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Mardi 16 avril 2019 - Strasbourg Edition révisée

14. Situation en Libye (débat)
Vidéo des interventions
PV
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  Die Präsidentin. – Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Erklärung der Vizepräsidentin der Kommission und Hohen Vertreterin der Union für Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik zur Lage in Libyen (2019/2693(RSP)).

Die Hohe Vertreterin ist noch nicht da, Herr Preda auch nicht, Frau Valenciano ebenfalls nicht. Herr Tannock, dann bekommen Sie zunächst das Wort für die ECR.

 
  
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  Charles Tannock, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Madam President, at a time when the two sides in Libya were supposed to be sitting down to discuss a road map towards elections under a UN-mediated settlement, we are instead witnessing General Haftar’s LNA troops battling militarily for control of Tripoli. The British Government has warned that any LNA advance on Tripoli would be very damaging for the political and diplomatic solutions on offer and risk a descent into more widespread violence and chaos.

Prime Minister al-Sarraj of the UN-supported Government of National Accord in Tripoli has given further warnings that the advance on Tripoli risks sparking a fresh migration crisis in the Mediterranean if the situation worsens. With reports suggesting that many refugees are being forced to join the various militias operating throughout Libya, these warnings should not go unheeded.

Given the complexity of the situation and the multitude of actors involved, the way ahead is fraught with hazards. However, the UN-mediated talks are the only peaceful options still on the table. The EU and EU Member States must therefore do all they can to support these talks with one united voice.

To those who see in General Haftar a potential strong man who could consolidate power and bring order to that chaotic country, I would urge them to pay attention to the various reports in the public domain that question such simple assertions. Significant military and political opposition remains in his way and there is little evidence to suggest that he could easily hold the country together in the longer term.

 
  
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  Die Präsidentin. – Vielen Dank, Herr Tannock.

Ich sehe, dass die Hohe Vertreterin gerade eintrifft. Und ich weiß, dass gerade in dieser letzten Plenarsitzungswoche, die wir im Europäischen Parlament haben, alles drunter und drüber geht. Das merken wir hinten und vorne, auch in meinem Terminplan. Ich freue mich, Frau Mogherini, Ihnen nun das Wort geben zu dürfen.

 
  
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  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Madam President, the recent escalation in Libya started at a moment just when the possibility for peace was becoming real. The LNA, led by General Haftar, attacked Tripoli at the very time when UN Secretary-General Guterres was visiting the country and on the eve of the National Conference, a conference that still has the potential to represent a new beginning for Libya.

The European Union has worked for almost one year together – very closely together – with the United Nations and the Special Envoy to prepare the ground for a Libyan-led and Libyan-owned National Conference that would prepare the ground for elections under the appropriate legal and constitutional conditions, and we have seen day by day the aspiration, the readiness, the desire of all the Libyan people, the citizens of Libya, to move their country forward, to turn the page, to unite and build unity and peace for a country that has potentially an enormous capacity to move forward, a lot of resources and a lot of potential.

The National Conference still represents the hope of an entire country. And just a few days before that military escalation took place, I was myself, together with Guterres, with the Secretary General of the League of Arab States, with the Chairperson of the African Union and with Ghassan Salamé, the UN Special Envoy, in Tunis at the margins of the League of Arab States summit, reaffirming the unity of the international community to support this Libyan-led, Libyan-owned political process that would have helped in turning the page and uniting the country in peace.

The offensive against Tripoli has been, is still, an attack against hope, an attack against the concrete perspective of achieving peace in Libya, and we have seen this happen before. When peace becomes a real possibility – concrete, possible – it is then also that we see that the resistance against peace gets stronger and more evident.

Now we are facing a protracted conflict with victims in high numbers, including civilians, and a stalemate on the ground. A situation that is blocked on the ground in terms of the line of the conflict, but still very active in terms of clashes, with the use of arms that we shouldn’t be seeing used in Libya.

This confirms what we have always known in Europe and in the international community, at least in recent years – the reason there cannot be any military solution to the Libyan conflict. If the war continues, it will only lead to greater suffering and if someone continues to seek military victory everybody will lose. The only scenario where the whole country, where all Libyans, in an inclusive and unified manner, move forward, is a negotiated political solution.

If the Libyan parties will not seek a win-win solution that the international community, starting with the European Union, would be ready to accompany and support – and the Libyan parties will not seek, I would say, a win-win solution – then all the people of Libya will continue to suffer and the entire region will continue to suffer.

I just spoke again today with the UN Special Envoy, Ghassan Salamé. Our work is joint and the European Union supports his work on a daily basis. Our support for his work, I would say, is even stronger today than it has ever been in the past, along three main lines on which the European Union and our Member States have acted united in these last weeks.

First, to affirm the need to open humanitarian corridors as a matter of urgency and fully respect humanitarian international law.

Second, to establish an immediate ceasefire, that I am sure the UN is ready to negotiate.

Third, to go back to the political track with the holding of the National Conference as soon as possible to give Libyans, the Libyan people, men and women of all generations, of all cities and in the countryside of the country, the chance to outline their common way forward.

These are the three elements on which I am sure – for sure the European Union, for sure the United Nations – but I’m sure also the rest of the international community would be ready to support and accompany the Libyan people.

Let me add that it is not only Libyans, not only the region, that are suffering. Refugees and migrants trapped in detention centres are also at risk. We are working with the IOM and with UNHCR to evacuate them outside Libya or to move them to safer places inside Libya. The most recent flights that brought dozens of migrants back home safely and voluntarily left Tripoli just a few days ago. Our work with the UN agencies continues but obviously conditions on the ground are more and more difficult by the day and this is also why we call on all parties to allow the swift and unconditional evacuation of detention centres on the front line, as also requested by High Commissioner Grandi last week.

The work we have done together within the UN agencies, with the help of the African Union on the ground, with the help of the Libyan authorities on the ground, has brought in this last year enormous results with tens of thousands of migrants voluntarily and safely repatriated through the work of the IOM and those in need of international protection protected through the UNHCR channels.

The conflict in Libya, the escalation from the military perspective – I know that some in Europe perceive it as a growing threat of growing flows, but it also represents first and foremost a threat to the lives of those migrants and refugees that are trapped in Libya and whose lives are more at risk than others, and for which we have been trying with the UN agencies to work to try and save lives and to try and empty the detention centres. The military offensive is also making this work more difficult.

To conclude, let me restate very clearly, a swift return to the negotiating table is essential, it is still possible. We believe more than ever that the UN track and the National Conference are the only real opportunity for a peaceful resolution. The multiplication or the proliferation of different initiatives may lead to destruction that would definitely not be helpful at this moment. Humanitarian corridors and respect for international humanitarian law, ceasefire negotiated by the UN and a return to the negotiating table and the holding of a National Conference as soon as possible, with the full participation of the Libyan people.

I would like to add that when I say Libyan people, I refer to Libyan men and women. Let me take a moment to praise the Libyan women that have been sometimes in the shadow trying to accompany the political process, so far, in difficult conditions and I believe that the European Union, together with the United Nations, has an interest, as in every conflict we face, in promoting the role of women at the negotiating table and in the reconciliation process on the ground.

This is what we are trying to contribute to achieving, supporting the UN work, trying to unite the Europeans, and I can say that if in the past we have seen different approaches, I believe today that all European Union Member States understand that our common work is required to avoid Libyans turning in different directions and disaggregating the potential of unity through a political dialogue that is in their hands.

We stated clearly last time, last week, the European Union’s united position along these lines in the name of all the 28 Member States, and I would now appeal to all the regional players and the international players to unite in support of the United Nations’ work, in support of the political perspective for dialogue and unity in Libya, to avoid the Libyan stakeholders themselves finding external reasons for disuniting even further. On the European side, I can say that today they find a common, united front in support of the United Nations’ efforts to bring the parties around the table and define a common perspective for Libya in peace and security.

 
  
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  Cristian Dan Preda, au nom du groupe PPE. – Madame la Présidente, Madame la Haute représentante, la situation que l’on observe cette dernière semaine en Libye est d’autant plus regrettable qu’au mois de février, il y a quelques semaines, un accord avait été conclu entre le chef du gouvernement, M. al-Sarraj, et le général Haftar. Cet accord prévoyait, entre autres, l’organisation d’élections générales. Pourtant, il y a deux semaines, le général Haftar a abandonné ce scénario. Il a décidé de replonger le pays dans une situation de chaos, mettant ainsi en danger la population civile. Il compromet de fait les perspectives d’un avenir pour les Libyens. Il est clair que les liens avec la Russie et ses appuis à l’extérieur sont beaucoup plus importants que le soutien dont il dispose dans son pays, exception faite, bien sûr, des forces militaires.

Je soutiens pleinement ce que vous avez dit: il n’y a de solutions que négociées. Il faut exclure la voie militaire et nous avons besoin d’exercer une pression sur Haftar afin qu’il abandonne la voie des armes.

 
  
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  Elena Valenciano, en nombre del Grupo S&D. – Señora presidenta, en realidad poco que añadir a lo que ha dicho la alta representante en esta Cámara, que es la única posición razonable para la Unión Europea.

Es verdad que algún tiempo se ha perdido y algunos Estados miembros han tardado en comprender que su apoyo a Haftar era un apoyo peligroso, porque finalmente Haftar siempre propondrá una solución militar. Es evidente también que solo el diálogo entre los libios podrá empezar a construir una Libia con una cierta estabilidad y sin guerra.

También es verdad que está tan cerca de nosotros Libia que es nuestra obligación principal mantener unidos a los Estados miembros, hablando con una sola voz, apoyando al enviado especial de las Naciones Unidas, a las Naciones Unidas, a la Unión Europea, a la Unión Africana, para tratar de construir un cierto escenario de confianza para que sea posible un acuerdo político.

Y también es verdad que no debemos dejar de mirar a la situación de los refugiados, que también habíamos empezado a gestionar de manera positiva y que probablemente van a convertirse en un nuevo foco de riesgo en los próximos meses.

Así que, por parte del Grupo socialista, todo nuestro apoyo al trabajo y las gestiones de la alta representante una vez más.

 
  
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  Barbara Spinelli, a nome del gruppo GUE/NGL. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, visto che la guerra in Libia non si risolverà pacificamente, chiedo alla Vicepresidente di parlare chiaro sui migranti intrappolati nei lager perché non vengano da noi, l'evacuazione è limitatissima dice l’UNHCR.

Dunque chiedo questo: che l'operazione Sofia torni subito a dotarci di navi per impedire naufragi. Il Mediterraneo è l'unica via di fuga, bloccarla è un crimine contro l'umanità. Che la Commissione raccomandi l'immediata cessazione dei rimpatri in un paese sempre più insicuro, che l'evacuazione sia facilitata da corridoi umanitari nelle zone di guerra, che acqua e cibo arrivino ai migranti detenuti.

Cochetel, dell'UNHCR, ha detto il 9 aprile che nel Mediterraneo non si fa più search and rescue, ma search and return, e che l'Unione dando alla Libia navi e tecnologie si rende complice di torture, stupri e schiavitù. Vorrei sapere come risponde a questa accusa.

 
  
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  Barbara Lochbihler, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin! Es war richtig, dass die EU seit Jahren die UN-geführten Vermittlungsbemühungen unterstützt. Dennoch blieb dieses Engagement für einen Friedensprozess erfolglos. Wer jetzt aber Hoffnung darin sieht, eine Konfliktpartei würde gewinnen und es würde durch die Eskalation der Gewalt dann zu mehr Stabilität im Land kommen, der erliegt einem schweren Irrtum.

Die EU-Mitgliedstaaten dürfen sich in diesem Konflikt nicht auf die eine oder andere Seite schlagen. Stattdessen muss den Konfliktparteien unmissverständlich deutlich gemacht werden, dass eine Lösung nur am Verhandlungstisch erreicht werden kann.

Die anhaltenden Kämpfe in Libyen bedeuten für die Flüchtlinge dort eine weitere Gefahr. Es ist beschämend, dass die EU durch die Kooperation mit der libyschen Küstenwache immer noch dazu beiträgt, dass Geflüchtete in Lager in Libyen zurückgebracht werden, wo ihnen grausame Misshandlungen drohen. Die Versuche der EU, die Situation in diesen Lagern zu verbessern, haben wenig bis keine Wirkung gezeigt. Jetzt in der aktuellen Gewalteskalation muss alles dafür getan werden, das Leben der Menschen in diesen Lagern zu retten und sie von dort wegzubringen.

 
  
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  Fabio Massimo Castaldo, a nome del gruppo EFDD. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, in Libia ormai si combatte una guerra per procura, ed è chiaro a tutti, Arabia Saudita, Egitto, Russia, Turchia e Qatar hanno chiare agende politiche.

Molto più grave è però che questo gioco letale sia portato avanti anche da Stati membri, infischiandosene della posizione dell'Unione europea e delle Nazioni Unite, che faticosamente stanno cercando di alimentare e tenere vivo un processo di pace tra le parti. La dichiarazione francese di estraneità alle azioni di Haftar sembra un palese caso di excusatio non petita, accusatio manifesta. E sono inquietanti alcuni scoop giornalistici degli ultimi giorni, che testimonierebbero l'opposizione francese a una prima versione della dichiarazione europea, ritenuta troppo anti Haftar, nonché la presenza di consiglieri militari francesi sul campo.

E quindi, cari colleghi, io vi chiedo: a che gioco stiamo giocando? Dopo l'accordo di Aquisgrana l’europeismo ipocrita di Macron smentisce e svilisce per la seconda volta la politica estera europea. Mi rifiuto categoricamente di pensare che questi otto anni di incubo libico siano serviti solamente a sostituire un dittatore con un altro più compiacente. Denuncio questa ipocrisia, chiedo che il Presidente Macron venga a rispondere a queste domande, in questo Parlamento, altrimenti che getti la maschera una volta per tutte.

 
  
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  Mario Borghezio, a nome del gruppo ENF. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, i rapporti dei servizi italiani e anche le dichiarazioni esplicite di Sarraj parlano di un numero impressionante di rifugiati e comunque di immigrati che si trovano attualmente in Libia, centinaia di migliaia pronti a ripartire verso le coste italiane.

È un problema molto grave, ma mi pare che l'impegno esposto dall'Alto rappresentante non ci dia molte speranze concrete su quella che possa essere l'effettiva influenza dell'Unione europea e degli Stati membri per una soluzione a breve tempo e soprattutto per evitare che la Libia precipiti immediatamente o prossimamente nel caos.

L'impasse dei combattimenti fra l'esercito del generale Haftar e le milizie che difendono il premier Sarraj potrebbe indicare una svolta, potrebbe infatti lasciare nuovamente ampi margini alla politica e al negoziato. Haftar non ha sfondato il fronte, non è penetrato nel cuore della capitale e con ogni probabilità la defezione di alcune milizie di Tripoli su cui contava non si è verificata. Quindi vi è un bilancio di dieci giorni ancora modesto e definire quella in corso a Tripoli una guerra civile è sicuramente un eccesso, voluto forse da ambienti che non vedono l’ora di sfruttare questo pretesto per far magari riaprire i porti italiani a nuove ondate di immigrati illegali.

Io credo che a questo punto si debba dire che il fallimento delle opzioni militari fa risalire le quotazioni e l'importanza di un paese chiave come l'Italia, il cui governo mi pare che abbia le carte in regola per poter essere coprotagonista di un processo di riequilibrio e di riordino di un'area importantissima per l'Europa, estremamente pericolosa se pensiamo alla presenza di jihadisti, di guerrieri di Allah.

Ma allora direi perché oltre ad avere ottimi rapporti con entrambi i leader rivali non sfruttiamo la posizione dell'Italia, che ha mantenuto aperta la sua ambasciata e si conferma come paese pronto ad avere un ruolo preponderante, un ruolo importantissimo che mi pare sia molto superiore a quello assolutamente insussistente di questa Unione europea.

 
  
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  Γεώργιος Επιτήδειος (NI). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, οι εξελίξεις των τελευταίων εβδομάδων στη Λιβύη αναδεικνύουν για μια ακόμη φορά τα σφάλματα της εξωτερικής πολιτικής της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης σχετικά με τη χώρα αυτή. Τα κράτη μέλη της Ένωσης, τα οποία σε συνεργασία με τις Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες ανέτρεψαν το 2011 τον Gaddafi, δεν κατόρθωσαν να βοηθήσουν τη χώρα. Την άφησαν στο έλεος του ISIS, με αποτέλεσμα να υπάρξει μια μακροχρόνια και επικίνδυνη κρίση.

Μετά από πολεμικές συγκρούσεις πέντε ετών, οι δυνάμεις του στρατηγού Haftar κατόρθωσαν στα τέλη Ιανουαρίου του 2019 να καταλάβουν το τελευταίο οχυρό του ISIS στην πόλη Sabha. Ωστόσο, η ειρήνη δεν επετεύχθη, διότι στις 4 Απριλίου ο Haftar επετέθη εναντίον της Τρίπολης για να την καταλάβει. Για ακόμη μία φορά η διεθνής κοινότητα και η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση φαίνονται αδύναμες να παρέμβουν αποφασιστικά στην όλη κατάσταση.

Η Λιβύη είναι η χώρα της Αφρικής που έχει τα μεγαλύτερα αποθέματα πετρελαίου και με αυτά ως έπαθλο θα συνεχιστεί ο εμφύλιος πόλεμος, που θα διατηρήσει την κρίση, θα επηρεάσει τις γειτονικές χώρες και θα γεμίσει την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση με μετανάστες και τρομοκράτες.

 
  
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  Elmar Brok (PPE). – Frau Präsidentin, Frau Vizepräsidentin, Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Dies zeigt, dass wir seit dem Ende von Gaddafi keine westliche und europäische Strategie gehabt haben. Wir haben viele Bemühungen unternommen, aber wir haben das nie in den Griff bekommen. Das kann man auch nicht einem Einzelnen anlasten, da sind wir alle ein Stückchen schuld. Aber wir sehen, das ist ja ein Land, das klassisch immer in zumindest zwei Gebiete geteilt war: Das östliche Gebiet, das heute Haftar vertritt und das jetzt den anderen Teil übernehmen will – dafür gibt es gute historische Gründe –, und das ist auf der anderen Seite die legitime Regierung, die mit Hilfe der Vereinten Nationen und mit unserer Hilfe installiert worden ist, und der es trotz aller Zusagen nie gelungen ist, die Dinge zusammenzubringen.

Ich würde mir auch die Möglichkeit anhören – vielleicht können die Kollegen dort den Mund halten, sorry –, dass wir feststellen müssen, dass es vielleicht auch gut ist, wenn europäische Länder unterschiedliche Kontakte haben, damit beide Seiten an den Verhandlungstisch gebracht werden. Und wenn ich mir die Situation der Migranten dort anschaue, dann sind das wieder andere Gruppierungen, die weder von Tripolis noch von Haftar kontrolliert werden. Und damit ist die katastrophale Lage von Migranten gegeben.

Frau Mogherini, kriegen Sie es wieder hin, unter diesen Umständen und hoffentlich unter besseren Umständen, dass über Sophia und andere nicht nur die Menschenrettung stattfindet, sondern gegen die Menschenhändler vorgegangen wird, die das Übelste von allem sind! Ich glaube, da müssen wir wieder stärker tätig werden.

 
  
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  Inés Ayala Sender (S&D). – Señora presidenta, de nuevo lamentar que en Libia vuelve a haber conflicto armado, vuelve a haber muertos, y esta vez con una amenaza militar. Tal vez, de todos modos, escuchando al señor Brok y antes a otros colegas, si nos hubiésemos centrado más en Libia y en la población libia y menos en hacer de Libia un teatro de nuestras querellas europeas, hubiéramos sido seguramente bastante más eficaces.

De ahí que apoye especialmente todo el trabajo que está haciendo la alta representante precisamente para plantear una solución de tregua, una solución de conferencia, una solución multilateral que vaya por encima de las querellas europeas. Y desde luego, sería muy negativo para libios y libias, para las víctimas que ya ha habido y sus familias, y también para los más desvalidos, que son los inmigrantes, que de nuevo sobre Libia hiciésemos caer nuestros debates de antes de las elecciones europeas.

Yo creo que la Unión Europea tiene que estar ahora más unida que nunca, precisamente tras las propuestas de la alta representante y del alto comisionado de las Naciones Unidas. Y desde luego, dejémonos, por favor, de electoralismo y sobre todo sobre las vidas de los libios y de las libias.

 
  
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  Anna Elżbieta Fotyga (ECR). – Madam President, the crisis in Libya is escalating quickly, and we may face yet another proxy war in the making. I call for the immediate cessation of hostilities and a return to the negotiation table, and also an end to General Haftar’s aggression. If Tripoli falls, we may have to cope with yet another wave of migration – a really big one this time. We support the UN-led peace process, the efforts of UN special envoys, and also your efforts, Madame Vice-President/High Representative.

 
  
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  Gilles Lebreton (ENF). – Madame la Présidente, l’armée du maréchal Haftar, l’homme fort de l’est libyen, a lancé une offensive sur Tripoli. Le gouvernement d’union nationale, reconnu par l’ONU, lui résiste au prix de violents combats. La situation est préoccupante, car cette déstabilisation de la Libye risque d’avoir de graves conséquences sur toute la région et au-delà sur l’Europe. C’est donc à juste titre que les États européens appellent les belligérants à un cessez-le-feu. La mission de l’ONU, la MANUL, a hélas échoué à instaurer une trêve. Quant au Conseil de sécurité de l’ONU, il est bloqué par la rivalité entre les États-Unis et la Russie. Les États-Unis veulent en effet l’inciter à appeler Haftar à arrêter son offensive, alors que la Russie voudrait plutôt l’inciter à appeler les deux belligérants à cesser les hostilités. Le conflit libyen est en réalité l’expression d’une lutte d’influences entre ces deux grandes puissances, mais pas seulement entre elles. Comme la Russie, la France du président Macron soutient Haftar, ce que lui reproche l’Italie. L’Europe est divisée et ne paraît donc pas en mesure de peser sur les événements.

Je regrette particulièrement que la France ne soit pas à la hauteur du rôle qu’elle devrait avoir. C’est elle qui a déstabilisé la Libye en 2011 à cause de la décision imprudente du président Sarkozy de renverser le colonel Kadhafi. C’est elle qui compromet aujourd’hui la recherche d’une solution. Il nous faudrait pourtant avancer unis, car l’offensive d’Haftar risque de déclencher une nouvelle vague migratoire vers l’Italie. Un rapport des services de renseignement italiens fait état d’au moins 6 000 réfugiés étrangers situés en Libye qui seraient déjà prêts à s’embarquer pour l’Italie. À terme, ce sont 800 000 migrants qui pourraient déferler en Europe, selon les estimations du Premier ministre italien. Ne ruinons pas les efforts du gouvernement italien, qui ont permis de réduire de 90 % en un an le nombre de migrants en provenance de Libye. Avançons unis!

 
  
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  José Ignacio Salafranca Sánchez-Neyra (PPE). – Señora presidenta, señora alta representante, señorías, tras la caída del régimen del coronel Gadafi, Libia ha vivido una situación de gran inestabilidad que se ha traducido claramente en una situación fuera de control en la que las milicias luchan por el control del territorio.

Evidentemente, esto se ha traducido en dos gobiernos, uno en Trípoli y otro en Tobruk, y esta ofensiva del mariscal Haftar lógicamente ha creado mayor inestabilidad. ¿Qué puede hacer la Unión Europea ante esta situación?

Como ha señalado la alta representante, tiene que tratar de mantener la calma, que se produzca un cese de las hostilidades, que al mismo tiempo se respete el embargo de armas para las dos partes, que se apoye y se evite una crisis humanitaria como la que se avecina —todavía mayor—, que se atienda la emergencia de los miles de refugiados, que se encuentran en una situación terrible, y al mismo tiempo, que la Unión Europea apoye estos esfuerzos en favor de la estabilidad, en favor del orden y del Estado de Derecho a través de un diálogo entre los propios libios, como ha señalado el secretario general de Naciones Unidas, António Guterres, sobre el terreno hace muy poco tiempo.

Entendemos que todos estos esfuerzos son unos esfuerzos vitales, señora presidenta, no solo para el país sino también para la región y para el conjunto de los intereses de la Unión Europea, que tiene que actuar —como han señalado otros colegas— de forma unida, de forma conjunta, bajo la guía y bajo la representación de la alta representante y vicepresidenta.

 
  
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  Knut Fleckenstein (S&D). – Frau Präsidentin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Selbstverständlich stehen wir hinter dem, was die Hohe Vertreterin uns gesagt hat: Alle militärischen Optionen müssen unverzüglich eingestellt werden, humanitäre Waffenstillstände müssen beachtet werden, und die Parteien müssen den politischen Dialog wieder aufnehmen und sich an dem UN-geführten Prozess beteiligen. Es kann nur – richtig – eine politische Lösung geben; darin sind wir uns einig.

Wir können diese Debatte aber nur ernsthaft führen, wenn wir uns auch verdeutlichen, dass es unsere Pflicht ist, sehr aktiv dort beizutragen, die Lage in Libyen zu verbessern. Denn wir haben eine Teilschuld an der Situation in diesem Land. Diktatoren aus dem Amt zu drängen, ohne sich umfassend Gedanken über das Hinterher zu machen, ist unverantwortlich, wie sich zeigt. Libyen ist ein Beispiel dafür, wie der sogenannte Westen nicht agieren darf.

Aber, Herr Epitideios, es war nicht die EU, die das angerichtet hat, sondern es waren einzelne Mitgliedstaaten und andere Verbündete, die dieses Chaos angerichtet haben. Und es ist die EU und die Hohe Vertreterin und der Auswärtige Dienst, die immer wieder versucht haben, aus dieser Situation etwas zu machen. Wenn wir es gemeinsam versuchen, haben wir eine Chance. Wenn wir weiterhin nur so tun, als ob wir es gemeinsam machen, haben wir sie nicht.

 
  
  

Puhetta johti HEIDI HAUTALA
varapuhemies

 
  
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  Bas Belder (ECR). – Voorzitter, voor een Europese stellingname tegenover het complexe Libische strijdtoneel is Europese diplomatieke eensgezindheid toch een vereiste.

Treurig genoeg ontbreekt het daaraan. Parijs en Rome hebben onderscheiden belangen in het door twee regeringen en talloze milities volstrekt verscheurde Libië, a failed state. En als ik de Frankfurter Allgemeine die ik vanmorgen opensloeg mag geloven, heerst zelfs binnen de Italiaanse regering – het is jammer dat collega Castaldo al weg is – diepe verdeeldheid over het Libische dossier. Binnen één EU-lidstaat al.

Het grote gevaar voor de EU van de uitslaande Libische brand vormen de jihadistische groeperingen, die onder andere door Turkije op grootscheepse schaal van wapentuig worden voorzien. Dat vraagt om een urgente Europese indammingspolitiek. Dat leg ik daarom ook voor aan de hoge vertegenwoordiger, in alle bescheidenheid.

 
  
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  Claude Moraes (S&D). – Madam President, of course, Ms Ayala Sender, Mr Brok, Mr Castaldo and others have correctly described the situation of intervention which has brought us to this situation, but the Vice—President is here to talk about coping with this immediate situation now. The External Action Service came before our committee recently to talk about those coping strategies, and I really want to ask her – along with my colleague, Ms Spinelli – how we are going to do this now with the extension of Operation Sophia without the support of naval assets and other issues. Is there any scope here for flexibility? Are we going to change our views if this situation does worsen?

And, of course – I mentioned Ms Ayala Sender – we saw Tariq al Seka detention camp ourselves, we know what you are also dealing with. This is not an issue of blaming anyone; this is an issue of working together. But the risk of thousands of refugees and migrants who remain trapped in detention in the Qasr bin Ghashir detention centre, and the communications we are all receiving having visited Libya, indicates that this is a crisis which will only get greater during this very politically tense period. So I ask you again: is there any flexibility in the approach? And please tell us about the Operation Sophia situation.

 
  
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  Marek Jurek (ECR). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Panie i Panowie Posłowie! W przypadku tragedii libijskiej mamy do czynienia z kolejną odsłoną tego wielkiego dramatu, który zaczął się w naszym bezpośrednim sąsiedztwie wraz z Arabską Wiosną. To jest wielka tragiczna lekcja dla następnej Komisji Europejskiej i dla ludzi, którzy przyjmą odpowiedzialność również w tym parlamencie.

Nasz stosunek do partnerów w świecie poza Europą powinniśmy oceniać na podstawie kryteriów rzeczowych, porównując ich politykę, którą można proponować jako alternatywę, ale nie na podstawie naszych życzeń czy naszej ideologii. Widzimy tę tragedię w Syrii. Teraz widzimy ją jeszcze mocniej, jak eskaluje w Libii – walka o demokrację do ostatniego Syryjczyka czy Libijczyka. Czas naprawdę myśleć w kategoriach odpowiedzialności za ludzi.

 
  
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  Cécile Kashetu Kyenge (S&D). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, non è tempo di divisioni. L'inferno della Libia ci richiama tutti alle nostre responsabilità: istituzioni europee, organismi internazionali e governi nazionali. La necessità più urgente è quella di un cessate il fuoco, ma dobbiamo anche tutti contribuire alla ricerca di una soluzione politica duratura, una soluzione che abbia come prospettiva di lungo termine la pacificazione, la stabilizzazione e la ricostruzione del paese.

Il bilancio in termini di vite umane è pesantissimo. Sono stati presi come bersaglio scuole, ospedali, campi di rifugiati, ancora soggetti vulnerabili, molti dei quali imprigionati in una situazione di grave pericolo, che si aggiungono al numero di donne, uomini e bambini che non possiamo lasciare sprovvisti di protezione internazionale. Eppure, nell'inferno della Libia c'è ancora chi la considera un paese di sbarco sicuro. C'è ancora chi specula sulla vita delle persone alla ricerca di facili consensi elettorali.

Adesso più che mai i governi europei devono dare prova di responsabilità e dobbiamo tornare all'operazione Sophia. Chiedo all'Alto rappresentante: ma la Libia è considerata un paese sicuro? Abbiamo bisogno di una risposta e grazie per il suo lavoro.

 
  
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  Alfred Sant (S&D). – Sinjura President, L-Ewropej għandhom id-dmir li juru kif l-akbar interess tagħhom fil-Libja hu l-ġid tal-poplu Libjan. Mhux iż-żejt. Mhux min se jikkontrolla d-daħla lejn ir-riżorsi minerali tal-Afrika Ċentrali. L-ewwel irridu naqblu fuq l-essenzjali. Għall-Ewropa, l-essenzjali għandu jkun li l-Libja ma tispiċċax bejta għat-terroriżmu. Sadanittant, li għandu bżonn il-poplu Libjan hi l-istabbiltà. Minnha, xi darba, tard jew kmieni, forsi se jinbtu l-paċi u d-demokrazija. Mingħajr l-istabbiltà, xejn minn dan ma jista' jiġri. M'għandniex naħdmu biex fil-Libja, malajr kemm jista' jkun, jitwaqqaf reġim li jogħġobna, għal raġuni jew oħra. L-indħil barrani fit-tmexxija tal-Libja wassal għall-qagħda ta' anarkija li teżisti bħalissa. F'dan, l-Ewropej iġorru responsabbiltà kbira. Għandna ngħinu, iva, f'kull sforz ta' rieda tajba, li jsir biex il-forzi kollha fil-Libja, li jirrappreżentaw interessi ġenwini, ikunu mismugħa u mogħtija saħħa. Imma f'dal-proċess, ma nistgħux nibqgħu naqblu mal-paraliżi eżistenti f'kif il-poplu Libjan jista' jipproċedi biex iwaqqaf istituzzjonijiet nazzjonali. L-appoġġ tagħna għandu jingħata lil dawk il-forzi li lesti, f'għaqda bejniethom, irażżnu l-anarkija preżenti, jipprovdu sigurtà lill-poplu Libjan u jressqu lill-pajjiż lejn l-istabbiltà essenzjali biex is-soċjetà Libjana tkun tista' tiffunzjona b'mod normali.

 
  
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  Kati Piri (S&D). – Voorzitter, 147 mensen gedood, 614 gewond en 8 000 ontheemd. Dat is de tol van de laatste gevechten in Libië. Vorige maand kwamen premier al—Serraj en generaal Haftar bijna tot een overeenkomst om de situatie te normaliseren door het houden van verkiezingen. Desondanks begon Haftar op 4 april met een dodelijke opmars in het dichtbevolkte zuiden van Tripoli. Hij heeft maar één doel: het opvoeren van de druk op al—Serraj. Zo denkt Haftar zijn positie aan de onderhandelingstafel te verstevigen.

Dit mogen wij niet tolereren. Haftars strategie minacht het VN—vredesproces, leidt tot grote aantallen burgerslachtoffers, vermeerdert het aantal migranten dat Libië ontvlucht en vergroot het speelveld voor terroristische groeperingen. Ik vraag de hoge vertegenwoordiger dan ook onmiddellijk op te roepen tot een staakt-het-vuren en de terugtrekking van Haftars troepen. De onderhandelingen onder leiding van de EU en de VN moeten een eerlijke kans krijgen. Alleen dan ligt een duurzame vrede binnen bereik.

 
  
 

Pyynnöstä myönnettävät puheenvuorot

 
  
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  José Inácio Faria (PPE). – Senhora Presidente, Senhora Alta Representante, a recente escalada militar na Líbia, aliada às tensões sociais que se vivem na Argélia e em Marrocos, tem tido graves consequências económicas, humanitárias e securitárias para a Europa, potencia um novo êxodo migratório a caminho do nosso continente e faz cair por terra os argumentos dos que pretendem que a Líbia é um país seguro para a devolução dos imigrantes resgatados no Mediterrâneo.

A União Europeia, que anunciou este mês uma ajuda humanitária de 6 milhões de euros à Líbia, não pode deixar que os poderosos interesses económicos de alguns dos seus Estados-Membros naquele país impeçam uma posição conjunta que apela às partes beligerantes em Tobruk e em Trípoli o cessar imediato dos conflitos armados, o respeito pela trégua humanitária na capital e o regresso à via negocial que permita estabelecer um verdadeiro executivo de unidade nacional que possa garantir a paz e a estabilidade para todos os líbios.

No fundo, como a Senhora Alta Representante já aqui disse, dar uma chance aos líbios para que eles possam coletivamente decidir o seu futuro.

 
  
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  Patricia Lalonde (ALDE). – Madame la Présidente, Madame la Haute représentante, la situation en Libye est des plus préoccupantes: au moins 150 personnes ont déjà trouvé la mort, 614 sont blessées et 18 000 ont été déplacées depuis l’offensive du maréchal Haftar. Il s’agit de la troisième guerre civile depuis le renversement du colonel Kadhafi en 2011.

Les efforts de paix de l’ONU sont remis en cause par cette offensive. Il est certain que la division entre les États membres de l’Union européenne a empêché de trouver une solution à ce conflit, alors que certains d’entre eux sont pourtant directement responsables de cette situation –  je pense à la France et à l’Italie.

Le ras-le-bol de la population vis-à-vis du désordre milicien et de la menace sécuritaire constante joue en faveur du maréchal Haftar, mais les groupes terroristes en Libye continuent d’exister et cette nouvelle période de guerre représente une aubaine pour ces milices islamistes et pour Daech. Cette situation risque d’entraîner une nouvelle vague de migrants et de déstabiliser à nouveau la région – je pense particulièrement à la Tunisie, qui se trouve à 150 kilomètres seulement de Tripoli.

La situation est explosive et l’Union européenne doit être à l’initiative d’un retour à la table des négociations pour trouver une solution pacifique, en accord avec la réalité du terrain, afin d’éviter un nouveau bain de sang.

 
  
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  Bill Etheridge (EFDD). – Madam President, Libya and the whole Arab Spring situation is a salutary lesson in Western intervention into nations that we don’t understand and places where we cause more harm than good. Look at what happens: chaos, refugees, deaths. And who gains from it? Despots rise; terrorist groups draw power. We need to understand that, in future, going in with bombs and military into places like this is not going to be the solution. Nine times out of ten, it will make it worse. We need to be there to talk to people, to help, to have diplomacy and to trade, but certainly, we must understand that the days of muscular liberalism and intervening in these places must be behind us. The only way forward is trade and talk.

 
  
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  Jiří Pospíšil (PPE). – Paní předsedající, já jsem velmi pozorně poslouchal paní vysokou komisařku i stejně tak celou rozpravu. Shodneme se na popisu situace, shodneme se na tom, že hledáme politické řešení, že tažení, které nyní předvádí generál Haftar, může celou situaci ještě více destabilizovat. Ale bohužel mám pocit, že nemáme jasnější strategii, také to zde někteří kolegové říkali, a že nám chybí konkrétní kroky.

Co tedy v této těžké situaci uděláme, o co se pokusíme? Protože vím, že ta situace vůbec není jednoduchá, aby politické řešení tohoto konfliktu zvítězilo. Je to dotaz na vás, paní Mogheriniová. Vím, že situace není jednoduchá a že to nelze vyřešit jedním jednáním, ale obávám se, že pokud o tom budeme pouze hovořit na půdě Evropského parlamentu a nepokusíme se udělat něco aktivně pro mírové řešení, pak důsledkem bude to, co říkali moji kolegové – další destabilizace a možný pochod statisíců uprchlíků do Evropy. A to je věc, kterou bychom měli nějakým způsobem řešit.

 
  
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  Bogdan Andrzej Zdrojewski (PPE). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Chciałbym na wstępie docenić wysiłki pani wysokiej przedstawiciel, jak również przedstawicieli ONZ. Uważam, że strony reprezentujące ten świat cywilizowany robią wszystko to, co jest możliwe.

Natomiast chcę się upomnieć o jedną rzecz: o wiedzę, o lepszą, bardziej precyzyjną wiedzę. Niestety w efekcie braków informacji jesteśmy zaskakiwani, czasami rozczarowywani. Od czasu do czasu ponosimy także straty finansowe. W większości wypadków jesteśmy po prostu bardziej bezradni. Wydaje mi się, że tworzone służby w chwili obecnej powinny posiłkować się wiedzą lepszej jakości, przede wszystkim po to, abyśmy mogli działać w długiej perspektywie, być bardziej konsekwentni, krótko mówiąc, bardziej skuteczni. Wielokrotnie wypowiadałem się w wielu kwestiach dotyczących właśnie polityki zagranicznej, konfliktów w Afryce, na Bliskim Wschodzie i to, co dla mnie jest nie do zaakceptowania, to właśnie ten element zaskoczenia, element tej negatywnej niespodzianki, tego wielkiego dramatu. Stąd też mój postulat: pozyskujmy lepszą, precyzyjniejszą wiedzę.

 
  
 

(Pyynnöstä myönnettävät puheenvuorot päättyvät)

 
  
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  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission / High Madam Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Madam President, first of all I’m sorry that some of the colleagues that asked questions then left the room. I would have loved to answer these questions; maybe I will do that anyway.

Let me also say it is somehow sad that as we discuss something so serious on which there is no surprise – unfortunately for years now we have been struggling and working, not only the European Union, but also the United Nations and some of our partners in the region like the African Union or the Arab League, we have been struggling with the situation – it is somehow sad for me to see that in what is the last part-session of this mandate in Parliament there are more spectators at these debates than Members of the Parliament.

Sorry to say this, but I think this issue deserves a little bit more attention from your colleagues. But this is praise for those of you who are in the room.

I would also like to thank you for the support for the work we have done in these recent weeks. It has not been easy in these recent years to build a common European position on this. You know that the starting points were not necessarily always converging but today we do have a converging European policy and action to stabilise the country, giving the Libyans, the citizens, the stakeholders, the different interlocutors, the different institutions, as fragile as they are, as conflictual as they are, the possibility to find their own way to unite in the country.

I want to thank this Parliament for its support for this work and I think that we have managed to achieve some good work even in these very difficult circumstances. I think we can be proud of at least two things. One is the support we have consistently given to the UN and the UN Special Envoys over time. They have always very much counted and relied upon the European Union support – politically, financially, diplomatically, and on the ground.

I was also very proud of the fact that our personnel went back to Tripoli before the personnel of most of our Member States. Recently this has changed, but I’m looking forward to having them back in Tripoli as soon as possible. I myself visited the premises of our offices in Tripoli, reinaugurating them after a long period of absence from the city, and I’m very much looking forward to this situation going back to sort of normal – probably it’s never fully normal in Libya and for sure not in these times – but I think that the Libyans know that the Europeans, and the European Union as an institution, have always been trying to help in a constructive, honest manner, again, both financially, politically and diplomatically. This has been also thanks to the support of this Parliament.

The second thing I’m proud of in this difficult environment is the work that we’ve managed to finally start, and that we need to consolidate, on the detention centres, aiming to empty them and close them together with the UN agencies. I would have dreamt of a debate in this Hemicycle today on Libya and Libyans and not always on Libya and migration, because if the situation is deteriorating on the ground in the military escalation in Libya, let me tell you very frankly my first concern is for the human losses, for the deterioration of the perspectives for the political dialogue.

Obviously there is a risk of migration for the European Union but there is first and foremost a risk for the migrants themselves, for their lives, and I thank those of you that have raised this, because I think we have to take into consideration first and foremost the fact that every person we are referring to is a human being, and secondly that there is work we need to do with Libya and with Libyans for the sake of Libya and Libyans themselves. It’s not only a transit country: it is a neighbouring country, and it’s a country, that deserves to be treated as a partner from our side.

But having said that, yes, in recent years we have started to work with the UN agencies the IOM and UNHCR, and with the African Union, to empty detention centres, to combat the trafficking and smuggling of human beings, and in one year or so, we have managed to help the IOM and UNHCR, and in particular the IOM, to evacuate some 40 000 stranded migrants and refugees from the detention centres back to either the UNHCR centres from where they are then protected further, and/or to their countries of origin, also with the cooperation of the African Union and its Member States.

Obviously all of this work, as I was signalling, in a situation that is militarily escalating and is less secure on the ground, becomes more difficult. This is why I supported, and I reiterate this again, the call that Filippo Grandi made last week for all the parties to guarantee access to the personnel, the staff of the UNHCR and the IOM, to the detention centres and this work to be continued because it is extremely important and vital for their own sake.

Some of you asked me specific questions that relate more to our work on migration than to Libya. I’m happy to be very clear on that. I’m on the record already on these issues, I’ve been very clear. No, the European Union does not consider Libya as a safe country. This is something that not only I, but also other colleagues from the Commission, have repeatedly stated. This position has not changed, and it seems quite self-evident given the current circumstances.

Some of the Members of this European Parliament asked me about Operation Sophia. As you know, because this has not been a secret, my suggestion to the Member States was not that of withdrawing the naval assets. I’ve always argued in favour of the naval assets remaining in the international waters because they have proven to be a very effective deterrent for the smugglers and the traffickers. If arrivals from Libya to Italy have gone down by more than 80% in the last couple of years it is thanks to the presence of Operation Sophia at sea; among other things, but mainly that. Obviously you see the contradiction in terms of having a naval operation without naval assets.

Unfortunately, the decision of Member States has been in another direction. I still hope that they can reconsider their decision and decide to redeploy naval assets in the international waters. I think that in these particular circumstances it would make a lot of sense, not only to deter the activities of the smugglers and the traffickers of human beings across the Mediterranean, but also to fulfil the duties, the responsibilities, we have taken of implementing the UN Security Council Resolutions when it comes to the arms and the oil embargo control which obviously can be much more effectively carried out with a naval presence at sea.

I believe – and again I have no problem in saying this in this Hemicycle, I’ve said it publicly already, very openly – that without the naval assets Operation Sophia is not able to fulfil its full mandate in an effective manner, so I hope the Member States will reconsider this decision. It’s their responsibility, it’s their choice, and I hope they will come to different conclusions in the coming weeks.

I would like to conclude by saying that I would like to thank again all of you from the different political groups for the support for this strong call and strong work that we’re doing on the ground, not since yesterday but for years, together with the UN, for at this moment going back to a Libyan-owned and a Libyan-led political process that can be the only hope for the country to get out of this endless transition, out of the conflict, to de-escalate the military tensions and attacks, and to find a way to create strong inclusive institutions and peace in the country.

I believe that we can clearly say that, apart from a few voices, I have seen here broad support for this strong call, first of all for the open humanitarian corridors for delivery of urgent humanitarian aid, an immediate ceasefire, and a return to the political track and the convening of a National Conference under the auspices of the UN that we have prepared together, supported together, and that I believe still represents the hope for Libyans to have a proper country and a proper present and future.

 
  
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  Puhemies. – Keskustelu on päättynyt.

Kirjalliset lausumat (162 artikla)

 
  
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  Ana Gomes (S&D), in writing. – The EU cannot excuse itself on what Libya became. Lack of Europe, absence of the EU, played into the hands of the Member States, entering in new and old rivalries for oil, arms and influence, after the fall of Gaddafi. Likewise UN, the EU neglected the need for SSR/DDR to ensure that any Libyan governance would be controlling a national chain armed command. PM Ali Zeidan came to beg us that help in 2013, as he also begged NATO, to no avail. Instead, EU MS, led by Italy, choose to fabricate a fake ‘Libyan Coast Guard’ which is no more than a militia torturing migrants and refugees to keep the human trafficking supply flourishing. No wonder that Haftar, backed by Egypt, the UAE, Saudi Arabia but also France just dared to disrupt the UN-organised National Conference in Ghadames leading to so much bloodshed and suffering in Tripoli. No wonder that, under Haftar, ISIS, Al-Qaeda, the Makdali and other terrorist groups will gain ground for sanctuary in Libya. They will come to haunt us, as much as they already haunt the people of Libya. Then, we all will deeply regret that there was no EU to act and help Libya.

 
Dernière mise à jour: 25 juillet 2019Avis juridique