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Debates
Martes 16 de julio de 2019 - Estrasburgo Edición revisada

13. Aplicación de la Estrategia Global de la UE (debate)
Vídeo de las intervenciones
PV
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  Presidente. – L’ordine del giorno reca la dichiarazione del Vicepresidente della Commissione/Alto rappresentante dell'Unione per gli affari esteri e la politica di sicurezza sull’attuazione della strategia globale dell'UE (2019/2729(RSP)).

Do senz’altro quindi la parola alla Vicepresidente/Alto rappresentante Federica Mogherini e, visto che è la prima volta che ho il piacere di presiedere durante un suo intervento, le faccio ancora i complimenti e la ringrazio per l’ottimo lavoro svolto in questo mandato, e le faccio i migliori auguri anche per gli ultimi mesi nella carica e per ogni impegno futuro. Prego, Alto rappresentante.

 
  
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  Federica Mogherini, vicepresidente della Commissione/alto rappresentante. – Grazie Presidente, è per me un piacere e un onore tenere in quest'Aula, se ho capito bene, il primo dei dibattiti di questa legislatura, dopo che avevo avuto il piacere e l'onore di tenere gli ultimi dibattiti dell'ultima legislatura.

Let me start by congratulating you all either for your election or re-election, but also let me start by congratulating the new President-elect of the Commission. Ursula and I have been working together very well in these last few years, in particular on our common work for the European Union’s defence. I am sure that the Commission will be in good hands.

Among the things on which we have worked together – Ursula and I and also defence and foreign ministers of the Member States, some of them I see them are sitting in this Hemicycle now as Members of the European Parliament – is the global strategy that we drafted and then put in place three years ago.

The global strategy has been the compass of our work in these five years, in these last three years and the preparation and the drafting of it in the previous ones. I want to thank the previous European Parliament for its support in drafting the strategy, but most of all in turning this into action.

The global strategy was the outcome of a truly collective work with all the 28 Member States of the European Union and with many Members of Parliament playing a key role, Members of the European Parliament, but also members of national parliaments and civil society, think-tanks.

It was really a collective work, and it was the opportunity to focus on values and interests, both of them, that we all shared as Europeans beyond political families and beyond ideological debates. We agreed that we needed to strengthen and consolidate our role as a global security provider. We agreed that the great challenges of our times require multilateral solutions, and we agreed that Europe can only matter – and it does matter, it does make a difference – in the world if we act as one Union.

Of course there is much more than this in the global strategy and you have probably seen, I hope, the global strategy itself, but also the report that I presented last month to the Foreign Affairs Council after discussing the content of this report with the Committee on Foreign Affairs (AFET) and the Committee on Development (DEVE) in the previous mandates in April.

We have put together 50 very dense pages of achievements, and also possible options for the future, and this is the work that I delivered to you for future consideration on how to use the instruments that we’ve put in place, how to shape the future foreign and security policy of the European Union. So there’s much more than these three concepts in the global strategy, but let me focus for the moment on these three points: security and defence, multilateralism, and the idea of a more joined-up and more effective. European Union.

First of all on defence. We have shown that this European Union knows how to deliver if there is political will. In some cases we have achieved even more than we hoped and expected in this field. When we started talking about setting up the Permanent Structural Cooperation on Defence, many were sceptical, and I remember very well, I discussed this for the very first time during my own hearing five years ago in the joint AFET and DEVE committees.

Yet, even with all the scepticism and resistance that was there, we did it, and we went even further with the European Defence Fund and the Coordinated Annual Review on Defence. And these are not just names or acronyms. This is real change for our common security. We are helping Member States to make their defence spending more efficient and developing all the military capabilities that we need, from the skies to the sea, to cyberspace.

Our international missions now have better command structures, and we have committed to investing more in our civilian action. That remains the pride of the European Union. In short, the European Union of Security and Defence has finally taken its first concrete steps after so many decades, when it was only on paper or not even on paper.

At the same time as we strengthened ourselves, we have also strengthened our security and defence cooperation with partners all around the world, starting with NATO, but well beyond it. I’ve just come back from the Central African Republic, for example, where we are working with the European Union, men and women under our flag, alongside the UN Peacekeepers, and before that, just a few days ago, I was in the Sahel, where we were helping the G5 Sahel countries to set up their own multinational military force.

The second point I would like to stress is multilateralism. Europe is a cooperative and multilateral power by definition. It is the very same DNA of our European Union projects. In years where multilateralism, and also the UN system, have come under increasing pressure, we have invested in multilateralism like never before. We have stepped up our financial support to the United Nations. For instance, one example among many, saving the UN Agency for Palestinian Refugees from its funding crisis. We supported the UN Secretary-General’s reform agenda.

But let me say, most importantly: we’ve always worked to find a multilateral solution to the many and difficult problems of our time. So not only are we defending the nuclear deal with Iran, promoting the Sustainable Development Goals, implementing the Paris Agreement on Climate Change, creating a new generation of free and fair trade agreements, but we’ve always tried to build a multilateral framework where there was not one.

After this debate we will talk about Venezuela. In the international contact group the European Union has contributed to efforts to solve the crisis, and I should also mention, as an example, the trilateral cooperation with the UN and the African Union, the Brussels conferences on Syria, and the regional meetings that we set up to support peace in Afghanistan. These are leading examples of our multilateral approach in concrete terms. And we haven’t just defended multilateralism. We have done so, but we have also renewed it with innovative new solutions.

The third point I would like to stress is the way we work. This was a very important part of the global strategy three years ago and we have done a lot of work to improve the way in which we work inside the European Union. Here again, I want to thank the European Parliament’s previous mandate and I’m sure you will continue in this way for the support and the contribution to our efforts to increase the coherence and the coordination among institutions and within the institutions of the European Union.

Throughout this work we’ve been the most successful when we’ve been united. This was the core idea of the global strategy. A more joined-up union is not just a principled choice, one that follows in the steps of our founding fathers and mothers, a joined-up Union is also the best way to make our action more effective. Only united do we really matter in the world of today. I often say there are not big and small Member States – there are Member States that are smaller Member States that have not yet understood they are small in the world of today – we can only be effective if we are united as Europeans, and only united can we advance our interests and our values. And when we do so, united, we do make a difference. Sometimes a vital one not just for us, but also for our partners all around the world.

So in these years we have made a lot of progress, I believe, for instance, linking our policies on security and on development, or the internal and external side of our action through a more coordinated work within the Commission. Thanks to the group we have established with the Commissioners’ group on external action that I have convened regularly every month in these five years, and the EU Member States, for instance, have coordinated as never before in the Security Council of the United Nations, something that seemed impossible just three years ago.

Our progress in these years on this point has been possible because of a collective political will to move forward, but I want to share this with you. I am very much aware that these achievements, everything that we have achieved in this field, could prove short-lived if political will fades away. And this is the message I deliver to you. Results need to be consolidated, and the new possibilities that we have opened in these last three or four years can now be explored and expanded, but this requires unity of purpose, determination and, most of all, political will.

The European Parliament has been key to this progress. The Members of the Parliament have been very important actors in our foreign policy with their own diplomatic missions, with electoral observation, with the oversight of our policies, with a constant focus on human rights for which I want to thank your predecessors in this chamber. And again, I am sure that you will keep working in this direction.

So your role is key. You have the final word on key fundamental issues that affect our foreign and security policy. You will have the final word on the new European Union budget. You will contribute to setting the direction of our foreign policy for the years ahead. So the call for a united Europe is stronger today than it was five years ago. I believe it will be even more urgent and pressing in the years ahead. The choice and the responsibility are yours, and I’m sure you will be able to respond to this call in the most effective way, in the most responsible way, continuing to invest in the global role of our European Union.

 
  
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  Michael Gahler, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Zunächst möchte ich meiner Freude Ausdruck verleihen über die Wahl von Ursula von der Leyen zur Kommissionspräsidentin. Ich bin sicher, sie wird auch und gerade in der Außen-, Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik gemeinsam mit Josep Borrell und anderen Position beziehen.

Wir wollen alle gemeinsam in einer multilateralen regelbasierten Weltordnung unsere Stellung als Europäer behaupten und unsere Interessen gemeinsam vertreten. Das Europäische Parlament hat die Implementierung der globalen Strategie von Anfang an konstruktiv begleitet. Das werden wir auch in dieser Legislaturperiode tun. Hierzu wollen wir zum Beispiel bei dem neuen Instrument NDICI unseren Input geben, aber auch unseren Einfluss wahren. Ich denke, die Krisen, die rund um uns herum festzustellen sind, ob es jetzt im Osten, im Südosten oder im Süden ist, die rufen gerade dazu auf, dass wir da gemeinsam vorgehen und feststellen, dass wir in der Tat gemeinsame Interessen haben und dass sich aus dieser Gemeinsamkeit auch niemand verabschieden kann.

 
  
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  Kati Piri, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Mr President, three years ago this House welcomed the establishment of the global strategy as a much-needed roadmap towards a strong, resilient and coherent EU. Our external action needed a pragmatic vision, clearly identifying our objectives, our interests, our instruments and of course our partners.

We have come a long way since then. With unprecedented global uncertainty, the global strategy has enhanced EU security, strengthened our multilateral partnerships and reinforced our engagement in global governance.

Remarkable progress was made in a number of areas: security and defence above all. We must build on this momentum with renewed efforts on crucial issues for the EU and for this House: first, a clear EU perspective for enlargement countries; second, a fair and sustainable management of migration; and third, a strong engagement with countries that our borders to an effective European neighbourhood policy.

Yes, the world today is not better off than it was in 2016. Internally, our European values of democracy, solidarity and rule of law are challenged at their very foundations, and externally the unprecedented disengagement of great powers from multilateral platforms adds to outstanding security challenges and the destabilising consequences of climate change. So we need the EU more than ever, and the world needs the EU more than ever before if we are to address existing and new global challenges successfully.

 
  
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  Hilde Vautmans, namens de Renew-Fractie. – Voorzitter, mevrouw Mogherini, de collega’s hebben het al gezegd: drie jaar geleden hebben we hier samen met alle partners de Global Strategy uitgetekend. Op dat ogenblik was dat echt cruciaal, we zaten er hier in het Parlement op te wachten. We wilden dat kompas voor ons buitenlands optreden in een wereld waarin Europa vol dreiging was. Het was toch een heel onzekere tijd, en met de Global Strategy kwam er als het ware een kompas om meer veiligheid op dit continent in de wereld te brengen.

Vandaag evalueren we dat, en ik moet u zeggen – u heeft het zelf ook heel duidelijk aangehaald – waar een politieke wil is, hebben we resultaten kunnen boeken, resultaten waar we terecht fier op kunnen zijn. Ik denk dan aan alle stappen voorwaarts rond de Europese defensie, PESCO, de missies, ... u heeft ze zelf aangehaald. Bravo, echt een stap vooruit. Maar ook de Vredesfaciliteit moeten we daarbij noemen. Ook het feit dat we ons een betrouwbare partner hebben getoond. De deal met Iran ligt nu wel onder vuur, maar ook daar hebben we resultaten geboekt.

Voor mij is het echter belangrijker dat we naar de toekomst kijken en dat we kijken waar onze werkpunten liggen en waar we op moeten verder bouwen. We hebben vandaag een nieuwe Commissievoorzitter gekozen, Ursula von der Leyen. We hadden een heel boeiend debat met haar. We moeten af van die unanimiteit op buitenlands beleid. Dan gaan we meer stappen voorwaarts kunnen zetten. Wat mij betreft: nog meer een verenigd en sterker Europa zijn, nog meer inzetten op Europese defensie. Voor mij – echt waar – de stap naar een Europees leger.

Tot slot, mevrouw Mogherini, wil ik u danken. We hebben hier heel veel avonden heel goede debatten gevoerd. Ik wil u daarvoor danken. U was het gezicht van de Global Strategy.

(De spreker stemt ermee in te antwoorden op een “blauwe kaart”-vraag (artikel 171, lid 8, van het Reglement))

 
  
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  Claire Fox (NI), blue-card question. – I just wanted to ask whether the individual peoples and demos of the different nation states have ever voted or ever been asked to vote for a European army. This is a huge federalist imposition that goes against national sovereignty and goes against democracy. It is a frightening, militaristic and scary prospect to me that the EU dares to suggest it can have a foreign policy. It is difficult enough if you live in a nation state to control those who run that society from acting irresponsibly, in a foreign policy sense, but the idea that this Chamber would actually have the nerve to argue for a foreign policy with no votes for it is scary and anti-democratic, and we, the Brexit Party, don’t support it.

 
  
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  Hilde Vautmans (Renew), blue-card answer. – I thought the blue card was to pose a question. I didn’t hear a real question. I only heard a statement against the European army, so I would skip this blue card. I think the people of Europe stated really clearly in the Eurobarometer that they were in favour of more collaboration on defence matters. I myself am in favour of a European army.

 
  
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  Presidente. – Grazie collega. Ricordo a tutti i colleghi che le domande “cartellino blu” servono, appunto, per porre una domanda all’oratore che è intervenuto precedentemente, il quale poi darà una risposta.

 
  
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  Reinhard Bütikofer, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Mr President, I personally think there is a huge difference between a European army and more cooperation on defence, but that’s just a side remark.

It has symbolic value that one of the first debates in this new Parliament is about the EU’s global strategy because that’s going to be at the centre of a lot of our work over the next couple of years. I look forward to a more proactive and cooperative approach not only between all the political groups in this Parliament but also between the Parliament and Member States.

Ms Mogherini, you have given lavish praise to the EU Global Strategy so you will forgive me for adding a few criticisms. The EU Global Strategy – we read on the website of the European External Action Service – should be ‘a compass for our action in difficult times’. Well, I have a few question marks there. It’s a global strategy without geography. How can you have a global strategy without geography?

It does not really answer the question of which policies are more promising than others and should take priority. In that regard, the strategy is not strategic. It also emphasises the need for prevention, resolution and stabilisation but, when we look at the proposed Multiannual Financial Framework (MFF), it’s just the opposite. The MFF proposes to slash most of the spending for these purposes and reduce it to a mere 40% of what we had before. So I think, if we take the strategy seriously, we should put our money where our mouth has been. I also believe that we should put more emphasis on climate urgency, which is completely underrated so far.

So there’s a lot that should be improved.

 
  
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  Thierry Mariani, au nom du groupe ID. – Monsieur le Président, le groupe Identité et démocratie veut, dans le cadre d’une Europe des nations fondée sur la solidarité de peuples souverains, une véritable Europe politique forte et indépendante, à l’égal de celle que souhaitait avec vision le général de Gaulle. Votre Europe, malheureusement, c’est celle aujourd’hui de l’impuissance et de la soumission érigées en vertus cardinales. Impuissance face au péril islamiste, soumission devant les seuls intérêts mondialistes et états-uniens.

Sur toutes les questions stratégiques particulièrement sensibles, quand nous ne sommes pas passifs, nous agissons contre les intérêts vitaux des nations européennes. Sur le dossier du nucléaire iranien, nous ne présentons aucune alternative crédible à l’égard de la politique de Washington alors que, pertinemment, seul un accord global solide effectif peut permettre à chacun de sortir par le haut. Où sont les fameuses promesses depuis des mois de mise en place d’un dispositif alternatif pour reprendre les relations commerciales?

Vous considérez – c’est votre rhétorique favorite – que la Russie est un ennemi stratégique. Tous les six mois, c’est la prolongation automatique des sanctions sans nous interroger sur leur portée effective, sur leur coût et sur leur signification diplomatique.

Vos choix furent catastrophiques sur le problème syrien, un ancien ministre des affaires étrangères allant jusqu’à célébrer le «bon boulot» fait par le Front Al-Nosra, en fait Al-Qaida en Syrie, les mêmes qu’aujourd’hui l’armée française combat souvent seule dans le Sahel. De ce fait, les pays européens sont écartés de toute solution.

En vérité, vous ne pouvez porter aucune ambition pour l’Europe parce que le projet que vous concevez n’est qu’une pâle déclinaison locale du nouvel ordre mondial, votre totem depuis trente ans.

 
  
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  Charlie Weimers, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, I would like to say to the

High Representative that not one single section in her 2019 assessment of the Global Strategy is dedicated to Islamic extremism or the global persecution of Christians. This is nothing less than shameful. Radical imams and billions of euros are flowing into the EU, promoting segregation. This strategy should aim to secure Europe. Instead, the EU offers deepened partnership with countries that are complacent in the face of Islamism, and these are countries that often tolerate or encourage the persecution of Christians.

Christians are being wiped out across the Middle East. A report commissioned by the United Kingdom describes how Islamic extremism leads to genocidal acts against Christians. EU aid and trade policies should be used to pressure countries to stop the promotion of Islamic extremism. We need to join the USA in supporting vulnerable minorities in their hour of need. For, if not us, who?

 
  
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  Özlem Demirel, im Namen der GUE/NGL-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, meine Damen und Herren, Frau Vizepräsidentin der Kommission! Frau Mogherini, das, was Sie hier unter dem Schlagwort der globalen Strategie dargelegt haben, ist ja eigentlich nichts anderes als eine brandgefährliche militärische und politische Wunschliste, eine Wunschliste insbesondere von Deutschland und Frankreich und der Rüstungslobby. Ich mache keinen Hehl daraus: Wir als Linke lehnen das natürlich ab. Sie wollen die militärische Fähigkeit der EU ausbauen und geostrategische und wirtschaftliche Interessen durchsetzen. Es geht um Handelsrouten, und natürlich geht es auch um Ressourcen. Dafür haben Sie ja in den vergangenen Jahren, wie Sie schon dargestellt haben, viel unternommen: Pesco, military mobility, der Europäische Verteidigungsfonds – das sind ja nur einige Beispiele von dem, was Sie gemacht haben. Sie haben wirklich Milliarden in die Rüstungslobby investiert. Auf der anderen Seite verfallen Städte in Europa und 113 Millionen Menschen in der EU sind von Armut bedroht, und Sie geben derzeit im Rahmen des Verteidigungsfonds 13 Milliarden Euro für Militärgüter, für Waffen, für Killerdrohnen und Ähnliches aus.

Wir lehnen es ab. Wir laden Sie dazu ein, wenn Sie wirklich etwas für die Sicherheit der Menschen tun wollen, dass Sie die soziale Infrastruktur ausbauen. Wir laden Sie dazu ein, einen möglichen Krieg mit dem Iran zu verhindern. Wir laden Sie dazu ein, sich mehr und stärker für Abrüstungsverträge einzusetzen. Das wäre nämlich wirklich eine Strategie im Sinne der Bevölkerung in Europa.

 
  
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  Nathan Gill (NI). – Mr President, by a margin of just nine votes, this Parliament today has elected, on a ballot paper with just one candidate on it, Ursula von der Leyen, a Euro-fanatic basically given the job by backroom deals, who is adamant that no matter what the question, the answer is always ‘more Europe’. She is open about her desire to build an EU army yet says that we will be committed to NATO. Well, which one is it? Because you cannot serve two masters.

The UK must never surrender its sovereignty, which includes its armed forces. Boris Johnson and the Tories, be warned. If you give up our armed forces to an EU army, the people’s army of the British electorate will punish you at the ballot box.

 
  
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  Dubravka Šuica (PPE). – Poštovani predsjedavajući, poštovana gospođo Mogherini, drago mi je da će ova rasprava o globalnoj strategiji obilježiti početak rada ovog saziva Parlamenta.

Ja podržavam svaki sustav i svaki svjetski poredak koji se temelji na međunarodnom pravu i na poštivanju ljudskih prava i, naravno, održivom razvoju. Stoga, jedino što moramo zaključiti da svijet danas nažalost nije u boljem stanju nego što je bio 2016. godine, ali ukoliko iskoristimo sve multilateralne platforme, kao što ovaj sporazum kaže, i ako ih implementiramo, sigurna sam da možemo osigurati mir i stabilnost.

Dakle, moramo iskoristiti globalnu strategiju, koja je kao što smo već rekli, kompas za vanjsku akciju u svijetu. Sigurno da politička volja je važna i da se s njome mogu ostvariti rezultati, potrebna je veća razina suradnje, potrebna su veća partnerstva, a znate svi da građani od nas ovdje očekuju jaču Europu, ali ne samo građani Europe nego i ostatak svijeta.

Nažalost, europski projekt se često dovodi u pitanje, a mi moramo osigurati mir, demokraciju i blagostanje. Samo kao odgovor gospodinu, demokracija je inače, njezina definicija, jedan glas više.

 
  
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  Isabel Santos (S&D). – Senhor Presidente, ao assinalar os três anos da Estratégia Global da União Europeia felicito a Sra. Mogherini pela sua implementação. A aposta no multilateralismo por parte da União Europeia constitui um ponto forte e quero destacar alguns dos muitos pontos de sucesso desta estratégia: os programas nos campos da segurança e da defesa e da parceria reforçada, a pesca, o acordo de associação e investimento com a Ucrânia, o apoio ao processo de paz na Colômbia, entre outros.

Mas não posso deixar de falar sobre uma área na qual ainda há muito a fazer. O chamado “eixo interno-externo” nas migrações, que produziu alguns resultados com programas como a Operação Sofia, está claramente em falta. Como podemos falar de direitos humanos quando continuamos a permitir que milhares de pessoas morram nas nossas fronteiras porque alguns dos nossos Estados se recusam a cumprir as regras internacionais de asilo? Como podemos continuar a ser cúmplices da tensão de tantos migrantes em centros de detenção na Líbia, onde são sujeitos à tortura e a tratamentos desumanos?

Para terminar, como é que a Estratégia Global pode ajudar a fazer, na União Europeia, o que já consegue realizar em muitos outros lugares?

 
  
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  Ilhan Kyuchyuk (Renew). – Mr President, I would like to thank the High Representative for her constant presence and active participation in this Chamber, and indeed, in discussing the EU Global Strategy: what has been achieved in protecting and promoting the multilateral rules-based order.

The EU has invested significant political capital in turning the strategy vision into concrete action, especially in terms of the progress made on European defence and security. Unfortunately, we are still witnessing numerous ongoing conflicts and, in many cases, our efforts to pursue peace and security remain unsuccessful. From Syria to Libya, from Venezuela to Iran, the EU must build the right consensus in order to find sustainable solutions to these ongoing crises.

Furthermore, the EU should not turn a blind eye to those who share our values and want to be part of our family. The strategy recognises the progress made by the Western Balkans – the Prespa Agreement and judicial reform in Albania – but much more has to be done to reconfirm the EU perspective for the region and to foster the integration process.

 
  
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  Lars Patrick Berg (ID). – Herr Präsident, werte Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Frau Mogherini! In der „Kunst des Krieges“ schrieb der chinesische General und Philosoph Sun Tsu „Halte deine Pläne undurchdringlich, dunkel wie die tiefste Nacht, und wenn du dich bewegst, falle wie ein Blitz“.

Ich glaube, dass die globale Strategie den ersten Teil dieses Ratschlags umfasst, aber in Bezug auf den zweiten Teil offensichtlich scheitert. Die globale Strategie ist ein wohlklingendes Dokument voller ehrgeiziger Ziele. Es ist nicht der Inhalt, der mich bewegt oder beschäftigt, es ist die Frage der praktischen Umsetzung. Seit Einführung der globalen Strategie ist die Welt unübersichtlicher geworden, aber ich frage mich, ob die Strategie uns dabei hilft, einige der kritischen Herausforderungen überhaupt zu lösen.

Unsere Außenpolitik scheint uns mit Russland und den Vereinigten Staaten in Konflikt zu bringen. Bei den letzten Europawahlen war es offensichtlich, dass ein erheblicher Teil der europäischen Wähler Besorgnis über das hohe Ausmaß der Migration zum Ausdruck brachte, und doch scheint diese Strategie die Probleme nur noch zu verschärfen. Deshalb lassen Sie uns eine reaktionsschnelle Strategie entwickeln, die auf den Interessen der Mitgliedstaaten basiert. Lassen Sie uns darauf hinarbeiten, dass unsere Beziehungen zu wichtigen Akteuren wie Russland und den USA gedeihen. Lassen Sie uns eine Realpolitik des 21. Jahrhunderts entwickeln.

 
  
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  David McAllister (PPE). – Mr President, three years later the five priorities the EU Global Strategy outlined in 2016 remain valid: the security of Europe itself; a stable neighbourhood; an integrated approach to conflicts; cooperative regional orders; and an effective global governance.

Like other speakers, in particular, I welcome the increased defence cooperation between the EU Member States and the steps taken to increase our military autonomy. Still, the overall implementation of the strategy leaves room for improvement undoubtedly, but for a stronger and more coherent common foreign and security policy, the EU must among other points firstly better combine policies and tools ranging from diplomacy, security and defence, to finance, trade development and human rights. Secondly, we need to strengthen the coherence, effectiveness and the flexibility of our external financing instruments. And thirdly, we need to move to qualified majority voting in specific areas of the Common Foreign and Security Policy.

I’m thankful that the new Commission President Ursula von der Leyen mentioned the latter point in her speech this morning, and I would like to thank Federica Mogherini for the good work she has done on this Global Strategy.

 
  
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  Brando Benifei (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, mentre Lei, signora Alto rappresentante, prosegue il Suo importante lavoro in un contesto internazionale di grande incertezza, emergono elementi inquietanti sull'intenzione da parte di persone vicinissime alla Lega di Matteo Salvini, partito al governo di un paese fondatore come l'Italia, di stringere rapporti con incontri e presunti finanziamenti occulti con Mosca.

La strategia globale ha rappresentato la cornice fondamentale di un'azione esterna incisiva basata sulla resilienza, sulla centralità del diritto internazionale, sulla difesa comune europea, sull'autonomia strategica, pur nel solco della NATO. Ora siamo chiamati a una scelta: proseguire verso questa autonomia o soccombere a potenze sempre più assertive e molto meno attente ai nostri valori fondamentali.

Sulla base della gravità degli elementi emersi in Italia, ma non solo, credo sia necessario, nel solco del lavoro da Lei già avviato con la task force StratCom, istituire una vera e propria commissione d'inchiesta sui contatti di partiti europei di estrema destra con Mosca per accertarne eventuali finanziamenti occulti e finalità politiche. Non possiamo più sottovalutare quella che si sta configurando come una vera e propria minaccia all'ordine comunitario e alla sua collocazione internazionale.

 
  
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  Bernard Guetta (Renew). – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Haute représentante, malgré de remarquables efforts qui vous honorent et plusieurs succès dont il faut vous féliciter, la diplomatie européenne peine à prendre le pas sur les différentes diplomaties nationales ou même à les égaler en poids sur la scène internationale. Cela pose un vrai problème à l’heure où l’Union européenne ne semble plus loin de jeter les bases d’une défense commune exigeant une vision commune de nos intérêts, de notre place dans le monde et des menaces et dangers auxquels nous devons faire face.

Vous semble-t-il, dans ces conditions, que l’administration que vous venez de conduire pourrait se fixer comme tâches prioritaires de définir, premièrement, les objectifs à moyen et long terme d’une diplomatie européenne, deuxièmement, les moyens d’une convergence et, troisièmement, les étapes qu’elle demanderait?

Je vous remercie de votre réponse.

 
  
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  Francisco José Millán Mon (PPE). – Señor presidente, la estrategia de seguridad puso de manifiesto la importancia de una Unión Europea activa en el plano exterior. El aislamiento para Europa no es una opción. El mundo de hoy es globalizado, complejo, interconectado y multipolar. Los europeos por separado seríamos casi irrelevantes. Unidos somos más fuertes, pero nuestra política exterior común necesita —como usted decía, señora alta representante— voluntad política, es decir, profunda convicción de que es mejor actuar conjuntamente.

Y, lamentablemente, en la Europa de hoy aumentan la fragmentación y la división, y la toma de decisiones también se ralentiza por ello, y tenemos que añadir, además, el obstáculo de la unanimidad.

La buena noticia, estos años, es el importante progreso en la política de defensa. Como muchos veníamos reclamando en un mundo tan complejo, con tantos conflictos, crisis, tensiones, la Unión Europea no puede ser solamente un poder blando. Sin perjuicio de nuestros importantes vínculos con la OTAN, los europeos debemos seguir desarrollando, reforzando nuestra dimensión de defensa.

 
  
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  Marina Kaljurand (S&D). – Mr President, first of all, I would like to thank the High Representative for her remarks and her commitment. I would like to draw her attention to one of the focus areas of the global strategy: cybersecurity. Cyber is here to stay, and cyber challenges are the new reality. It is of the utmost importance to tackle cyber threats while maintaining an open, free and safe cyberspace.

The EU has taken several important steps, including cybersecurity strategy, cyber diplomacy toolbox, cyber exercises and bilateral dialogues, but a lot has to be done. I would like to emphasise three points. Firstly, the EU should be more active globally, acting as the leading force and voice in cybersecurity discussions and actions. Secondly, the EU should be more vocal in promoting law and rules-based cyberspace, promoting, in particular, the applicability of international law to cyber. And finally, the EU should be vocal on inclusiveness, a multistakeholder model, listening to others and cooperating with other actors.

 
  
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  Urmas Paet (Renew). – Mr President, while there are numerous issues on which the European Union must play a greater role in the world – be it the United Nations Security Council reform, climate change, supporting the International Criminal Court, or arms control agreements – there are many challenges within the European Union itself that need to be tackled to enable the EU to be efficient in its role.

The EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy has been considerably strengthened since this topic was first addressed in the EU Global Strategy a few years ago, but more needs to be done. Expansion and better functioning of the Permanent Structured Cooperation, the European Defence Fund and so on. This applies also to cyberspace and cybersecurity. Unfortunately, climate change is also affecting regions that have so far remained calm, like the Arctic, but the EU needs to invest more of its focus and develop a strategy to keep a lid on tensions in the Arctic.

 
  
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  Željana Zovko (PPE). – Mr President and esteemed High Representative, I welcome the Implementation Report of the EU Global Strategy. It reminds us of the relevance of having a coherent and credible foreign policy, and it outlines our common achievements in the recent years.

Most importantly, it provides us with an overview of these matters we still need to invest in. Given the recent developments in the volatile international environment, the European Union, more than ever before, needs an ambitious implementation of this strategy.

In order to keep up with the changes and challenges that we are facing, this strategy must aim to establish an international order based on justice. It will help us to share our values, together with our interests across the world, in order to create a more balanced approach to multilateralism.

I strongly welcome the action taken to improve the relations with our southern and eastern neighbours. We must focus on the cooperation with these regions, in particular, with the Western Balkans where established peace and security should not be taken for granted. Stronger interaction and a clear path towards accession is vital for the peace and security in this region, as well as for Europe as a whole.

 
  
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  Tonino Picula (S&D). – Mr President, Madam High Representative, a lot has been done, but the biggest achievement of the last three years is the building of European defence. We mainly owe it to you, so I would like to start by thanking you for the important work. We have achieved more in a few years than in decades. A proof that when there is a political will and unity, we can do a lot.

We have done a series of steps towards making European defence more efficient. It is about maximising resources and better protecting our citizens, while reasserting the European Union’s role in the world. The importance of the Iran nuclear agreement is beyond any statement here, and we must do our utmost to preserve it. I would also like to mention and praise the Prespa agreement – another remarkable achievement where the European Union played a crucial role. I do hope the Council will honour it and start negotiations with North Macedonia and Albania this year.

Finally, when it comes to the role of the European Union in the world, we cannot avoid bringing up the importance of the multilateral order. We have to do more to preserve our past achievements and to step up our efforts for the future. The good trend has to continue, supported with adequate resources that will be allocated for this particular purpose. Europe is – and must stay relevant because it is a strong and credible soft power. As the first humanitarian assistance provider, it has the means to act and protect peace, in cooperation with our allies. It is helping to create and preserve the conditions for peace and human dignity in many places of the world.

 
  
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  Александър Йорданов (PPE). – г-н Председател, уважаема г-жо Могерини, Руската федерация продължава да бъде заплаха не само за българската национална сигурност, но и за съюзната сигурност. Окупираният Крим се превръща във военен плацдарм за агресия. Руската хибридна война формира антиевропейски настроения и провокира единството на Европейския съюз и НАТО в сферата на сигурността и отбраната.

За Европейската сигурност са особено важни граничните региони. Необходимо е ускоряване на европейската интеграция на Западните Балкани, но искрено се надявам, че в Съюза ще бъдат приети само държави – членове на НАТО, и това е важно послание към Република Сърбия. Политиката на разширяване трябва да има трансформираща сила.

Завършвам с предложението в Глобалната стратегия да бъде подчертана връзката между членството в НАТО на държавите от Западните Балкани и тяхното приемане в нашия съюз.

 
  
 

Procedura "catch the eye"

 
  
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  Neena Gill (S&D). – Mr President, High Representative, I welcome the broad emphasis of the third progress report. A greater unity in the EU on foreign matters is essential, because that will lead us to be on equal footing with other global powers.

But there are many challenges ahead of us, which you have clearly outlined. Yes, we need more cooperation on security matters, but we also have a real job of work to do in terms of protecting multilateralism. Reforming the international organisation system is key, but for me, above all, sustainable development really has to be part of this strategy – and it is a security issue.

It is also of the utmost importance in terms of global strategy that the EU looks beyond Europe much more in this mandate, especially at China, which is a serious threat to multilateralism and is being more and more aggressive on the global stage in Africa, in the Pacific and elsewhere, as the US is retreating from international organisation.

It really is important that we look at this. At the same time, we need to involve, India, Japan, Canada, Australia, much more in our focus, because they are defenders of multilateralism and they share our values. I will submit my question to you in writing.

 
  
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  Martin Horwood (Renew). – Mr President, we British Liberal Democrats and our allies in this Parliament believe the European Union is the most important peace project in European history, but it is not just European peace that we have to promote. We have been, and must be, champions of a rules-based international order of cooperation, of trust, of collaboration worldwide, and that rules-based international order is under threat as never before.

Yes, because of the militaristic posturing of China; yes, because of the actions of Mr Putin’s Russia, closer to home; but also increasingly through the dangerously unreliable and inconsistent behaviour of our ally the USA, exemplified by Donald Trump’s rejection of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action on Iran, signed by the EU, of course, alongside Iran and other global players. Donald Trump is endangering peace, and by undermining this deal is effectively promoting nuclear proliferation. So it has never been more important for the European Union to play a robustly positive role in promoting dialogue and reconciliation in place of conflict in general – and, very specifically, robustly defending this deal.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 171(8))

 
  
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  Robert Rowland (NI), blue-card question. – Mr President, I would like to ask Mr Horwood this question: is he prepared to compromise the structures of deterrence that NATO has provided for the past 70 years to ensure peace not only in Europe but also around the world, and why on earth would he jeopardise that most important transatlantic relationship?

 
  
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  Martin Horwood (Renew), blue-card answer. – Nobody in the European Union, and certainly not High Representative Mogherini, has questioned the efficacy of NATO or the importance of NATO. It is because we want an integrated response to the threats in this increasingly dangerous world that we need both structured European defence cooperation and also collaboration through NATO. The person who has questioned NATO is actually Donald Trump, who is closer to your party’s beliefs and ideas of populism and nationalism than anyone in this Parliament, in my view.

 
  
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  Juan Fernando López Aguilar (S&D). – Mr President, I would like to say this to High Representative Mogherini: just today, this Parliament voted for Ursula von der Leyen as the new President of the Commission, which means that your term will be coming to an end after the summer, and you are expected to be replaced by Josep Borrell, an experienced foreign minister, as you were when you came to office. I want to salute you for your devotion, for your endeavours, for your delivery, and for your stance on the EU Global Strategy.

In Spanish we have a saying that, when it comes to strategy, we don’t explain it, we implement it! And if there is a field in which the European Union needs to implement a global strategy, that is Africa. On environmental, human rights, demographic and migration issues, we need the European Union to go global in relation to Africa. That means that if the European Union did not exist we would have to invent it. And if the European Union is not meaningful in relation to Africa, we need to make that happen and give it a chance to be globally relevant.

 
  
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  Julie Ward (S&D). – Mr President, I wish to set the record straight regarding rubbish iterated by right—wing, anti—EU nationalists. Firstly, the shameful Islamophobic rant of Swedish MEP Weimers demonstrates pure ignorance. In 2017, I met with British Embassy officials in Kenya who informed me of crucial EU support that prevents al—Shabaab Islamic extremists from moving across the border with Somalia, effectively preventing them from reaching Europe. I’m glad that, collectively, we train and pay the stipends of local border security. The British officials who told me this were horrified by the prospect of Brexit, as it undermines global and national security.

Secondly, Brexit MEP Nathan Gill pretends to be a patriotic champion for the British armed forces. He is no such thing, as the ‘Veterans for the EU’ campaign group will confirm. Their experience serving around the world in conflict zones, working alongside EU partners, has provoked them to join the huge patriotic campaign to keep the UK in the EU for the sake of global peace and security, and I commend them for it.

 
  
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  Mick Wallace (GUE/NGL). – Mr President, over the past 18 years the US regime and its Western supporters have caused untold destruction in many parts of the world, such as Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, Libya, Palestine and Yemen.

There is no argument for their actions and Europe has been unfortunately too silent and afraid to condemn them. There is no argument whatsoever for these wars. And now we have the build-up of aggression against Iran. We have the sanctions against Iran, which is a form of warfare – one of the worst forms of warfare today.

And what is Europe doing about it? Do you want Saudi Arabia and Israel to push the US into war with Iran? Why don’t you end the sanctions? Bring Iran back into the international community. Iran wants peace, not war!

 
  
 

(Fine della procedura "catch the eye")

 
  
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  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Mr President, let me first of all thank not only those of you that appreciated the global strategy that was presented, but also Parliament for its contribution of three years ago and the work we’ve done together with the previous Parliament to start to implement it. I would also like to thank those of you that have underlined the need to, in one sense, sustain and consolidate this work, but also to be consistent on those decisions.

Let me start with probably the most immediate task you will have in front of you, if you want to be consistent on the need to have a solid, reliable, credible, global player in our European Union. That is what some of you have mentioned: put the money where your priorities are.

One of the first responsibilities this Parliament will have is the MFF, and let me say – just to mention a few numbers – that the proposal we’ve made for the next MFF, from the Commission side, is to increase the funds for the external action of the European Union by more or less 30%. This is needed in times of uncertainty in the world, because our partners look at Europe to find a reliable, credible partner that is predictable, someone you can cooperate with, someone that invests always in peace, democracy, human rights and cooperation. But this sometimes also requires adequate resources to sustain this work around the world.

So I hope that you will work in this direction in these next months. In particular, the proposal we put forward has an increase of 23% for the funds for Africa, and this is very important. We have increased a lot our work with Africa, not only in terms of development or humanitarian aid, but also in terms of partnership, political partnership, and work on peace and security. This work needs to be even more at the centre of our work in the future. 25% of those funds are dedicated to climate change in our proposal, and I really hope that this also can be supported and kept in your discussions on the next MFF.

I won’t comment on the situation in Iran, because we will have a dedicated discussion later tonight – for those of you that are willing to spend the night in the Hemicycle – on the security situation around the Gulf. But let me stress, and you know already how important it is for all of us, collectively, to find a way to preserve the nuclear deal with Iran and also to avoid any escalation, and rather to de-escalate or to help actors to de-escalate around the Gulf. It is a vital interest of security concern for the European Union.

As I mentioned climate change and climate action and diplomacy, let me also say that one of the other priorities clearly indicated in our work is the work on cyber-security. Security is not only military, it has also a much broader definition. We know that well, and also in that field there are some actions proposed – in the strategy, in the review of the strategy and the report on the strategy – that can be carried forward successfully in the future.

Let me also mention three other points. Firstly, some of you mentioned the need to have a credible enlargement policy. I personally believe, and this Commission believes, that giving a credible perspective for enlargement in the Western Balkans – to me even the word enlargement is not the appropriate one, because if you look at the geography, the Balkans, the Western Balkan countries, are all neighbouring European Union Member States – is a matter of the reconciliation and unity of our continent. It is also a matter of reconciliation in the region. I believe that, in particular, opening accession negotiations with North Macedonia and Albania is timely now, and I hope that the Council will take that decision in the coming months, and not later than that. It is an investment in our own security, stability, prosperity.

I also see room for improvement on the work on migration. We have debated this here in this Hemicycle in the previous legislature several times. Some of you mentioned the good work that I started to do in Operation Sophia. On the external aspects of our migration policies, we have done a lot of good work. When I arrived five years ago, migration was not part of the external work of the Union at all. It was only an internal aspect of our policies. In these five years, we have established good partnerships with the countries of origin and transit. We have now 26 return agreements in place. We have good cooperation with the UN agencies – IOM and UNHCR in particular – and we have at the same time a sustainable and humane approach with our partners on the external side of migration.

If I have one regret, it is that Operation Sophia, which managed to have a successful beginning in countering traffickers, seizing their vessels, arresting traffickers, saving lives at sea and implementing the arms embargo on Libya. I only regret that our Member States at the Council decided to withdraw the naval assets from the Mediterranean. Having a naval operation without naval assets does not give too much credibility to our actions. So I really hope that there will be some developments in the coming weeks and months that could restore our presence at sea in the moment when this is most needed – both for the security situation in Libya, but also for having an effective fight against the trafficking networks across the Mediterranean.

Last, but not least, some of you mentioned some criticisms, more preoccupations, worries, on the risk of having a militarisation of the European Union security and foreign policy. Let me say this very clearly: the European Union way to security is never, never, never an aggressive one.

The European Union is, as some of you have said, the peace project that has been the most successful in history – at least in recent history. We’ve managed to overcome our own conflicts and crises and, on the basis of that experience, we are trying to help our partners, we are trying to accompany our partners, in their search for peace and democracy and human rights.

I see on a daily basis what the European Union military men and women, as well as police and civilian security forces, do in our missions and operations. What we do is support the democratic institutions of our partner countries to build institutions that deal with security and defence – be they the armies or the security forces on the civilian side – and accompany UN peacekeeping missions trying to establish peace and functioning institutions in the field of security and defence in very difficult circumstances.

I just last week visited our missions and operations in countries as difficult as Mali, Niger and the Central African Republic. Were it not for the European Union men and women in uniform, these countries would face probably much, much worse conditions on the ground in security terms.

So the work we do is never to kill – that is taken for granted. It is never to play an aggressive part in a conflict. On the contrary, some of you mentioned the strategic autonomy element we are trying to develop, which is intended to be able to autonomously play the role of peace builder that this world really needs.

So I hope that this compass, as we call it, can also be useful to navigate in the difficult times you will most likely face – I hope not – in the five years of your mandate. I really count on you to work together, to work together with the other institutions, and to make the best use of it.

 
  
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  Presidente. – La discussione è chiusa.

Dichiarazioni scritte (articolo 171)

 
  
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  Karol Karski (ECR), na piśmie. –Trzy lata po przyjęciu globalnej strategii UE wysoka przedstawiciel Federica Mogherini wymienia osiągnięte sukcesy oraz postępy w różnych aspektach tego ambitnego programu. Niektóre z nich są niewątpliwe i należy im przyklasnąć, jak choćby zacieśnianie stosunków z częścią krajów Partnerstwa Wschodniego lub zwiększenie ilości obszarów, w których podejmowane są wspólne działania z NATO.

Z drugiej jednak strony są też zapisy, które budzą niepokój. Będąc przy Sojuszu Północnoatlantyckim: zastanawia zbyt częste powoływanie się na konieczność zapewnienia „strategicznej autonomii UE” bez dokładnego zdefiniowania, co się kryje za tą frazą. W sytuacji bowiem, gdy 22 państwa członkowskie należą jednocześnie do NATO, budowa alternatywnych unijnych struktur wojskowych, w tym dowodzenia, może prowadzić do osłabienia, a nie wzmocnienia kompatybilności UE i sojuszu.

Dużo miejsca poświęca się również reformie systemu ONZ. W tym miejscu chciałbym podkreślić, że w tym procesie wiodącą rolę mają państwa członkowskie, a nie Unia Europejska. Oczywiście w ramach UE powinniśmy uzgadniać stanowiska w najważniejszych organach i gremiach ONZ – również dotyczące ich przyszłego kształtu – i wspólnie głosować tam, gdzie jest to możliwe. Jednakże sprzeciwiamy się pomysłom zastępowania rządów poszczególnych państw przez Unię, na przykład poprzez przyznanie jej stałego miejsca w Radzie Bezpieczeństwa.

 
Última actualización: 12 de septiembre de 2019Aviso jurídico