Fuldstændigt Forhandlingsreferat

Onsdag den 16. januar 2019 - Strasbourg

18. Omfattende europæisk uddannelse og forskning i og historiebevidsthed om den totalitære fortid (debat om et aktuelt spørgsmål)

  President. – The next item is the topical debate (Rule 153a) on Comprehensive European education, research and remembrance of the totalitarian past (2019/2500(RSP)).

  Андрей Ковачев, от името на групата PPE. – Г-н Председател, г-жо Комисар, г-жо Министър, тази година ще отбележим 30 години от падането на комунистическия режим в Източна Европа. Когато преди 10 години този парламент прие резолюцията за европейската съвест и тоталитаризма, поставихме началото на дебата за формирането на общ прочит върху историята на Европа с осъждане на всички тоталитарни режими от ХХ век.

С поставянето на знак за равенство между страданията, причинени както от фашизма, така и от националсоциализма и комунизма. С преосмислянето им и извличането на поуки от трагичните събития от историята на западните европейски народи, както и от историята на народите в Източна Европа.

Поуки, които да насърчат демокрацията, толкова нужното ни днес европейско единство, върховенството на закона, зачитането на човешкото достойнство и свободата.

И в същото време поуки, които да предотвратят избуяването на омразата, ксенофобията, посяването на авторитарни или тоталитарни идеи в европейските общества.

Десет години по-късно моята лична оценка е, че по различни причини този дебат не се състоя. През този период Европейският съюз бе изправен пред нови предизвикателства, на които със сигурност би реагирал по-успешно, ако бе извлякъл поуки от историята.

Мисля, че Европа днес се нуждае от рестарт на дебата. В момента не правим достатъчно, за да се справим с възкръсването на духовете от миналото. Национализмът и популизмът се подсилват от липсата на памет и разбиране за нашата история, за ролята на европейската интеграция в преодоляването на дълбоките рани от тоталитарните режими в Европа.

Достатъчно е да обърнем поглед към някои държави, където разочаровани от несигурното икономическо настояще и социалното неравенство, младите хора подкрепят екстремистки крайнодесни или крайнолеви партии, за да се убедим колко голяма е опасността от повтаряне на трагичните грешки от миналото. Затова е толкова важно да предаваме паметта, за да не стават младите европейци жертва на политическите играчи, които предлагат лесни решения на много сложни обществени проблеми.

Когато не предаваме паметта за миналите събития, позволяваме младите поколения да бъдат подвеждани с пропаганда и дезинформационни кампании, както за националсоциализма, така и за комунистическите режими, които и до днес се радват на носталгия поради незнание за мащабите и продължителността на техните престъпления. До какво води това виждаме много ясно в Русия и в други държави, където има притеснителни тенденции за нарастване на носталгията по сталинизма.

Има различни политики, които отделните държави – членки на Европейския съюз, прилагат, една от тях обаче е универсална и може да бъде модел навсякъде. И това е образованието.

Чрез образованието следващите поколения европейци, без значение дали в Западна, Централна, Източна, Северна или Южна Европа, трябва да получат представа за тоталитарните режими през ХХ век и да знаят, че за свободата, демокрацията, човешките права, които имат днес, са се жертвали милиони. Да знаят, че свободата не е даденост и както казваше Роналд Рейгън, винаги е на едно поколение от изчезване и трябва да се отстоява.

Вчера в тази зала тържествено отбелязахме 20-годишнината от въвеждането на еврото, но е добре да припомним, че Европейският съюз не е само общ пазар и валута, а преди всичко гарант за свободата, мира, демокрацията и зачитането на човешките права на нашия континент. Европейският съюз е отговор на ужасите на тоталитаризма, който потискаше и ограничаваше с цената на милиони невинни жертви, разрушения и неизмеримо страдание. Днес, когато сме изправени пред предизвикателствата да защитим своята ценностна система, ние повече от всякога трябва да си даваме сметка за заплахите от липсата на историческа памет.

Нека с помощта на образованието съхраним този уникален проект за следващите поколения европейци, вместо да позволяваме да станат жертва на невежество и манипулации, които упорито насаждат носталгия за отминали времена на тоталитарни режими.

  Melania Ciot, President-in-Office of the Council. – Mr President, the topic of our debate today touches on the very core of our Union and what it stands for. The authoritarian and totalitarian regimes across Europe in the last century remain a dark chapter in our continent’s history. Our Union is based on the common values and the general principles of respect for human dignity, freedom, democracy, equality, the rule of law and respect for human rights.

Its aim is to uphold and promote these values, which, as we are all well aware, have been increasingly challenged in recent years. Fortunately, younger generations have not suffered under totalitarian regimes, yet there is now a risk that we are taking these common values and principles for granted. Our common values have enabled the longest period of peace in Europe. They remain a cornerstone of our democratic societies and they need to be safeguarded and constantly nurtured.

Today we face a number of challenges that put our open societies at risk, be it through xenophobia, divisive nationalism, discrimination, disinformation or violent radicalisation, to name just a few. If we are fully to understand the present, an awareness and understanding of the past is crucial. A lack of knowledge about the origins of the Union and about the way in which it works increases the risk of discrimination. It also prevents citizens from developing informed opinions on the actions that the Union takes. On the other hand, knowledge about the diversity, heritage and traditions within the Union and its Member States promotes mutual respect, understanding and cooperation, which in turn can strengthen a common sense of belonging.

We know that education can play a crucial role in promoting our common values and in promoting a better understanding of the Union and of each other. We are also all well aware that the Union’s competence in the field of education is limited and that Member States remain fully responsible for their education systems and for the design of their curricula. However, at a time when Europe is looking to the future and seeking to re-engage its citizens, especially young people, around an agenda of shared values, we believe it is important to create a sense of belonging among Europeans. In this spirit, the Member States have therefore made a number of commitments, as evidenced in various political statements, be they Council conclusions or recommendations, which provide a strong basis for cooperation in this area.

At the Gothenburg Summit in November 2017, the EU heads of state and government chose education and culture as the first subject to be addressed under the new Leaders’ Agenda, underlining their resolution to do more in these areas. The Gothenburg discussions were followed by the conclusions of the European Council of December 2017, which highlighted how education and cultures are key to building inclusive and cohesive societies.

In May 2018, the Council adopted a recommendation on promoting common values, inclusive education and the European dimension of teaching. This recommendation was a follow-up to the Paris Declaration of 2015, in which education ministers stressed the importance of the role that education can play in this respect. The commitments of the Paris Declaration are as relevant today as they were then.

In addition to our efforts in this area at national level, we need to make the best use of the Union’s instruments and programmes, such as Erasmus+, Horizon, Creative Europe, Europe for Citizens and the European Solidarity Corps, the support initiatives that serve to promote our common values. We need to provide our young people with the skills and competencies to become active, informed and responsible citizens. Media literacy and critical thinking are crucial skills in today’s society. Our young people need to develop the critical analysis and understanding needed to cope with the ever—growing volume of information. They need to be aware of the need to identify correctly, and use, reliable sources of information and of the risk of disinformation.

Finally, it is of the utmost importance to promote and encourage tolerance, mutual understanding and intercultural dialogue in order to secure a better future. The role of educational staff and their continuing professional development plays a key role in this respect. It is important to learn how to address difficult or sensitive topics or controversial issues and not to leave them unaddressed. Teachers need support in their new role in an ever more diverse classroom.

This subject is closely tied in with the priorities of our Presidency. As our Prime Minister outlined yesterday, one of our main pillars is the Europe of common values. We aim to stimulate the solidarity and cohesion of the European Union by promoting policies on combating discrimination, ensuring equal chances and equal treatment, and by increasing the involvement of citizens, particularly young people, in the European debate.

To conclude, I can assure you that this issue will remain high on the Council’s political agenda. Thank you for your attention.

  Věra Jourová, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, thank you very much for having put this important and very timely debate on the agenda. Learning about our history and analysing the complex forces at play between and within our societies is the basis for understanding the world we are living in today. Knowing about our past is also critical for building the future of our continent and our countries.

Let us not forget that the original underlying idea of the European integration project – ensuring that its dark history does not repeat itself and preserving our freedoms, shared values and ways of life – needs to be defended every day.

Commemorating and teaching that past, as well as cultivating the memory of troubled times, are key to shaping a common future. It is important to include all totalitarian regimes – be they fascist, communist or others – as we do on the Europe-wide day of remembrance for the victims of these regimes, on 23 August each year.

The Commission supports remembrance, research and education in the field of totalitarianism in a variety of ways. Preserving the memory of Europe’s totalitarian past is one of the core themes of the current Europe for Citizens programme, which supports activities that encourage reflection on European cultural diversity and on common values.

Funds are available for initiatives that reflect on the causes behind the rise of totalitarian regimes in Europe’s modern history and commemorate the victims of their crimes. Furthermore, Europe for Citizens is the Union’s main tool to support initiatives that raise awareness of and educate about the Holocaust. Each year the Commission invests EUR 3.5 million in these projects. Several operational grants support Holocaust memorials and education sites.

Remembering the Holocaust needs to remain a priority. In that context, the EU has recently acquired permanent international partner status with the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance. The Commission is also supporting the largest-ever EU-funded research initiative on the Holocaust, with EUR 8 million, through the Horizon 2020 project. It is called European Holocaust Research Infrastructure.

Further, in the field of research, in 2015 and 2017 the Commission published calls under the Horizon 2020 programme to support research on cultural opposition in the former socialist countries and on improving mutual understanding among Europeans by working through troubled past.

Take, for example, the project COURAGE which stands for - Cultural Opposition – Understanding the Cultural Heritage of Dissent in the Former Socialist Countries. This project has created the first digital database highlighting various forms of cultural opposition in former socialist countries. The project concluded that education and research on cultural heritage are crucial to support open pluralistic democracies.

In the field of education, the Union supports and complements national policies aimed at better understanding our history and shared values. The current Erasmus+ programme has so far supported some 30 projects dealing with history and totalitarianism in the EU. These projects gave pupils and students the chance to learn about the past in a direct way and make changes in their own lives as a desired result.

Last year, the Commission put forward a Council recommendation on promoting common values, inclusive education and the European dimension of teaching. Member States agreed on it after only several months; this was a real milestone. Never before has the EU said so clearly how important it is to promote our common values, to create a sense of belonging, to teach about the functioning values and origins of the EU, and, most importantly, learn about the complex cultural and historical experiences in our Member States.

The Commission strongly believes that education is also the most effective means of preventing antisemitism. This is why the Commission is co-funding a study entitled the Holocaust in Contemporary Education, a joint initiative with UNESCO.

Finally, we can raise awareness and understanding through our cultural heritage, and I am proud that the European heritage label has been awarded to sites of historical significance. Sites such as Poland’s historic Gdańsk shipyard or the Sighet memorial in Romania.

Let me reassure you that the Commission will continue to promote remembrance of totalitarian regimes, whatever their ideological basis. Understanding our past is crucial if we are to live together and to build a better future for our continent.

  Sandra Kalniete, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Mr President, the last century taught us a harsh lesson in how dangerous and unpredictable authoritarian regimes and dictatorships are. That’s why totalitarian crimes must not be repeated. We need education, research and remembrance to build immunity and resilience in our societies against every temptation of undemocratic solutions. Europeans need this knowledge in order to clearly recognise and resist nationalists, populists and radicals on both the left and the right and to prevent them from hijacking and denigrating our democratic values and brainwashing our open societies.

The European Union was constructed against the backdrop of trauma brought about by National Socialism and Communism. Also, they defied ideology. They originated as groups of populists who used manipulation to grab power in order to build the most brutal regimes that claimed the lives of millions. The historical experience of Western Europe was Nazism, whereas Central and Eastern European countries have experienced both Communism and Nazism. These authoritarian regimes are our common legacy, and Europe must be able to speak in one language about this double legacy.

To this end, the Union should provide a framework and sufficient financial funding for comprehensive research into Europe’s totalitarianism – both totalitarianisms – as well as educational programmes and cultural projects. We also need the full opening up of historical archives to verify the historical lies.

We have to see the clear link between populism, extremism, autocracy and dictatorship around the world. Moreover, we have to act in response to mass violations of human rights be it in Russia, China, Iran or in jihadism or Islamism.

  Petra Kammerevert, im Namen der S&D-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Europa hat gerade im 20. Jahrhundert eine Geschichte der Verirrungen, der Verbrechen des Krieges und des Unrechts, aber auch eine Geschichte des Gelingens: mit der Gründung der Europäischen Union, dem Fall des Eisernen Vorhangs und der Vertiefung der europäischen Integration.

Demokratie braucht Erinnerung. Nur wer sich der Vergangenheit bewusst ist, kann die Zukunft gestalten. Die Gründung der Europäischen Union und die gemeinsame Verteidigung der Grundwerte einer offenen, liberalen und pluralistischen Gesellschaft sind die Lehren, die wir aus dem dunkelsten Kapitel der europäischen Geschichte des 20. Jahrhunderts gezogen haben.

Der Blick in die Vergangenheit hilft, Lösungen für die Gegenwart und Zukunft zu finden, indem man Fehler erkennt, sich bewusst macht, wie es dazu kam, und auch indem man Schuld eingesteht, auch für Taten, die man selbst nicht zu verantworten hat. Der Kniefall Willy Brandts in Warschau ist das bemerkenswerteste Beispiel eines solchen Schuldeingeständnisses.

Ich warne allerdings davor, mit Erinnerungskultur Geschichtspolitik betreiben zu wollen. Das gelingt nicht. Geschichte ist immer lang, kompliziert, vielfältig und vor allem widersprüchlich, auch in ihrer Erzählung selbst. Erinnerungskultur hat nie den Anspruch auf absolute Wahrheit. Es gibt historische Tatsachen, die sich nicht leugnen und wegdiskutieren lassen. Aber eine Erinnerungskultur, die Widersprüche nicht verdeutlicht und versuchen würde, die Ereignisse nur aus einer Perspektive zu erzählen, ist sinnlos. So etwas eint nichts, das spaltet.

Erinnerungskultur gelingt immer dann, wenn sie Brüche verdeutlicht und anerkennt, dass Einordnungen nach schwarz, weiß, Gewinner, Verlierer, Held, Täter oder Opfer oft so nicht funktionieren und Fragen nach Schuld und Mitschuld nicht so einfach zu beantworten sind.

Erinnerungskultur gelingt, wenn der Zweifel bei einem selbst bleibt. Insoweit hilft Erinnerungskultur auch gegen Populismus. Sie mahnt uns, den eigenen Standpunkt zu überprüfen. Dreißig Jahre nach dem Fall des Eisernen Vorhangs sollten wir uns erinnern: Diejenigen, die für sich absolute Wahrheit beanspruchten, sind gestürzt. Totalitarismus und Populismus haben eins gemeinsam: Sie verlangen nicht nach Erinnerungskultur, sondern nach Geschichtserzählungen aus der Sicht des vermeintlichen Siegers. Diesen Unterschied sollten wir deutlich machen. Das ist das, was wir unseren Kindern vermittelten sollten, damit sie gewappnet sind.

  Branislav Škripek, za skupinu ECR – Ďakujem Vám vážený pán predsedajúci, pokúsim sa dodržať čas. Ďakujem za napomenutie. Veľká časť nás poslancov sediacich v tejto sále Európskeho parlamentu na vlastnej koži zažila, čo to znamená totalitný režim, ktorý vo veľkej časti Európy vládol celých 40 rokov.

Ja som dieťa socializmu, kde naša komunistickou ideológiou vedená vláda si predstavovala, ako vybudujeme blahý socializmus. Pred vami teraz stojí človek, ktorý pod násilným vplyvom tejto ideológie musel ako dieťa sľubovať, keď som bol iskrička, potom pionier, potom zväzák, že budem budovať a brániť socialistickú vlasť vždy pripravený. Ale, nebolo to naozaj to, čo by som naozaj chcel. Ako človek z Československa, kde nás dogmaticky učili, že komunizmus a socializmus, tézy Marxa, Engelsa, Lenina sú to najlepšie, čo môže byť, že Boh neexistuje, a zakazovali o jeho existencii vôbec hovoriť a vláda hlásala, že šírenie učenia Ježiša Krista je skrz-naskrz zlá vec. Ja preto za dôležité skutočne považujem, aby sme vzdelávali našich mladých ľudí aj v temnej časti našej histórie. Je potrebné, aby história slúžila ako memento zápasu práve preto, aby sa neopakovala. Hrdinovia našej doby, ktorých chcem pripomínať, nám slúžia ako vzory aj pre dnešnú dobu. U nás na Slovensku je takýmto odbojový bojovník, vojak Jozef Gabčík, ktorý počas druhej svetovej vojny pôsobil v exilovej Československej armáde a spolu s Jánom Kubišom uskutočnil atentát na predstaviteľa nacistickej totality, na ríšskeho protektora Heidricha, ale keď sme ju porazili začala vládnuť tá komunistická, ktorá vo východnom bloku chcela vybudovať spoločné dobro.

Myslím však, že sa to nepodarilo a ďakujeme za dnešnú slobodu.

  María Teresa Giménez Barbat, en nombre del Grupo ALDE. –Señor presidente, queridos colegas, nuestra Unión nació de las cenizas humeantes de los totalitarismos de izquierdas y derechas, pero también como un refugio y una esperanza frente a ellos. Me gustaría recordar una reflexión de Vaclav Havel, presidente, sobre cómo de parecidas son las raíces del sistema totalitario, sobre la irresistible tendencia de las ideologías a independizarse de la realidad y de la vida. En una realidad totalitaria, la ideología sustituye a la razón, y la verdad se identifica simplemente con el poder. Si la memoria de Europa flaquea, si los ciudadanos no comprenden su pasado, incluyendo las grandes tradiciones de la razón, el fin de la división del continente que programan los Tratados no se convertirá en realidad. Esta historia común debería animar todas las iniciativas de investigación, todos los planes educativos para prevenir la demencia totalitaria. Porque la lucha contra el totalitarismo, que los clásicos llamaban simplemente tiranía, es una lucha común por la Unión, por las libertades y la democracia, bienes preciosos, pero frágiles, como la memoria humana, que necesitan de atenciones y perseverantes cuidados. Es de vital importancia preservar la memoria del totalitarismo, pero debemos hacerlo desde una perspectiva de historia europea, de una historia europea común, para no alentar un excesivo particularismo nacional, para no dar alas al nacionalismo y para, en resumidas cuentas, hacer honor a la verdad. Sí, la verdad existe, y debe ser nuestro objetivo más trascendental y luminoso y una gran inspiración para todos.

  Bronis Ropė, Verts/ALE frakcijos vardu. – Gerbiamas Pirmininke, labai svarbu priminti, ypač jaunajai kartai, kokias nenusakomas tragedijas žmonijai atnešė totalitariniai XX amžiaus režimai. Mano Tėvynėje Lietuvoje dėl sovietinės okupacijos netekome apie 800 000 gyventojų, apie 300 000 buvo kalinami lageriuose ir pasmerkti badui ir šalčiui Sibire. Kas trečias iš šių nekaltų žmonių, įskaitant vaikus ir moteris mirė baisiomis sąlygomis. Visgi šie kraupūs komunistiniai nusikaltimai dar nėra deramai pasmerkti ir to pasekmes pajausime ir jau jaučiame mes visi. Rusijoje jau seniai skatinamas stalinizmo kultas, sovietinis režimas šlovinamas visur: nuo suvenyrų iki televizijos laidų, neigiami net tokie akivaizdūs dalykai, kaip Stalino ir Hitlerio sandėris pasidalinti Rytų Europą ir Baltijos šalių okupaciją.

  Νικόλαος Χουντής, εξ ονόματος της ομάδας GUE/NGL. – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, αγαπητοί συνάδελφοι, κατά την άποψή μου, η συζήτηση που κάνουμε σήμερα έχει αποπροσανατολιστικό χαρακτήρα και δεν αντιμετωπίζει τα σύγχρονα προβλήματα και τις προκλήσεις της νεολαίας και της εκπαίδευσης. Στις μέρες μας, ο ευαίσθητος κλάδος της εκπαίδευσης, με την επίθεση που δέχεται, κινδυνεύει να μην μπορεί να επιτελέσει τον ιστορικό και κοινωνικό του ρόλο. Οι νεοφιλελεύθερες πολιτικές της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης έχουν οδηγήσει την αποδιάρθρωση και τον κατακερματισμό της εκπαίδευσης προτάσσοντας την ιδιωτικοποίηση ως πανάκεια με βάση τις επιταγές της αγοράς. Οι περικοπές των δημοσίων δαπανών και η υποχρηματοδότηση έχουν απαξιώσει τα εκπαιδευτικά συστήματα και έχουν υποβαθμίσει την ποιότητά τους. Η σημερινή συζήτηση συνδέεται άμεσα με αυτή την ποιότητα, το περιεχόμενο και τη συμβολή της εκπαίδευσης που στο όνομα, όμως, της θεωρίας, όπως αναπτύχθηκε, των δύο άκρων, προσπαθεί να αποπροσανατολίσει, να ξαναγράψει την ιστορία και να δικαιολογήσει, κατά την άποψή μου, τα μέτρα που λαμβάνονται σε ορισμένες χώρες κατά των κομμουνιστικών και αριστερών κομμάτων. Αγαπητοί συνάδελφοι, τι ιστορικό μάθημα δίνει η άρνηση της Γερμανίας να αποπληρώσει το κατοχικό δάνειο που πήρε από την Ελλάδα, να αποπληρώσει και να αποζημιώσει τα θύματα της ναζιστικής κατοχής; Ποιο είναι το ιστορικό μάθημα που δίνουμε και η αποκατάσταση της ιστορικής μνήμης; Αγαπητοί συνάδελφοι, τούτες τις μέρες, τούτες τις ώρες, η παιδεία στην ελληνική πραγματικότητα δέχεται μια νέα επίθεση λιτότητας, από την κυβέρνηση, περικοπής των δαπανών και αλλοίωσης των πτυχίων. Αυτοί οι καταστροφικοί σχεδιασμοί δεν εξυπηρετούν τις ανάγκες ούτε της παιδείας ούτε των κοινωνιών μας. Η αγωνιστική στάση σπουδαστών και καθηγητών αυτή την περίοδο, που αντιμετωπίζουν αυταρχική βία, δείχνει τον δρόμο για μια καθολική εκπαίδευση και εκπαιδευτικούς με αξιοπρέπεια και εργασιακά δικαιώματα.

  Nathan Gill, on behalf of the EFDD Group. – Mr President, I know that those who fail to learn from our history are doomed to repeat it. I believe strongly in education, but know that education can be and is used to further propaganda. I am concerned that the EU will use this as a way to further propagandise its existence and further make patriotic citizens of nation-states into villains.

I know the often-used term populist. Let us not forget that the opposite of populist is un-populist. Why have you made speaking up for the populace somehow a bad thing, always when they say what you do not want to hear? I am also very concerned about the oft-repeated line that the EU has been the source of 75 years of peace in Europe. Communication, cooperation and learning off each other often have helped but do not write out the role of NATO, of the Americans, of the UN, and yes, of nuclear weapons, the threat of which have made war impossible.

If you must dabble in education, please trust the Member States to decide what is best for their children. Trust in national education systems and keep political motivation out of education.

  Marie-Christine Arnautu, au nom du groupe ENF. – Monsieur le Président, enseigner l’histoire du totalitarisme est indispensable, et ce n’est pas l’anticommuniste viscérale que je suis qui vous dira le contraire. Mais ce n’est pas au Parlement européen de s’occuper de l’éducation, surtout quand des millions d’Européens, qui souffrent de la misère, de l’insécurité et de la submersion migratoire, ne voient jamais leurs problèmes résolus. Que des élus veuillent influer sur la recherche et l’enseignement n’est pas de bon augure pour la vérité historique. C’est justement l’histoire du totalitarisme qui nous l’apprend.

C’est pourtant déjà le cas dans de nombreux pays européens. L’actuelle tendance, au sein de l’Union européenne, au totalitarisme mou s’exprime par la culpabilisation, les oukases, les mises au ban, la propagande dans les écoles, les persécutions policières et judiciaires contre les mouvements résistant à l’euromondialisme, comme en Italie, en Grèce, en Belgique, en Allemagne, ou encore en France contre le Rassemblement national ou les gilets jaunes. L’histoire doit avoir pour but d’extraire les générations à venir de l’actuel totalitarisme européen bien-pensant et du marché roi, et donc de les préserver de celui qui se profile, le totalitarisme islamiste.

  Κωνσταντίνος Παπαδάκης (NI). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, συνάδελφοι, μιλάτε περί ολοκληρωτισμού. Ο στόχος σας προφανής: να εξισώσετε τον κομμουνισμό με το τέρας του φασισμού, του γνήσιου παιδιού της καπιταλιστικής βαρβαρότητας, αυτής που όλοι σας υπερασπίζεστε. Η ιστορική αλήθεια, η κόκκινη σημαία στο Reichstag αποτελούν άσβεστο μάρτυρα του ποιος εξολόθρευσε τον ναζισμό, του ποιος θρέφει και σήμερα την ακροδεξιά, τον εθνικισμό και τους φασίστες. Το μαρτυρά το τι γίνεται σήμερα στην Πολωνία, την Ουγγαρία, τις βαλτικές χώρες με τις διώξεις και τις απαγορεύσεις κομμουνιστικών κομμάτων την ίδια ώρα που απονέμονται τιμές σε συνεργάτες των ναζί με τη στήριξη της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης. Όσα ιδρύματα, ψέματα στα σχολικά βιβλία και ακριβοπληρωμένες καμπάνιες και αν χρηματοδοτήσετε, την ιστορία την γράψανε και την γράφουν οι λαοί με την πάλη τους ενάντια στο σάπιο εκμεταλλευτικό σύστημα. Είναι ιστορικές οι κατακτήσεις του σοσιαλισμού σε παιδεία, υγεία και εξάλειψη της ανεργίας. Η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση και ο καπιταλισμός δεν είναι μονόδρομος. Οι λαοί μπορούν με τη δική τους εξουσία στις χώρες τους να παλέψουν για την Ευρώπη του σοσιαλισμού.

  Sabine Verheyen (PPE). – Herr Präsident! Totalitarismus steht in hohem Maße gegen die Grundrechte. Keine freie Meinungsäußerung, keine Reisefreiheit, Ausgrenzung, Unterdrückung, Angst, Gräuel, Überwachungsstaat – das zeichnet das Leben in totalitären Regimen aus. Dies war über viele Jahre Teil der Geschichte in Europa und ist Gott sei Dank und hoffentlich auch in Zukunft in der Europäischen Union überwunden. Damit sich dies in Zukunft in keiner Form wiederholt, darf dieser Teil unserer Geschichte nicht in Vergessenheit geraten. Wir müssen die Erinnerung an den Nationalsozialismus, den Faschismus, aber auch an die totalitären kommunistischen Regime wachhalten, und diese Mahnung muss im Bewusstsein der Menschen bleiben. Deshalb muss die Aufarbeitung und Bearbeitung von allen totalitären Systemen und deren Auswirkungen auf das Leben der Menschen ein wichtiger Bestandteil im europäischen Bildungssystem und im Schulunterricht sein, damit eine Erinnerungskultur entstehen kann. Die wissenschaftliche Aufarbeitung der Geschichte an Universitäten ist ebenso von besonderer Bedeutung. Wir tragen die Verantwortung für zukünftige Generationen, damit dies nie mehr geschieht, damit Totalitarismus in Europa nie wieder Raum hat.

  Silvia Costa (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, penso che il progetto democratico e solidarista europeo non si potrà sviluppare se non sarà fondato sulla conoscenza e la coscienza della storia comune europea.

Una storia che prende le mosse dal "mai più" dei totalitarismi, del nazismo e del comunismo, nonché dell'Olocausto, e che si è centrato sulla dignità della persona umana, la libertà e la solidarietà.

Di fronte ai nuovi rischi di involuzione democratica, ai nazionalismi, ai razzismi, ma anche di fronte ai revisionismi e ai negazionismi, è necessario che, nella costruzione di un'area educativa europea, si tenga maggiormente conto della necessità, nella ricerca storica e anche nella metodologia condivisa, dell'insegnamento della storia comune, attraverso la promozione di studi comuni, confronti critici, anche per riunificare davvero l'Europa.

Io penso che vada messa a punto una nuova metodologia anche di educazione civica europea e che si possa arrivare naturalmente, nella libertà dei diversi sistemi, alla necessità di insegnamenti di un nucleo condiviso della storia europea, che evidenzi i valori comuni che sono stati alla base del processo di integrazione.

Non basta, però, lo sappiamo, essere colti o avere memoria per essere esenti da rischi. Noi sappiamo che se non c'è anche un'educazione valoriale, una pratica di cittadinanza europea, un aumento del pensiero critico, sarà molto difficile che alla cultura si accompagni la coscienza e noi dobbiamo sapere che appunto non basta solo coltivare la memoria, ma una coscienza democratica che nasca da quel "mai più" che abbiamo pronunciato all'inizio dell'esperienza del progetto europeo.

Ci sono degli esempi interessanti, ma anche degli esempi negativi in Europa, nei sistemi scolastici. Per esempio ci sono alcuni paesi che hanno fatto molta fatica a inserire la storia della Shoah dentro ai loro libri di storia e altri, come per esempio, mi dispiace la Repubblica Ceca, in questi giorni ha deciso di non ricordare più Jan Palach o nell'Ungheria non si vuole ricordare più un eroico Imre Nagy. Questi revisionismi non fanno bene alla creazione di una coscienza comune europea, mentre ci sono delle esperienze molto positive che non dico, e che ...

(Il Presidente ritira la parola all'oratrice).

  Jordi Solé (Verts/ALE). – Señor presidente. En la era de las fake news y la posverdad, la manera de rearmarnos como sociedad es a través de una educación de calidad y unos medios de comunicación libres y plurales. Serán los ciudadanos bien formados y bien informados los que podrán plantar cara a quienes pretenden falsear la historia, como el líder del Partido Popular español, Pablo Casado, cuando dice que los españoles no colonizaron, sino que lo que hacían era tener una España más grande. Por respeto a las víctimas es imprescindible reaccionar a este tipo de insultos a la memoria. Debemos trabajar la memoria histórica para dar voz a quienes no pudieron participar en la construcción del discurso oficial, para reconocer la parte olvidada de la historia negada, para restaurar la justicia y reparar aquellos que sufrieron la injusticia. Y debemos hacerlo, no solo con la memoria de las atrocidades de los totalitarismos, sino también con la de todos los regímenes que han basado su poder en la vulneración sistemática de los derechos fundamentales.

  Miguel Urbán Crespo (GUE/NGL). – Señor presidente. España es una excepción en Europa. Es una excepción de impunidad. Solo en España tenemos monumentos que hacen apología de las dictaduras fascistas, como fue la de Franco. Solo en España tenemos asociaciones que hacen apología del fascismo subvencionadas, asociaciones dedicadas a genocidas y asesinos. Solo en España tenemos miles de cadáveres en las cunetas sin exhumar. Somos el segundo país del mundo, después de Camboya, con más desaparecidos. Solo en España se encuentra suspendido el principio de justicia universal, porque se están rechazando los exhortos de la justicia argentina para interrogar a presuntos criminales de lesa humanidad de cara a su posible enjuiciamiento. Durante toda esta legislatura nos hemos dirigido al comisario Timmermans para que recibiera a las víctimas, a los familiares de las víctimas, y se ha negado. Si la Comisión Europea se sigue negando a recibir a las víctimas del franquismo, será cómplice de la impunidad.

  Marcus Pretzell (ENF). – Herr Präsident, sehr geehrte Damen und Herren Kollegen! Wenn es um die Erinnerung an die sozialistischen und nationalsozialistischen Diktaturen des letzten Jahrhunderts geht, dann sind wir uns sicherlich alle einig, dass das seinen Platz in den Geschichtsbüchern und in der Bildung finden muss.

Wenn es aber darum geht, über gemeinsame Werte zu reden, dann wird es schon schwieriger. Denn in der Familienpolitik oder auch in der Frage des Verhältnisses zwischen Nationalstaat und der EU haben wir doch die Debatten gerade über diese Werte. Es ist gut, dass wir diese Debatten führen und dass sie offen, mit offenem Ergebnis geführt werden können. Es geht eben nicht nur darum, auf Gemeinschaft Wert zu legen, sondern auch um das Individuum. Es geht nicht nur um die europäische Dimension, wie hier gesagt worden ist, es geht schon gar nicht um die eine Wahrheit. Es sind totalitäre Regime, die von „der“ Wahrheit reden. Um Wahrheit muss gerungen werden. Es ist Aufgabe, Bildung zu vermitteln, aber es ist nicht Aufgabe von staatlichen Institutionen zu erziehen. Das ist ein klassisches Zeichen für totalitäre Regime. Damit sollte die Europäische Union gar nicht erst beginnen.

  Alain Lamassoure (PPE). – Monsieur le Président, je félicite notre collègue Andrey Kovatchev d’avoir pris l’initiative de ce débat. L’enseignement de l’histoire, certes, n’est pas une compétence communautaire et ne doit pas le devenir, mais l’Union ne peut pas se désintéresser de la réapparition, presque partout en Europe, d’un discours de haine dans le débat public.

En deux générations, l’Europe est passée de la damnation de la guerre récurrente à la paix quasiment perpétuelle. C’est un miracle. Ce miracle n’a été possible que grâce à la construction européenne car, année après année, elle a réconcilié nos peuples en les mobilisant, non plus l’un contre l’autre, mais autour d’un projet commun.

Or, voilà que, ici ou là, nous formons avec nos enfants une nouvelle génération de nationalistes. On se méfie enfin des fake news, prenons garde à la fake history, celle qui a joué un rôle si dramatique dans les tragédies du XXe siècle. Oui, mille fois oui au récit national, non au roman national.

  Krystyna Łybacka (S&D). – Panie Przewodniczący! Totalitaryzm to cywilizacja przemocy, to pogarda dla wolności myśli i przekonań. Czy w walce z totalitaryzmem wystarczy tylko pamięć? Czy wystarczy nam tylko pamięć o męczeństwie narodów i heroizmie jednostek? Nie. Potrzeba nam czegoś więcej, tym bardziej że współczesne totalitaryzmy działają pod przykryciem demokracji. Taki ukryty totalitaryzm jest bardzo niebezpieczny, ponieważ usypia umysł.

Dlatego naszym zadaniem jest wykształcenie pokolenia młodych ludzi, którzy potrafią krytycznie i refleksyjnie rozumieć świat, własne człowieczeństwo, potrafią współdziałać z innymi na zasadzie tolerancji i poszanowania drugiego człowieka. To edukacja jest najlepszym, najbardziej skutecznym elementem walki z nienawiścią, z brakiem tolerancji i z totalitaryzmem. Nie pozwólmy, aby były w odniesieniu do nas prawdziwe słowa Indiry Gandhi, która sama padła ofiarą nienawiści. Powiedziała ona: „Historia jest najlepszym nauczycielem, ale ma bardzo złych uczniów.”. My nimi być nie możemy.

  Indrek Tarand (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, I think John Donne’s words, also immortalised by Ernest Hemingway – ‘don’t ask for whom the bell tolls; it tolls for you’ – should be in front of our eyes while debating today. Indeed, totalitarianism can come in different colours: left, right, Fascist, Nazis, Bolshevik, Trotskyist, whatsoever.

But the important thing is that we need to recognise it and deal with it when it’s a little seed, not just a grown-up blossoming tree. As usual, I’m a little bit ahead of my time. A month ago I published a book by a great Estonian author who knows how to recognise a totalitarianist. His name was Enn Sarv. He was a prisoner in Le Struthof because he was an enemy of das Reich and later he was in the gulag because he was an enemy of the Soviet people. He taught me a lot and I hope I have taught you a bit in this one minute.

  Eleonora Forenza (GUE/NGL). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, non ho qui il tempo di rispondere a certo revisionismo cialtrone, che ho sentito in alcuni interventi.

D'altro canto la stessa festa dell'Unione europea si celebra il 9 maggio, dimenticando che quello è anche il giorno della vittoria sul nazifascismo da parte dell'Armata Rossa e lo dico rigettando con forza ogni idea autoritaria di socialismo di comunismo.

Voglio soltanto dire che sono orgogliosa di aver contribuito all'approvazione, in quest'Aula, di una risoluzione che mette a bando tutte le organizzazioni neofasciste, di aver contribuito con una denuncia a far sì che oltre 25 neofascisti fossero arrestati a Bari.

Voglio dire che oggi però, noi dobbiamo riandare, come ci insegna a fare Hannah Arendt, alle origini del totalitarismo, a quel processo di disumanizzazione che stiamo ripercorrendo anche in Italia e anche in Europa. Quando 49 persone si lasciano in mare, senza considerarle persone, quando si pubblica il video dell'arresto di una persona, come nel caso di Cesare Battisti, siamo di fronte a quella disumanizzazione ...

(Il Presidente ritira la parola all'oratrice)

  Michaela Šojdrová (PPE). – Pane předsedající, učit o historii, o totalitách je nutné a vůbec to není lehké. Proto chci připomenout český projekt Paměť národa, který provádí organizace Post Bellum. Tato organizace sbírá svědectví a předává je žákům ve školách i celé společnosti. Svědectví pamětníků, to je velmi účinná metoda, kterou bychom měli podporovat, protože víme, že klíčovou roli hrají učitelé, je třeba jim poskytnout podporu a co nejvíce informací. K tomu má sloužit například cena Jana Ámose pro učitele o Evropské unii. Tento pilotní projekt podpořil Evropský parlament a měl by v letošním roce být uskutečněn. Je to náš příspěvek a podpora pro učitele, kteří mají povzbuzovat a informovat žáky. A také dům Evropských dějin, který je v gesci Evropského parlamentu. Máme k tomu jeden konkrétní příspěvek. 20. března se zde bude promítat film o studentovi Janu Palachovi, který zde již byl dnes zmíněn. Dnes je to přesně 50 let, kdy zahořela jeho lidská pochodeň.

  Liliana Rodrigues (S&D). – Senhor Presidente, Senhora Comissária, a boa intenção que calculo ter presidido à sugestão deste debate deve deixar de lado a tentação de querer saber quem teve ou tem as piores ditaduras: se a esquerda, se a direita.

Uma ditadura é uma ditadura, ponto. Não tem qualquer inquinação ideológica neste aspeto. Não há ditaduras na Europa, mas alguns dos nossos lugares assomam arremedos trasvestidos de democracias iliberais, maneirismos de uma linguagem usada para entorpecer as pessoas e o seu sentido de alerta.

Assistimos a discursos de ódio e isso deveria ser o suficiente para nos encher de vergonha, a nós e a todos aqueles que morreram a combater os totalitarismos. Por isso, particularmente pela educação, poderemos recusar aquilo a que T.S. Eliot chamava provincianismo temporal, referindo-se aos que ignoravam e ignoram as lições e a sabedoria da História. Portugal sabe bem do que falo.

  Tunne Kelam (PPE). – Mr President, 10 years ago this Parliament concluded that Europe will not be really united unless it is able to reunite its history, to recognise Communism and Nazism as a common horrible legacy. This November, we’re going to mark 30 years since the demolition of the Berlin Wall. However, a mental Berlin Wall still divides us.

The victims of Communism still belong to the second category. They lack an internationally binding commitment to ‘never again’, and all European public awareness of what happened in the eastern part of Europe after World War II is still alarmingly superficial and inadequate.

The European Parliament also insisted on what should be done, and I would like to recall some points: public debate on the nature of totalitarian systems; updating European history textbooks – I think the Commission can coordinate this job – and marking 23 August as a common day of remembrance of all victims of totalitarian systems.

  Julie Ward (S&D). – Mr President, the European Union was founded as a peace project following the atrocities resulting from totalitarianism and dangerous nationalism. Last year’s European Year of Cultural Heritage promoted positive intercultural dialogue and involved more than six million people taking part in nearly 12 000 events organised across 37 countries. We must continue to celebrate our diversity and common bonds, working in formal and informal education across all age ranges, teaching our difficult history as well as extraordinary achievements.

I wish to state that there are still many difficult moments from our past which must be recognised and taught in schools, for example the genocide against Roma, and the shocking Holodomor, or terror famine, in Ukraine which caused the death of 7.5 million people. Now more than ever in times of political instability, we must bring together the people of Europe to learn the mistakes of the past and work together. As Ms Merkel said, when the generation that survived the war is no longer with us...

(The President cut off the speaker)

  Antanas Guoga (PPE). – Mr President, one month ago I was personally faced with a situation where the remembrance of the totalitarian past in Europe seemed to be forgotten. I, together with other MEPs from 13 countries, wrote a public letter to Amazon CEO Jeff Bezos asking him to withdraw the selling of Soviet symbols, the hammer and sickle, on memorabilia. I was surprised about the reactions of some of my fellow MEPs. Some of them didn’t see what the issue is about, the others weren’t aware about the horrors of the Soviet regime.

Let me remind you why the Soviet symbols cannot be a fashionable detail or just a kitsch souvenir. Horrific crimes were committed under the Soviet symbols of the hammer and sickle, millions killed, tortured, exiled. The total number of victims of the Soviet regime is estimated at over 60 million. The rest of the world knew very little of these crimes as they happened behind the Iron Curtain. Our attitude towards symbols of the Soviet regime should be no less serious than towards Nazi symbols. Both totalitarian regimes, Nazi and Soviet, systematically abused human rights, suppressed freedom and democracy in Europe.

(Applause)

  Момчил Неков (S&D). – Г-н Председател, историческата памет за тоталитарното минало е тема, към която трябва да се подхожда деликатно и от необходимата дистанция на времето, особено що се отнася до времето на комунизма в държави от бившия Източен блок, като България например.

Спомените за този период от българската история са все още живи и смятам, че когато комунизмът се изучава в училище от днешното поколение, то историческият прочит трябва да бъде обективен, а не идеологизиран и политизиран. В новия вариант на българските учебници по история комунизмът е описан като най-черния период от нашата история, представен е като по-лош от епохата на турското робство.

Действителността обаче е друга. Изследвания сочат, че една значителна част от българите биха предпочели да живеят по комунистическо време. Ще ви кажа защо. Защото българите в периода на прехода и след него действително живеят по-зле и едва свързват двата края. Защото през последните десет години политиката на Борисов задълбочи още повече неравенствата в обществото. Питам се защо ли управляващите вместо предизборно да разделят нацията на комунисти и антикомунисти и да правят опити за подмяна на историята, не се съсредоточат „...“ (председателят отнема думата на оратора)

  Věra Jourová, členka Komise. – Pane předsedající, já nemohu odolat, musím mluvit ve svém jazyce, protože chci také připomenout oběť Jana Palacha, jehož výročí vzpomínáme právě dnes. Padesát let od sebeupálení studenta filozofické fakulty Jana Palacha.

Jak jsem poslouchala debatu, uvědomila jsem si, jak velmi silně a jak symbolicky tady dnes tato informace zaznívá právě v souvislosti s totalitou, s cenzurou, a já nemohu nevzpomenout na moment, kdy mně moje maminka, když mi bylo asi 15 let, myslím, že to bylo šeptem, vyprávěla, kdo to byl Jan Palach a co udělal v roce 1969. Pamatuji si velmi přesně, jak mi říkala: „Nikde to jméno neříkej, ale pamatuj si to jméno.“ A pak přišel leden 1989 a tohle jméno jsme my, Češi, skandovali na Václavském náměstí a já jsem si tehdy uvědomila, že ta oběť, kterou Jan Palach provedl, sebeupálení, tak trýznivou a burcující smrt, kterou zvolil, že ta oběť nebyla marná a že udělala svou důležitou práci v české společnosti. A měla by jí dělat dál nejen v české společnosti, ale v celé Evropě. Myslím si, že právě dnes bychom si měli uvědomit tyto souvislosti, uvědomit si, že totalita přináší cenzuru, přináší ohýbání hřbetů, represi, emigrace a deformaci morálky. To jsou všechno plody, které možná sklízíme dodnes a proti kterým musíme udělat všechno.

Co se týče vzdělávání, myslím si, že nikdo, jak jsme tady, ani Evropská unie, jejíž jsem i já reprezentantkou, nechce, aby dnešní vzdělávací systém vykládal dětem jediné možné povolené pravdy. To je znak totality. My chceme, aby školy dávaly objektivní informace, aby se nevyhýbaly tématu moderních dějin a hlavně aby učily mladou generaci pracovat s informacemi, aby ji vedly ke kritickému myšlení. Protože domnívat se, že jenom náš vzdělávací systém, naše školy zajistí, že budeme znát naši novodobou historii, to je velmi naivní představa. Dneska jsme v éře internetu, v éře kdy, jak jste mnozí zjistili, na nás působí dezinformační vlny. Proto je tak důležité nejenom předávat mladým lidem informace, ale učit je pracovat s informacemi, učit je kritickému myšlení a nechat je, aby pracovali s informacemi, které získají z různých zdrojů.

Myslím si, že toto je nejenom úkol pro Evropskou unii, ale především, jak tady taky zaznívalo, pro členské státy, na které já osobně mám tendenci skutečně upřímně se spoléhat, že nedopustí, aby totalita ovládla nejenom vzdělávání, ale i naše společnosti.

  Předsedající. – Musím konstatovat, že mě osobně překvapuje a mrzí, že ti kolegové, kteří právě tu obavu z propagandy Evropské unie ve studijních osnovách zde vyjádřili, tak už neměli dostatek času, aby si vyslechli reakci paní komisařky.

  Melania Ciot, President-in-Office of the Council. – Mr President, I would like to thank honourable Members for this important and enriching debate. I believe that we have a wide consensus regarding the importance of education in building a Europe for the future, based on common values, mutual understanding of our diverse traditions and shared awareness of the history of Europe, including totalitarianism. Parliament can be sure that the Council will keep this issue high on its political agenda in the future. Thank you very much, once again, for your attention.

  President. – The debate is closed.

Written statements (Rule 162)

  Andrea Bocskor (PPE), írásban. – Az Európai Parlament 2009-ben elfogadott, totalitarizmus elleni állásfoglalása szerint a megbékélés a múlt feldolgozása és az igazság megismerése nélkül nem lehetséges. Ennek értelmében szükség van az európai iskolákban használatos történelem-tankönyvek és -tantervek kiigazítására és kiegészítésére, annak érdekében, hogy a fiatal nemzedékek is tudatában legyenek az önkényuralmi rezsimek által elkövetett szörnyű bűntetteknek. A dokumentum emlékeztetett a totalitárius rezsimek áldozatainak emléknapjára, és felkérte a tagállamokat: vizsgálják meg, hogy saját országuk történelmének és sajátosságainak fényében milyen módon történjen a megemlékezés. Fontosnak tartom, hogy a több millió áldozat emlékezetét elevenen tartsuk, hiszen ez az, ami figyelmeztet bennünket a totalitarizmus veszélyeire, ugyanakkor pedig a szolidaritást és megértést erősíti az egységesülő Európa polgárai között.

Az Európai Uniónak meg kell adni a megfelelő keretet és a megfelelő forrásokat az európai totalitárius rezsimek kutatására, csak úgy, mint a megfelelő oktatási programokra és kulturális projektekre a totalitárius múlt objektív és átfogó megismerése érdekében. Csakis így ismerheti meg a jövő nemzedéke, a fiatalabb generációk, a közös múltunkat, és ezáltal pedig egy közös európai jövő építőivé válhatnak.

  Dominique Bilde (ENF), par écrit. – «Les heures les plus sombres de notre Histoire», telle est la planche de salut de l’Union européenne face au rejet de plus en plus massif des peuples qui la composent. Cette évocation quasi obsessionnelle des atrocités qui, de l’Holocauste au stalinisme, ont jalonné le XXème siècle est d’ailleurs devenue depuis le tournant des années 2000 la raison d’être d’une Union incapable d’asseoir sa légitimité sur un véritable consensus populaire. Il n’est donc pas anodin qu’à mesure que la contestation s’amplifie, la Commission multiplie les commémorations, ramenant l’Histoire millénaire de notre continent à l’unique tragédie des totalitarismes mortifères, dont la construction européenne serait l’antidote. Soyons clairs: la mémoire des millions de victimes du nazisme et du communisme est une exigence impérieuse. Pour autant, son détournement à des fins politiques est quant à lui éminemment contestable. Car l’une des leçons qu’il nous faut retenir de l’expérience totalitaire, c’est que l’Histoire appartient aux historiens et non aux idéologues.

  Monica Macovei (ECR), în scris. – Aproape toate statele membre au trecut prin experiența regimurilor totalitare. Prea puține pun, însă, accentul pe studierea crimelor acestora. Speranța vine însă de la societatea civilă. Din 1998, Fundația Academia Civică din România organizează la Sighetul Marmației, la locul vechii închisori comuniste, o școală de vară dedicată elevilor între 15 și 18 ani pentru studierea crimelor din perioada comunistă. Anul acesta se împlinesc 80 de ani de la semnarea Pactului Ribbentrop-Molotov și 30 de ani de la căderea zidului Berlinului, 30 de ani de la eliberarea Europei de sub teroarea totalitară. Programul de la Sighet este un exemplu demn de urmat în întreaga Uniune, pentru ca amintirea celor care au murit pentru libertatea noastră să rămână mereu vie.

  Ivari Padar (S&D), kirjalikult. – Tihti on nii, et tähistame mineviku saavutusi ja püüame valusaid mälestusi maha suruda. Totalitaarsete režiimide võim Euroopas on üks selline valus mälestus. Aga valusate mälestuste meelespidamine aitab meil edasi minna ja kindlustada, et autoritaarsed jõud ei pääseks uuesti võimule. Minu kodumaa Eesti on kannatanud Nõukogude Liidu kommunismi all ja nii mulle kui ka mu kaasmaalastele on seetõttu eriti oluline, et totalitaarsete režiimide mineviku meelespidamisel ja ajaloo õpetamisel käsitletaks nii fašistlikke kui ka kommunistlikke režiime. Stalinistliku nostalgia jaoks ei tohi läänemaises kultuuriruumis olla ruumi, sest me ju ei kiidaks heaks igatsust fašistliku mineviku järele. Siin on haridusel võtmeroll, ning seepärast peab Euroopa Liit panustama nii totalitaarsete režiimide mineviku õpetamisesse kui ka selle akadeemilisse uurimisse. Koolide ajalooõpikute ajakohastamine vajab samuti Euroopa Liidu koordineerimist. Eriti oluline on meie kodanike harimine praegusel hetkel, kuna igasugused populistlikud liikumised koguvad jätkuvalt toetust üle Euroopa.

  João Pimenta Lopes (GUE/NGL), por escrito. – Prosseguem vergonhosamente as tentativas da reescrita da História. Alimentam a falsificação do passado, criminalizando o comunismo, equiparando-o ao nazi-fascismo, branqueando hipocritamente os que tentaram escravizar uma parte dos povos europeus e promoveram uma aterradora guerra de extermínio. Pretendem apagar o contributo decisivo dos comunistas e da União Soviética para a derrota do nazi-fascismo, o seu papel nos avanços das condições de vida dos trabalhadores, o seu contributo para a libertação dos povos do jugo colonial, após a Segunda Guerra Mundial. Nenhuma tentativa de reescrever a História apagará este legado. O impacto e significado histórico e universal da Revolução de Outubro, mesmo após o desaparecimento da URSS, é ainda mais evidenciado no tempo em que vivemos. Um tempo que evidencia a natureza exploradora, opressora, agressiva e predadora do sistema capitalista e da União Europeia, permanentemente em confronto com os direitos e as aspirações dos trabalhadores e dos povos e que é responsável pelos crescentes problemas e perigos que a Humanidade enfrenta.