Níl an doiciméad seo ar fáil i do theanga féin. Roghnaítear teanga eile as na teangacha atá ar fáil.

 Innéacs 
 Ar ais 
 Ar aghaidh 
 Téacs iomlán 
Nós Imeachta : 2019/2563(RSP)
Céimeanna an doiciméid sa chruinniú iomlánach
Na doiciméid roghnaithe :

Téacsanna arna gcur síos :

RC-B8-0110/2019

Díospóireachtaí :

PV 14/02/2019 - 8.2
CRE 14/02/2019 - 8.2

Vótaí :

PV 14/02/2019 - 10.2

Téacsanna arna nglacadh :

P8_TA(2019)0116

Debates
Thursday, 14 February 2019 - Strasbourg Revised edition

8.2. Zimbabwe
Video of the speeches
PV
MPphoto
 

  Der Präsident. – Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Aussprache über sieben Entschließungsanträge zu Simbabwe (2019/2563(RSP)).

 
  
MPphoto
 

  Geoffrey Van Orden, author. – Mr President, today, as Chairman of the Friends of Zimbabwe, I want to appeal directly to President Mnangagwa of Zimbabwe.

President, six months ago, when you took office, you promised change and a bright, shared future for all Zimbabweans, with a government unwavering in its commitment to the rule of law, with policies that would project harmony and stability and attract foreign investment. I urge you to get back on that right road, to break clean from the evil forces lurking in your shadow, to dismiss those responsible for the recent brutalities, to release all the political prisoners and work with the opposition forces, the churches and civil society in a great national dialogue that will lead to the genuine and sustainable democratic change that your people so desperately want. Do this and I feel sure the international community stands ready to give you every assistance. Do the right thing and history will judge you well.

 
  
MPphoto
 

  Der Präsident. – Vielen Dank, Herr Kollege Van Orden. Zur Erläuterung: Üblicherweise wird in diesem Format der Aussprache nicht nach der Stärke der Fraktion das Wort erteilt, sondern nach der Einreichung des Entschließungsantrags. Deshalb folgt jetzt Frau Sargentini.

 
  
MPphoto
 

  Judith Sargentini, Auteur. – Voorzitter, in november 2017 kwam president Mnangagwa aan de macht met een coup. In de zomer van 2018 waren er verkiezingen in Zimbabwe. In dat half jaar dat hij nog niet officieel verkozen was, hadden wij een kans om concessies af te dwingen van het land en dat hebben wij nagelaten. En wat hebben we nu gezien, januari 2019. De regering Mnangagwa heeft de oppositie keihard neergeslagen en het lijkt wel of de tijden van Mugabe terug zijn gekomen. Ngo’s, oppositieleden worden bedreigd, worden uit hun huizen gehaald. Mensen worden opgesloten, zonder dat duidelijk is waarom. De bevolking wordt met zwaar geweld neergeslagen. En wat is onze respons? De vraag aan de eurocommissaris is wat wij kunnen doen om hier de situatie te verbeteren.

 
  
MPphoto
 

  Aleksander Gabelic, författare. – Herr talman! Jag vill börja med att tacka alla inblandade i framtagandet av denna resolution. Situationen i Zimbabwe är akut och det är mycket viktigt att den uppmärksammas och att vi här i Europaparlamentet tydligt markerar mot den utveckling som har varit i landet sedan den 14 januari. Vi måste markera tydligt mot användandet av våld och trakasserier mot medborgare och fackföreningsanslutna som väljer att fredligt protestera mot de kraftiga prishöjningar som har drabbat landet. Alla politiska fångar måste släppas omedelbart och vi måste tydligt markera mot det utbredda sexuella våldet. Personer som har drabbats måste omedelbart få tillgång till medicinsk hjälp.

Jag hade hoppats att resolutionen tydligare hade tagit ställning för de drabbade fackföreningsledarna Peter Mutasa och Japhet Moyo och Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions i stort, men jag är glad för att denna resolution har ett brett stöd i parlamentet och att det är ett tydligt stöd till människorna i Zimbabwe, som har lidit länge, för mänskliga rättigheter och för en fredlig och demokratisk utveckling.

 
  
MPphoto
 

  Catherine Bearder, author. – Mr President, after years of authoritarian rule, hopes rose with the election of a new president. But that has quickly evaporated, plunging the country into crisis. With runaway inflation, the final insult of high fuel prices was the final straw. Anger and anxiety has pushed protesters onto the streets and their government's response – a legal crackdown on dissenting voices; arrests, use of force, live ammunition, door-to-door searches, intimidation and harassment, Internet scrambling, you name it!

Zimbabweans and their human rights defenders have the courage to stand up to their government and we need to stand with them. Fleeing Zimbabweans must get the assistance they need in neighbouring countries to comply with international law and to the UK I say, stop returning Zimbabweans until it's proved to be safe.

We must encourage a peaceful, democratic, national dialogue on an equal footing with civil society, religious leaders, opposition and government, to find a better solution for Zimbabwe – a sustainable solution that ends this violence once and for all.

 
  
MPphoto
 

  Marie-Christine Vergiat, auteure. – Monsieur le Président, le départ de Robert Mugabe en novembre 2017, après 37 ans de dictature, avait soulevé un immense espoir. Malheureusement, l’élection d’Emmerson Mnangagwa a été immédiatement contestée et a donné lieu à des violences, faisant plusieurs morts.

Malgré la commission d’enquête électorale et les promesses du nouveau président, les tensions alimentées par l’effondrement économique n’ont cessé de croître. L’augmentation de 150 % du prix du carburant, alors qu’il est déjà l’un des plus chers du monde, a eu l’effet d’une étincelle. Les manifestations après la grève du 14 janvier ont été sauvagement réprimées. La police anti-émeute a tiré à balles réelles. Morts, tortures, passages à tabac, au moins un millier d’arrestations selon la police elle-même et une machine judiciaire tournant à plein régime: tous les moyens sont utilisés pour faire taire la contestation.

Il y a urgence à agir, il est urgent d’aider au dialogue politique, l’Union européenne et l’Union africaine doivent apporter leur concours, plutôt que de fermer les yeux comme au temps de Mugabe.

 
  
MPphoto
 

  Ignazio Corrao, autore. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, cambiare tutto per non cambiare niente. È questa la sintesi del delicato scenario che si è aperto in Zimbabwe dopo 37 anni di dittatura di Robert Mugabe. Sembrerebbe impossibile immaginarsi un peggioramento della situazione dopo quarant'anni di tirannia, fame e sangue, ma il presidente Mnangagwa sta gettando le basi per riuscire nella difficilissima impresa.

Ex vicepresidente di Mugabe, Mnangagwa, detto "il coccodrillo", è stato associato ad alcune delle peggiori atrocità commesse sin dai tempi dell'indipendenza, e oggi le sue forze di sicurezza sono tornate a sporcarsi le mani con 17 morti, 343 feriti gravi e svariati casi di tortura e stupri. Nel frattempo l'opposizione viene decimata: migliaia di manifestanti sono stati incarcerati, compresi bambini di nove anni, e processati anche sommariamente, peraltro. Molti altri restano detenuti in assenza di processo.

Io mi chiedo cosa sia realmente cambiato in Zimbabwe. Quello che sicuramente è rimasto uguale è il disprezzo dei diritti umani e l'annientamento delle opposizioni. Per questo dobbiamo invitare l'Unione africana a includere la crisi dello Zimbabwe come punto prioritario nella prossima sessione ordinaria del suo Consiglio esecutivo.

 
  
MPphoto
 

  Elmar Brok, Verfasser. – Herr Präsident, Frau Kommissarin! Der gegenwärtige Präsident war der Stellvertreter Mugabes und ist mitverantwortlich für all die Taten in Zeiten Mugabes. Nach dem Sturz von Mugabe glaubten wir aber, eine Chance zu haben, dass hier eine Veränderung erfolgt. Hier ist der Regierung mitgeteilt worden – und, Frau Sargentini, deutlich – : Wenn ihr euch jetzt an vernünftige Verfahren haltet und freie Wahlen durchführt, können wir die Öffnung durchführen, die Sie ökonomisch brauchen.

Als er merkte, dass er die Wahlen verlieren konnte, ist er wieder in die alten Methoden vor den Wahlen zurückgefallen und hat die Opposition in Schwierigkeiten gebracht, die keine freien Wahlen wirklich möglich gemacht hat, wie die Wahlbeobachter der Europäischen Union festgestellt haben. Am Tag danach – ich bin selbst in den Demonstrationen gewesen – ist er dann mit der Armee gegen friedliche Demonstranten vorgegangen und hat ein paar Leute erschießen lassen. Und das hat sich fortgesetzt. Man hat die Computer der Opposition übernommen, damit sie nicht nachweisen konnten, dass es zu Wahlfälschungen gekommen ist. Und dies setzt sich jetzt fort in der alten Art und Weise.

Wir sollten erstens klarmachen – das hat die Europäische Union mitgeteilt –, dass die Dinge in Ordnung zu bringen sind und dass wir als Europäische Union nur Unterstützung leisten können, wenn er Demokratie ...

(Der Präsident entzieht dem Redner das Wort.)

 
  
MPphoto
 

  Eduard Kukan, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Mr President, Zimbabwe is facing a deepening crisis in every aspect. In these trying times, the Government must show leadership and willingness to tackle the difficult economic situation without excessive use of force and within a framework of rule of law. The new leadership in Zimbabwe has a duty to uphold the fundamental rights of its citizens, which includes freedom of assembly, association and expression, and to protect citizens from arbitrary detention. Disproportionate and excessive use of force against civilians is unacceptable. Abuses by security forces must end. President Mnangagwa’s Government should pay attention to the Human Rights Commission in its report. That is why the EU also needs to stand ready to assist the country effectively in the reform process, which is a matter of urgency.

 
  
MPphoto
 

  Neena Gill, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Mr President, a year ago, there was real optimism that the repression of previous decades was over. Unfortunately, as an observer during Zimbabwe’s last presidential election, I witnessed post-election violence which put an end to those hopes with recent government crackdowns – we’ve already heard – on anti-government protesters, including trade union leaders and opposition. The promises of a peaceful, prosperous, democratic Zimbabwe made during those elections – it really has to be understood – are a prerequisite for international support, for debt relief, for economic recovery. They really do need to be delivered on.

Our condemnation so far has fallen on deaf ears and, unfortunately, facing internal power struggle, key actors find it easier to blame outsiders for the political and economic crisis they’re in, as opposed to taking responsibility. But for the European Union, given Russia and China’s growing influence, I think it’s important we have a clear strategy. How are we going to support dialogue between different stakeholders in the country?

 
  
MPphoto
 

  Mario Borghezio, a nome del gruppo ENF. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, come dichiara Nelson Chamisa, leader dell'opposizione, dopo un anno e mezzo da quando Mugabe ha lasciato il potere, l'escalation della repressione contro gli oppositori fa assumere alla figura di Mugabe quasi quella di una libellula in termini di terrorismo, terrorismo interno contro gli oppositori.

Dal vicino Sudafrica, dove da metà gennaio solo in un giorno sono fuggite 130 000 persone, qualcuno denuncia una grave crisi umanitaria, chiedendo addirittura l'intervento della Corte penale internazionale. Ci si domanda perché una richiesta di questo genere non venga fatta anche dal territorio dell'Unione europea. Sarebbe ora, basti pensare alla lunga tradizione di efferati omicidi che sono stati perpetrati contro dei nostri connazionali, i farmers di origine europea. E forse anche la gravissima crisi economica e umanitaria ha le sue lontane origini in quel periodo non propriamente di grande onore per la civiltà europea e per il ruolo di difesa dei cittadini europei. Noi chiediamo che il finanziamento di 234 milioni per il periodo...

(Il Presidente interrompe l'oratore)

 
  
 

Spontane Wortmeldungen

 
  
MPphoto
 

  José Inácio Faria (PPE). – Mr President, as demonstrators filled the streets of Harare last January to protest against the dramatic increase of fuel prices and runaway inflation, President Mnangagwa reacted with the same authority, reflecting thus his autocratic predecessor Robert Mugabe, deploying soldiers and security forces to crack down on demonstrators, resulting in numerous arrests, the deaths of at least a dozen unarmed civilians and the shutting down of the internet. President Mnangagwa, who was elected on a promise to stabilise the economy and allow greater democratic freedom, is betraying his promises to create a new Zimbabwe and address the political and economic challenges in the country.

The EU, besides condemning the excessive violence and intimidation by the Zimbabwean authorities and calling for the immediate release of all detainees, must extend the individual financial and travel restrictions to those associated with these human rights infringements, and support an inclusive national dialogue that can produce a roadmap to genuine economic, political and electoral reforms.

 
  
MPphoto
 

  Νότης Μαριάς (ECR). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η κατάσταση στη Ζιμπάμπουε είναι εκρηκτική: διαδηλώσεις, δολοφονίες, συλλήψεις, δεν τηρείται το κράτος δικαίου, έχουν κλείσει το Διαδίκτυο και ο νέος πρόεδρος συνεχίζει την πολιτική Mugabe, δηλαδή μια αυταρχική πολιτική, μια ξεκάθαρα αντιδημοκρατική πολιτική με φυλακίσεις και με περιορισμό των δημοκρατικών δικαιωμάτων. Ταυτόχρονα, έχει αυξηθεί η τιμή των καυσίμων κατά 130%, ο κόσμος διαμαρτύρεται και υπάρχουν και χιλιάδες πρόσφυγες που εγκαταλείπουν τη χώρα. Νομίζω, λοιπόν, ότι η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση πρέπει να στείλει ένα αποφασιστικό μήνυμα στον πρόεδρο της Ζιμπάμπουε. Πρώτα απ’ όλα, να δώσει τέλος στη χρηματοδότηση: η βοήθεια της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης προς τη Ζιμπάμπουε ανέρχεται σε 234 εκατομμύρια ευρώ. Επίσης, πρέπει να ζητήσει και την παρέμβαση της Ένωσης Αφρικανικών Κρατών.

 
  
MPphoto
 

  Seán Kelly (PPE). – A Uachtaráin, aontaím leis an údar, an Feisire Van Orden, i ngach rud a dúirt sé faoin ábhar seo. Gan dabht ar bith, táimid ag féachaint ar fhear a chuaigh ar aghaidh don toghchán agus a gheall go ndéanfadh sé gach rud a chabhródh leis na daoine dá dtoghfaí é. Ach ansin, nuair a toghadh é, chuaigh sé siar ar a ghealltanais. Dar ndóigh, chuaigh daoine i mbun agóide, agus cad a rinne sé? Chuir sé na fórsaí amach ag lámhach agus ag marú daoine agus ag caitheamh daoine óga, daoine idir 9 mbliana agus sé bliana déag, i bpríosún agus dhún sé síos an t-idirlíon.

Dá bhrí sin, tá sé ceart go mbeadh díospóireacht againn ar maidin faoi seo agus go gcuirfeadh an tAontas, tríd an gCoimisinéir, gach brú is féidir ar údaráis na Siombáibe chun é seo a chur ina cheart.

 
  
MPphoto
 

  Jiří Pospíšil (PPE). – Pane předsedající, já jsem velmi pozorně poslouchal tuto debatu a připojuji se k argumentům svých kolegů. Současná situace v Zimbabwe je velké zklamání, je zklamáním nadějí, které jsme vkládali v prezidentské volby. Situace se nemění, je stejná jako za Mugabeho, ba naopak ještě horší. Pokud někdo proti občanům, demonstrantům, kteří protestují proti neutěšené ekonomické situaci, používá mocenské nástroje státu – armádu, policii –, lidi zavírá, týrá, trýzní za to, že vyjadřují své názory na situaci v zemi, tak my to musíme odsoudit.

Bohužel se obávám, že u toho odsudku asi zůstane. Je otázka na Komisi, paní komisařko, jestli můžeme udělat více, jestli můžeme ekonomickými nástroji více tlačit na režim v Zimbabwe, aby se choval ke svým občanům trošku důstojně a trošku vhodněji. Já osobně bych to doporučoval, jinak můžeme za půl roku až rok zde hovořit o Zimbabwe ve stejném módu, ve stejné situaci jako nyní. Takže doporučuji tvrdší postup Komise.

 
  
MPphoto
 

  Cristian-Silviu Buşoi (PPE). – Domnule președinte, domnule comisar, Zimbabwe a trăit timp de patruzeci de ani, aproape patruzeci de ani, sub dictatura lui Mugabe, iar populația a trebuit să sufere de sărăcie, de inflație, de violență, de reprimare. Peste trei milioane de cetățeni au plecat - cei mai mulți în Africa de Sud -, aproape un sfert din populație.

Din păcate, și în timpul președintelui Mnangagwa, lucrurile nu sunt mai bune: lovește în opoziție cu brutalitate, în protestatarii care au ieșit din cauza creșterii prețului combustibilului și a sărăciei. Avem aproape 37 de morți, avem peste 600 de victime ale violenței, ale torturii, peste o mie de arestări.

Uniunea Europeană trebuie să ceară în mod ferm ca actualul președinte și actualul guvern să retragă de urgență armata, să nu folosească violența. Trebuie să existe un dialog real între putere și opoziție, care, eventual, să fie mediat de o parte neutră și, evident, trebuie să cerem cu toată fermitatea ca drepturile fundamentale ale omului să fie respectate.

 
  
MPphoto
 

  Stanislav Polčák (PPE). – Pane předsedající, zdá se, že Mugabeho režim skončil skutečně jen zdánlivě. Ty naděje, které byly vyvolány loňskými událostmi, tak přišla studená sprcha. Vidíme stejné praktiky, vidíme potlačování legitimních protestů, vidíme při nich mrtvé, zatýkání, dokonce zatýkání dětí. Ta naděje, která byla vyvolána v loňském roce, skutečně pohasíná, a my bychom se měli ptát a já souhlasím i s mými předřečníky: Co můžeme udělat pro lidi v tomto státě? My můžeme žádat samozřejmě propuštění, ale musíme kombinovat nástroje, které máme k dispozici. Za prvé ekonomické, to už zde zmiňoval i kolega Pospíšil, a za druhé ty diplomatické. Musíme žádat o podporu Africkou unii. Kombinací těchto nástrojů, myslím, že můžeme dosáhnout těch efektů, které chceme, a to je tedy svobodný lid v demokratické zemi Zimbabwe.

 
  
 

(Ende der spontanen Wortmeldungen)

 
  
MPphoto
 

  Cecilia Malmström, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, thank you for focusing attention again on Zimbabwe and the very difficult situation there at this critical moment. Unfortunately our assessment is, as you all say, that the recent development in Zimbabwe is a serious setback. Following the increase in fuel prices by over 150%, a decision which of course triggered violent protests in an already tense political environment, the repression by security forces against demonstrators, trade unions, NGOs, opposition supporters, has been unacceptable.

On 17 January the EU strongly condemned this crackdown, which has resulted in many casualties, widespread human rights violations – including reports of sexual violence – and hundreds of arbitrary arrests. We have a responsibility to Zimbabweans to express ourselves in these circumstances.

Our Head of Delegation in Harare met high-level representatives of the Government, including the Ministers of Foreign Affairs, Home Affairs and Justice to express our deep concerns and to urge the authorities to behave in full compliance with its constitutional obligations. In Brussels, the EEAS convened a meeting with the Ambassador of Zimbabwe in the same context.

In times of economic hardship, demonstrations are to be expected. Human rights and the rule of law, as enshrined in the constitution of Zimbabwe, should be upheld. Vandalism and lootings by rioters is of course to be condemned but security forces must respond in a proportionate and professional manner and they have to be accountable to citizens for their actions. These tragic developments underline the urgent need to address the findings and recommendations of the commission of inquiry that was set up by the President himself in response to last August’s post-election violence.

Security sector reform is also a priority and the government should ensure that security-related laws are aligned swiftly with the Constitution. The Government will not be able to implement reforms that stand the test of time without an environment that ensures an inclusive national dialogue through which citizens can exercise their freedoms of assembly, association and expression. The events that led to the resignation of President Mugabe and to the entry into office of a new leadership, raised, as you have said, high expectations. We decided to engage with the new Zimbabwe knowing that change would not and cannot come overnight after decades of the Mugabe regime. But this being said, the recent crackdown sadly cast serious doubt over the declared determination of the Government to engage in political and economic reforms.

We cannot, and should not, ignore the dire economic and social situation of the people of Zimbabwe and I pay tribute to the attention given by the different political groups in this House in this regard. I would like to underline that the EUR 234 million that has been given to Zimbabwe under the last long-term budget has achieved positive results. It does not go to the Government but is invested in the health system, in agricultural production and in food security. But any strengthening of our relations with Zimbabwe can only occur on the basis of clear and concrete evidence that the Government is truly committed to reforms that lead the country towards a democratic and prosperous future, and this message was also conveyed by Commissioner Mimica in his last meeting with President Mnangagwa last week in Addis.

 
  
MPphoto
 

  Der Präsident. – Die Aussprache ist geschlossen.

Die Abstimmung findet im Anschluss an die Aussprache statt.

Schriftliche Erklärungen (Artikel 162)

 
  
MPphoto
 
 

  Rolandas Paksas (EFDD), raštu. – Palaikiau Parlamento rezoliuciją dėl žmogaus teisių padėties Zimbabvėje. Visuomet stengiuosi pabrėžti esminę valstybės funkciją – užtikrinti sveiką aplinką savo tautos vystymuisi ir klestėjimui. Todėl man labai svarbu, kad tiek Zimbabvėje, tiek visose kitose Afrikos ir pasaulio valstybėse būtų užtikrinamos, gerbiamos ir ginamos žmogaus teisės. Kiekvienam garantuojama teisė į švietimą, mokslą, užimtumą, tinkamą atlyginimą ir visavertį pragyvenimą senatvėje. Viešoji valdžia privalo rūpintis gyventojo, visuomenės gerove. Egzistuojantis nusikalstamumo lygis, policijos institucijų neveiksnumas prisideda prie chaoso ir neteisėtų veikų kurstymo. Valstybėje neturi likti smurto, represijų ar nuolatinės agresijos. Šiuo tikslu reikalingos ne tik vidinės reformos. Būtinas dialogas su kitomis pasaulio valstybėmis, dalijimasis patirtimi nusikalstamumo prevencijos klausimais. Atskirai pabrėžiu moterų ir vaikų teisių apsaugą ir užtikrinimą. Šalyje turėtų būti kuriama šeimų klestėjimui palanki terpė.

 
An nuashonrú is déanaí: 5 Iúil 2019Fógra dlíthiúil