave Diciotti e di Sea Watch diventeranno la prassi. Ringrazio tutte le ONG impegnate nella attività di ricerca e salvataggio.

Dobbiamo recuperare la nostra umanità e prima di tutto salvare le vite umane. Dobbiamo salvarli e portarli nel primo porto sicuro. Dobbiamo anche avere e chiedere un diritto all'attracco e allo sbarco immediato. Chiedo anche un'accoglienza dignitosa, un diritto all'accoglienza e la condivisione delle responsabilità.

Ai vari governi chiedo di abbandonare ogni demagogia e di fare e di deliberare secondo i trattati, ma anche secondo i due global compact recentemente adottati dalle Nazioni Unite.

Catch-the-eye procedure

  Juan Fernando López Aguilar (S&D). – Señora presidenta, señor presidente en ejercicio del Consejo, asistiendo con tristeza a este enésimo debate sobre la reforma del asilo —siempre frustrada por el Consejo— son millones los europeos que se preguntan y preguntan a los actuales miembros del Consejo en qué creen que estaban pensando sus antecesores cuando firmaron el Tratado de Lisboa, que prometía exactamente lo que el Parlamento Europeo ha fijado como posición, expresando su indignación por su incumplimiento en todas las lenguas oficiales de la Unión: solidaridad, gestión integrada de las fronteras exteriores de la Unión y un sistema de responsabilidad compartida en la gestión de las demandas de asilo.

Por tanto, esto demanda directamente la responsabilidad del Consejo, porque queremos una política de asilo que sea humanitaria, eficaz y, sobre todo, europea. Y las responsabilidades del Consejo no se arreglan ni con llamadas telefónicas ni con remedos ni parches de urgencia, ni tampoco con el incumplimiento masivo del Derecho europeo, hurtando a la vista las muertes en el Mediterráneo o criminalizando a las organizaciones no gubernamentales, sino con el cumplimiento por parte del Consejo de sus obligaciones y mandato derivados del Derecho europeo.

  Ruža Tomašić (ECR). – Poštovana predsjedavajuća, pojedine države članice rado su sudjelovale u rastakanju pojedinih afričkih država pravdajući te nepromišljene intervencije borbom protiv diktature i podržavanjem demokratskih procesa. Danas te države više nisu funkcionalne, središnja vlast u njima je slaba ili nepostojeća i u ovom je trenutku nemoguće s njima efikasno surađivati na zaustavljanju migrantskih valova.

To znači da Europska unija mora uložiti dvostruki napor da bi uspješno čuvala vanjske granice, razbila krijumčarske lance i uvela red u migracijsku politiku. Daljnje toleriranje ilegalne migracije samo će jačati organizirani kriminal.

Da bi migracijska politika i politika azila odgovarale novim okolnostima, trebamo jasnu podjelu na autentične azilante, izbjeglice i ekonomske migrante. Procedura i kriteriji za ove tri skupine ne mogu biti isti jer su njihove potrebe različite. Dosadašnji je sustav omogućavao masovne prijevare i to je problem koji moramo adresirati.

  Hilde Vautmans (ALDE). – Mevrouw de voorzitter, commissaris, 2019 zal een heel belangrijk jaar worden. We moeten tonen aan de Europese burgers dat we problemen kunnen aanpakken en dus vragen wij hier vanuit het Europees Parlement een heel doeltreffend asielbeleid.

Mevrouw Stevens, nee, de liberale fractie en Guy Verhofstadt, wij pleiten niet voor een opengrenzenbeleid. Wij staan voor één Europese asielaanvraag en gedaan met het shoppen tussen de lidstaten. Wij staan voor solidariteit en verantwoordelijkheid tussen de lidstaten. Wij staan voor een snellere afhandeling, voor een bescherming van de kinderen in migratie. Wij staan voor de aanpak van de mensensmokkelaars, voor een hervorming van Dublin.

We weten allemaal dat lidstaten dit niet alleen aankunnen. Alleen de Europese Unie kan asiel en migratie aanpakken en degene die anders beweren met valse cijfers en de mensen angst aanjagen, die zouden beschaamd moeten zijn. Ik vraag aan de Europese Raad en de Commissie politieke daadkracht. Het pakket lichter, doe het nu gewoon.

  Jordi Solé (Verts/ALE). – Señora presidenta, la extrema derecha antieuropeísta está ganando terreno por toda la Unión Europea. Ante este avance preocupante hay diferentes estrategias: una, la de Andalucía, que consiste en blanquear directamente la extrema derecha con el apoyo, por cierto, de miembros del Grupo del Partido Popular Europeo y del Grupo ALDE. Otra estrategia es aislar la extrema derecha, como ha ocurrido en Suecia. Y otra, todavía más común, es asumir el discurso populista y las recetas falsas y simplistas de la extrema derecha, sobre todo en materia de migración y de asilo.

Y así se explica, al menos en parte, el hecho de que llevemos años hablando de la reforma del sistema de Dublín y que estemos años hablando de la reforma del sistema de asilo y migración, y los Estados miembros sean incapaces de ponerse de acuerdo, demostrando una alarmante falta de solidaridad, de voluntad de compartir responsabilidades y de ceder soberanía, que de esto va la Unión Europea.

Señores del Consejo, abandonen el populismo y el egoísmo, y asuman esta reforma.

  Κωνσταντίνα Κούνεβα (GUE/NGL). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, τέσσερα χρόνια μετά το ξέσπασμα της μεταναστευτικής κρίσης μαλώνουμε ακόμα για το πόσους πρόσφυγες και μετανάστες θα δεχθεί κάθε κράτος στο έδαφός του, όχι για να τους κάνει πολίτες του, αλλά για να εξετάσει αν δικαιούνται άσυλο. Είναι ντροπή για την Προεδρία και το Συμβούλιο να μας λέει πως το πρόβλημα είναι οι δευτερογενείς ροές και πως η αλληλεγγύη δεν είναι το μοίρασμα των απελπισμένων ανθρώπων. Τι είναι η αλληλεγγύη, κυρία προεδρεύουσα; Να δίνονται χρήματα για να χτίζουμε καταυλισμούς; Οι δευτερογενείς ροές θα υπάρχουν όσο είναι κλειστή η πόρτα και δεν σταματάμε τους πολέμους. Είναι πολύ άσχημο να ακούγεται η φράση «παράνομοι πρόσφυγες και μετανάστες». Οι άνθρωποι δεν μπορεί να είναι «παράνομοι». Παράνομος είναι o πόλεμος και παράνομο είναι το εμπόριο όπλων και εμείς αυτά δεν τα συζητάμε καν. Πόσα ακόμα παιδιά και γυναίκες πρέπει να φύγουν από τη ζωή για να σταματήσουμε τους πολέμους;

(End of catch-the-eye procedure)

  President. – I have taken five catch-the-eye questions. I apologise to everyone else who wanted to contribute to the debate, but time has run out. I now give the floor to Commissioner Avramopoulos to respond to our debate.

Just before you speak – Ms Gomes, indeed you were among the first, but I do apologise – I am under strict instruction. Frankly, if this were my decision – this is a really important debate – I would give it more time, but I am under pressure from what is already agreed by those who are above my pay grade.

  Dimitris Avramopoulos, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, I would like to express my thanks for this very timely debate. I wish we didn’t need it, but unfortunately we do. As I said, and as many of you underlined during this debate, this is Europe’s last chance. We shall not spare any efforts. The Commission, and I personally, remain fully committed to continue working with you and the Council to achieve this very important goal: the reform of the European asylum system. I would like to thank you for this clear and loud support. We will continue to work together intensively to achieve the completion of our comprehensive work.

To respond to Ms in ‘t Veld, all our proposals are indispensable pieces of a comprehensive policy. I have taken note of your remarks. I know how sensitive you are, and I respect that, but from our side that’s how we see the whole package and the policy we have to adopt. One should never forget that, in the area of migration, all our actions are interconnected and all the pieces have to fit together. Completing the European Union’s asylum reform is indispensable in order to curb irregular migration, to prevent secondary movements, to reduce abuse and to ensure that asylum applications are processed quickly and fairly across Europe.

We all agree that cooperation with third countries is key, not only to prevent irregular departures to Europe, but also to eliminate once and for all the cruel businesses run by traffickers and smugglers. Partnership and enhanced cooperation with African partner countries is at the heart of our work. The EU Emergency Trust Fund for Africa has contributed to delivering concrete results. It is also essential to ensure that all coastal states in the Mediterranean are able and ready to comply with their obligations under international law regarding search and rescue.

A crucial element, therefore, is also our work on return, both with countries of origin and within the European Union. Last but not least, we need to continue our actions to strengthen and better manage our common external borders. Our proposal for a standing corps of 10 000 European border guards is on the table. This is what our Member States have asked for, and we have delivered. That is why we also need to advance those proposals on which we are ready or almost ready. We have to be ready for the future – an unpredictable future. This is in everyone’s interest. We simply can no longer afford these types of unorganised ad hoc solutions. Now is the time to put words into action.

In this electoral new year, I want to reiterate the message that Europe will be judged on what it delivers for our citizens, as Cecilia Wikström has also said. Our citizens expect a lot from us, and they count on us. I hope we will have a different debate soon, including key legislative files, so let’s move ahead and leave – this should be our goal – a strong legacy for Europe’s future.

  Melania Ciot, President-in-Office of the Council. – Madam President, the situation referred to is indeed unfortunate. The Presidency is working with the Commission and Member States to find an arrangement that ensures predictability, in accordance with the international law of the sea concerning disembarkation, and enables efficient asylum and return procedures.

In December 2018, the European Council invited the Council to continue work on the basis of its previous conclusions, that is and I quote here, ‘to seek consensus on the Dublin regulation, to reform it based on a balance of responsibility and solidarity, taking into account the persons disembarked following search and rescue operation’. The Romanian Presidency will therefore take the work forward on this basis.

Over the course of several presidencies, intensive efforts have been put into an attempt to find a solution acceptable for all. Different concepts were tested; however, it has not been possible to agree on a compromise. As already explained, it has been clear that the agreement has to be built around the different aspects of the comprehensive approach, and this is the avenue that the Romanian Presidency intends to follow.

As I said previously, we are working to find an arrangement that brings predictability, in accordance with the international law of the sea concerning disembarkation, and enables efficient asylum and return procedures. I welcome the solution found last week on the two NGO ships, with the support of the Commission in liaison with the Member States.

It is of the utmost importance that we succeed quickly, even if only with a temporary solution. The EU as a whole – not to mention the migrants themselves – does not deserve to see this situation remain unresolved.

At the same time, we will continue working on reforming the common European asylum system that will bring about a permanent solution to address the situation in the future. I remain confident that, thanks to all of our efforts, we can make an important step forward toward these goals.

  President. – Colleagues, thank you for your cooperation during this important debate.

The debate is closed.

Written statements (Rule 162)

  Clara Eugenia Aguilera García (S&D), por escrito. – Estamos asistiendo con tristeza a este enésimo debate sobre la reforma del asilo —siempre frustrada por el Consejo—. Son millones los europeos que se preguntan y preguntan a los actuales miembros del Consejo, expresando su indignación, por el inaceptable bloqueo de la negociación en el Consejo. Frente a eso necesitamos solidaridad, gestión integrada de las fronteras exteriores de la Unión y un sistema de responsabilidad compartida en la gestión de las demandas de asilo. Por tanto, este asunto demanda directamente la responsabilidad del Consejo, porque queremos una política de asilo que sea humanitaria, eficaz y, sobre todo, europea. No podemos tolerar incumplimientos flagrantes del Derecho europeo, hurtando a la vista de los ciudadanos las muertes en el Mediterráneo o criminalizando a las organizaciones no gubernamentales. Exigimos el cumplimiento por parte del Consejo de sus obligaciones y mandato derivados del Derecho europeo.

  José Blanco López (S&D), por escrito. – Estamos asistiendo con tristeza a este enésimo debate sobre la reforma del asilo —siempre frustrada por el Consejo—. Son millones los europeos que se preguntan y preguntan a los actuales miembros del Consejo, expresando su indignación, por el inaceptable bloqueo de la negociación en el Consejo. Frente a eso necesitamos solidaridad, gestión integrada de las fronteras exteriores de la Unión y un sistema de responsabilidad compartida en la gestión de las demandas de asilo. Por tanto, este asunto demanda directamente la responsabilidad del Consejo, porque queremos una política de asilo que sea humanitaria, eficaz y, sobre todo, europea. No podemos tolerar incumplimientos flagrantes del Derecho europeo, hurtando a la vista de los ciudadanos las muertes en el Mediterráneo o criminalizando a las organizaciones no gubernamentales. Exigimos el cumplimiento por parte del Consejo de sus obligaciones y mandato derivados del Derecho europeo.

  Soledad Cabezón Ruiz (S&D), por escrito. – Estamos asistiendo con tristeza a este enésimo debate sobre la reforma del asilo —siempre frustrada por el Consejo—. Son millones los europeos que se preguntan y preguntan a los actuales miembros del Consejo, expresando su indignación, por el inaceptable bloqueo de la negociación en el Consejo. Frente a eso necesitamos solidaridad, gestión integrada de las fronteras exteriores de la Unión y un sistema de responsabilidad compartida en la gestión de las demandas de asilo. Por tanto, este asunto demanda directamente la responsabilidad del Consejo, porque queremos una política de asilo que sea humanitaria, eficaz y, sobre todo, europea. No podemos tolerar incumplimientos flagrantes del Derecho europeo, hurtando a la vista de los ciudadanos las muertes en el Mediterráneo o criminalizando a las organizaciones no gubernamentales. Exigimos el cumplimiento por parte del Consejo de sus obligaciones y mandato derivados del Derecho europeo.

  Nicola Caputo (S&D), per iscritto. – Il caso dei 49 naufraghi salvati nel Mediterraneo prima di Natale da due Ong e rimasti in balìa del mare fino al 9 gennaio, si è "risolto" dopo 20 giorni, solo per effetto di un accordo tra Paesi europei. Una soluzione dunque eccezionale. Non possiamo più continuare ad affrontare il tema della redistribuzione dei richiedenti asilo con soluzioni tampone. Il Mediterraneo resta il luogo privilegiato di rotte migratorie dall'Africa, ma i freddi numeri pubblicati da Eurostat sugli arrivi e sulle domande di protezione internazionale presentati nell'Unione europea dimostrano che la situazione oggi è pienamente gestibile. Confrontando i dati del 2017 con quelli del 2018 emerge una forte riduzione dei richiedenti asilo in prima istanza e un crollo degli arrivi. È vero, Commissario Avramopoulos: Now is the time! Dobbiamo arrivare il prima possibile ad una vera riforma del Regolamento di Dublino, unica strada per uscire dalla crisi attuale. Now is the time, ma quando sarà il tempo della responsabilità per il Consiglio?

  Miriam Dalli (S&D), bil-miktub. – Il-Kunsill qisu qed jagħti l-impressjoni li l-kriżi migratorja bħal donnha qed tbatti. Assolutament mhux il-każ. Qed isemmu l-fondi imma l-fondi waħedhom m'hu se jsolvu l-ebda problema jekk ma jkunux akkumpanjati minn politiki b’saħħithom li verament jagħmlu differenza.

Sakemm se nibqgħu f'sitwazzjoni fejn Membru wieħed jitfa' l-piż fuq l-ieħor m'aħna se nsolvu xejn. Din mhux suppost li hija problema tal-“front line Member States” kif qed issejħilhom il-Kunsill imma problema tal-Unjoni Ewropea kollha kemm hi. X'ipokrezija! Kontinent ta' aktar minn 500 miljun ruħ jippretendi li pajjiż wieħed, b'anqas minn 500 000 ruħ, ikollu jirrikori darba wara l-oħra għal miżuri ta' solidarjetà ad hoc għaliex hemm numru ta' Stati Membri li għalihom is-solidarjetà ma tfisser xejn.

Lil dawk li qed jippruvaw jippuntaw subgħajhom lejn Malta ngħidilhom jiċċekkjaw l-affarijiet. Lil dawk li għandhom ir-responsabilità li jintlaħaq ftehim ngħidilhom li ċ-ċittadini Ewropej ma jistennew xejn anqas minn hekk.

  Ангел Джамбазки (ECR), в писмена форма. – Изслушах дебата относно миграцията в залата на ЕП и чух доста глупости. Трябва да построим въздушни мостове между Европа и Африка. Скоро ще дойде страшният съд и ние, които не искаме да приемем тези мигранти в собствените с домове, ще бъдем съдени на него. Всеки трябва да поеме отговорността си за мигрантите, въпреки че не сме ги поканили ние. Истината е такава! Моята държава и много други не сме канили никакви мигранти и не искаме да ги приемаме, който ги е поканил, да бъде така добър и да си ги приеме и да се грижи за тях. Трябва да защитим външните си граници, каквато е и моята страна, защото ако не е защитена, тя не е никаква граница, а мислена линия. Трябва да разграничим политически мигранти и/или такива, бягащи от война от икономическите пришълци. Това разграничаване трябва да става извън Европа. Трябва да изнасяме помощ за тези хора извън Европа, а не да ги вкарваме в Европа и те в последствие да създават проблеми тук. Виждам притеснението на либералните ни колеги, притеснение, че в следващия парламент тук ще има много повече хора като мен и ние ще решим проблема с мигрантите така, както заслужава Европа, а не така, както искат те!

  Iratxe García Pérez (S&D), por escrito. – Estamos asistiendo con tristeza a este enésimo debate sobre la reforma del asilo, siempre frustrada por el Consejo. Son millones los europeos que se preguntan y preguntan a los actuales miembros del Consejo, expresando su indignación, por el inaceptable bloqueo de la negociación en el Consejo. Frente a eso necesitamos solidaridad, gestión integrada de las fronteras exteriores de la Unión y un sistema de responsabilidad compartida en la gestión de las demandas de asilo. Por tanto, este asunto demanda directamente la responsabilidad del Consejo, porque queremos una política de asilo que sea humanitaria, eficaz y, sobre todo, europea. No podemos tolerar incumplimientos flagrantes del Derecho europeo, hurtando a la vista de los ciudadanos las muertes en el Mediterráneo o criminalizando a las organizaciones no gubernamentales. Exigimos el cumplimiento por parte del Consejo de sus obligaciones y mandato derivados del Derecho europeo.

  Ana Gomes (S&D), por escrito. – A saga do Seawatch3 mostra a hipocrisia de governos europeus que se dizem cristãos, mas nem sequer o Papa ouvem. A Comissão bem pode agora agradecer-lhes, mas os governos de Itália e Malta foram quem impediu 49 náufragos de desembarcar durante mais de 2 semanas, mesmo quando 10 governos já se dispunham a acolhê-los. Valeram-nos as ONG que persistem em salvar vidas.

Os cidadãos precisam de saber que é o Conselho, onde se sentam os governos, que está bloqueado na reforma do regulamento de Dublin, impedindo uma política comum de asilo. O Parlamento fez o seu trabalho. A fictícia “Guarda Costeira” Líbia, os processos de Cartum e Valetta, o “acordo” UE-Turquia e acordos de readmissão invocados hoje pela Presidência romena, tal como as horrendas “vallas” em redor de Ceuta e Melilla, são produtos duma ilusória “fortaleza Europa”.

E, de facto, alimentam o negócio das máfias de traficantes de seres humanos, que exploram a falta de vias legais e seguras para o acesso de migrantes e refugiados. Bloqueado nesta matéria, o Conselho afunda valores e o futuro da Europa, ajudando a espalhar populismos e ódio xenófobo, como o que assassinou um corajoso político que os combatia em Gdansk.

  Enrique Guerrero Salom (S&D), por escrito. – Estamos asistiendo con tristeza a este enésimo debate sobre la reforma del asilo —siempre frustrada por el Consejo—. Son millones los europeos que se preguntan y preguntan a los actuales miembros del Consejo, expresando su indignación, por el inaceptable bloqueo de la negociación en el Consejo. Frente a eso necesitamos solidaridad, gestión integrada de las fronteras exteriores de la Unión y un sistema de responsabilidad compartida en la gestión de las demandas de asilo. Por tanto, este asunto demanda directamente la responsabilidad del Consejo, porque queremos una política de asilo que sea humanitaria, eficaz y, sobre todo, europea. No podemos tolerar incumplimientos flagrantes del Derecho europeo, hurtando a la vista de los ciudadanos las muertes en el Mediterráneo o criminalizando a las organizaciones no gubernamentales. Exigimos el cumplimiento por parte del Consejo de sus obligaciones y mandato derivados del Derecho europeo.

  Sergio Gutiérrez Prieto (S&D), por escrito. – Estamos asistiendo con tristeza a este enésimo debate sobre la reforma del asilo —siempre frustrada por el Consejo—. Son millones los europeos que se preguntan y preguntan a los actuales miembros del Consejo, expresando su indignación, por el inaceptable bloqueo de la negociación en el Consejo. Frente a eso necesitamos solidaridad, gestión integrada de las fronteras exteriores de la Unión y un sistema de responsabilidad compartida en la gestión de las demandas de asilo. Por tanto, este asunto demanda directamente la responsabilidad del Consejo, porque queremos una política de asilo que sea humanitaria, eficaz y, sobre todo, europea. No podemos tolerar incumplimientos flagrantes del Derecho europeo, hurtando a la vista de los ciudadanos las muertes en el Mediterráneo o criminalizando a las organizaciones no gubernamentales. Exigimos el cumplimiento por parte del Consejo de sus obligaciones y mandato derivados del Derecho europeo.

  Marlene Mizzi (S&D), in writing. – It pains me to see that 49 migrants were stranded at sea for days waiting for the Member States to take responsibility and show solidarity in this heart—breaking situation. It pains me to see the ineptness and rigidness of the current EU rules, when all we have been fighting for in the last few years was a European solution to the migration crisis. It pains me to see that people’s lives were endangered because the Italian Government refused to comply with their international and European obligations. But it hurts much worse to see people deceivingly attacking my country, when Malta has done more than most EU countries have done in the last 10 years. When, Malta has taken in, per capita, more than any other EU country. And when Malta has successfully helped to conclude the ad hoc agreement for the quick and safe relocation of the 49 migrants. We cannot expect that every time Salvini decides to blackmail the European Union and the Member States, then Malta will take the burden and the responsibility for the whole of the EU. But please, do not let people suffer any longer and provide us with a sustainable European solution to share the responsibility among all Member States.

  Cláudia Monteiro de Aguiar (PPE), por escrito. – A reforma do sistema de asilo e política de migração é fundamental para responder à crise humanitária que assistimos no Mediterrâneo e em África, e que apela à nossa mais profunda responsabilidade enquanto defensores intransigentes dos direitos humanos e da dignidade da pessoa humana, mas também da solidariedade, que preconizamos para nós próprios. A União Europeia não pode simplesmente ignorar o problema que diariamente dá às nossas costas, depender de soluções desorganizadas e unilaterais, e quase sempre reativas. É urgente reformar a política de asilo de forma a reduzir a migração ilegal, a prevenir movimentos secundários, a reduzir os abusos perpetrados por traficantes, e a garantir que os pedidos de asilo são processados de forma célere e justa.

  Inmaculada Rodríguez-Piñero Fernández (S&D), por escrito. – Estamos asistiendo con tristeza a este enésimo debate sobre la reforma del asilo —siempre frustrada por el Consejo—. Son millones los europeos que se preguntan y preguntan a los actuales miembros del Consejo, expresando su indignación, por el inaceptable bloqueo de la negociación en el Consejo. Frente a eso necesitamos solidaridad, gestión integrada de las fronteras exteriores de la Unión y un sistema de responsabilidad compartida en la gestión de las demandas de asilo. Por tanto, este asunto demanda directamente la responsabilidad del Consejo, porque queremos una política de asilo que sea humanitaria, eficaz y, sobre todo, europea. No podemos tolerar incumplimientos flagrantes del Derecho europeo, hurtando a la vista de los ciudadanos las muertes en el Mediterráneo o criminalizando a las organizaciones no gubernamentales. Exigimos el cumplimiento por parte del Consejo de sus obligaciones y mandato derivados del Derecho europeo.

  Kathleen Van Brempt (S&D), schriftelijk. – Sinds 2016 brengt de Europese Commissie voortgangsverslagen over migratie uit. Ze moeten de resultaten van het beleid aantonen. De aankomsten zijn met 90 % gedaald. De budgetten voor migratie stijgen jaar na jaar. Enkel de hervestigingscijfers vallen tegen, maar daar is geen regering ooit over – of voor – gevallen. Allemaal prima. Alleen gaat het in ons leven in essentie niet over cijfers, of toch niet wezenlijk. Het geeft ons geen warm huis om naar terug te keren. We voelen ons niet veiliger op straat. Op het einde van de rit wordt onze baan niet beter beschermd.

De migratiecrisis van vandaag is geen crisis van cijfers, maar een crisis van vertrouwen. Toen vluchtelingen bij Italië, Griekenland, Duitsland en Zweden kwamen aankloppen, ervaarden mensen niet dat het beter is om in de EU te zitten dan erbuiten – integendeel. Geen voortgangsverslag, terugkeerakkoord of ontschepingscentrum dat dat oplost. Als het aan het Europees Parlement lag, dan kwam de commissaris vandaag vertellen dat het nooit meer zal gebeuren. Dat er een plan klaarligt dat ervoor zorgt dat een dorpje met 1000 inwoners nooit meer 400 onbegeleide kinderen alleen zal moeten opvangen, omdat er 26 andere lidstaten klaar zullen staan. Dan waren de Europese waarden vandaag even tastbaar als de acties van Salvini en Orbán.

(The sitting was suspended for a few moments)

PRESIDENZA DELL’ON. ANTONIO TAJANI
Presidente