Doslovný záznam ze zasedání

Středa, 23. října 2019 - Štrasburk

18. Pátrací a záchranné akce ve Středozemním moři (rozprava)

  Przewodnicząca. – Kolejnym punktem porządku dziennego jest debata nad:

- pytaniem wymagającym odpowiedzi ustnej skierowanym do Rady przez Juana Fernando Lópeza Aguilara w imieniu Komisji Wolności Obywatelskich, Sprawiedliwości i Spraw Wewnętrznych w sprawie poszukiwań i ratownictwa na Morzu Śródziemnym (O-000024/2019 - B9-0052/2019) (2019/2755(RSP)),

- pytaniem wymagającym odpowiedzi ustnej skierowanym do Komisji przez Juana Fernando Lópeza Aguilara w imieniu Komisji Wolności Obywatelskich, Sprawiedliwości i Spraw Wewnętrznych w sprawie poszukiwań i ratownictwa na Morzu Śródziemnym (O-000025/2019 - B9-0053/2019) (2019/2755(RSP)).

Przed rozpoczęciem debaty chciałabym poinformować Państwa, że w celu zgłoszenia się w ramach procedury pytań z sali „niebieskich kartek” można zarówno rejestrować się tak jak dotychczas, jak i korzystać z nowego systemu rejestracji elektronicznej. Dlatego proszę mieć zawsze przy sobie kartę do głosowania. Jeśli chcieliby Państwo zarejestrować się w ramach procedury pytań z sali, proszę to zrobić już teraz, a nie czekać na koniec debaty.

  Juan Fernando López Aguilar, author. – Madam President, I am humbled and honoured to present this draft motion for a resolution on such a sensitive issue: search and rescue in the Mediterranean. I mean it. Search and rescue of human lives in the Mediterranean against the unbearable death toll in the Mediterranean that we have mourned so many times throughout the debates of this plenary session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg.

I’ll make some remarks in English, according to the documents that have been widely circulated throughout the debate within the Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs (LIBE) and then I’ll move into Spanish to make some final statements.

Presenting the case is just recalling the importance of the historic record of the resolutions of this European Parliament, quite a number of them. Every time there has been a tragedy in the Mediterranean – 1000 dead human lives in the Mediterranean only this year – we have mourned them on a regular basis, almost ritually. It is not the case that we ritually deplore this tragedy. It is about time that we bring about change and call on the Commission and the Council for real action on the matter.

This is the aim of this concise resolution that has tried its best to encompass all of the component elements of the rationale behind the different political groups in this House which are willing to spread the message – to reach out to the European citizens – that we actually do care about the necessity to stop this death toll and this tragedy.

So many lives are lost because they don’t have a regular pathway to make it to Europe. That is why they expose themselves to trafficking in human beings and the most unbearable violations of human rights on the other side of the Mediterranean coast, namely, Libya. So we not only make the case for the necessity of enhancing legal pathways, namely humanitarian corridors, but also to call Libya by its name: no safe place, no safe port for disembarkation.

We care about enhancing the capacity to respond of the actual agency, which is Frontex in cooperation with some Member States and also in cooperation with the Libyan coastguard, but we know that people trying to flee from Libya are subject to the Libyan authorities, which deem it to be a criminal offence against the Libyan legal order to try to flee from Libyan territory irregularly when they are not given the chance to make it regularly. That means, in practical terms, that those who are sent back to Libya are subject to the most inhumane violations of their most basic rights. We should not turn a blind eye to that situation.

There is also a very important legal point that has been present on a regular basis in the ongoing discussions and that is the need to stop the criminalisation of NGOs trying to save lives in the Mediterranean and trying to cooperate in the operation of saving lives. Of course we pay respect to the efforts that have been deployed by public authorities, namely, Italy and Spain. They have invested massive public resources, as have the rest of the southern bordering countries of the European Union: Malta and Greece. They spend their own resources to save lives in the Mediterranean, but they have to do it under a European framework, which makes sense at a European level and which is consistent with European law.

By European law I also mean international humanitarian law, which is at stake because international humanitarian principles are part of European law, according to the Lisbon Treaty, which entered into force in 2009, 10 years ago now, along with the Charter of Fundamental Rights, which enshrines in Article 18 the right to seek asylum.

It is 20 years since Tampere, which launched the call for a European space of liberty, justice and security which makes sure that the response towards asylum seekers is a European response, consistent with European values and Europe’s foundations, and this means fairly shared responsibility towards the issue, as in the mandate of Article 80 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union.

All these component elements are in place. What we call on the Commission to do is to do its best with the Council in this new mandate for a fresh start to unblock the asylum package as a whole, to make sure that the Facilitation Directive is reviewed, to stop the criminalisation of NGOs, to open ports for safe disembarkation for those vessels which have saved lives in the sea, according to international humanitarian law, because the Convention on the Law of the Sea, which was codified in Jamaica in 1982, and the conventions on rescue and safety in the seas adopted in the 70s in the last century are still binding on all Member States, as they are binding for the European Union itself. So there has to be a European framework for response which really does make sense.

Finalmente, quiero simplemente señalar la necesidad de que el Parlamento Europeo, en la votación que se celebrará mañana jueves, muestre la misma voluntad de marcar su mensaje propio ante el Consejo y la Comisión que mostró en resoluciones anteriores, notablemente en la Resolución que adoptó el concepto de «holistic approach», una visión comprensiva ante la migración y el asilo que lleva la firma de sus ponentes en aquel momento: la señora Metsola, del Partido Popular, y la señora Kyenge, del Grupo Socialista. En aquella Resolución importante se lanzó un mensaje humanitario y de compromiso de cambio. Queda todavía pendiente, como quedó pendiente el mandato que adoptó este Parlamento en la legislatura anterior de acabar con la criminalización de las ONG, modificando la «Facilitation Directive».

Este es el mensaje que quería compartir y agradeceré el voto de todos los grupos parlamentarios que estén dispuestos a renovar ese mensaje ante la Comisión y el Consejo en su nuevo mandato.

  Tytti Tuppurainen, President-in-Office of the Council. – Madam President, let me start by saying that the migratory situation in the Mediterranean remains of concern. However, we should also note that it has improved significantly over the past years. According to Frontex, in 2018 around 137 000 irregular migrants crossed the Mediterranean Sea on one of the three main routes. This year so far, we have had 105 000 arrivals, which is 20% down from last year.

Equally important is that, although any death is one too many, the number of deaths at sea in 2019 has dropped by 44% since 2018, a figure which can be attributed to the decrease in departures and increased search and rescue activities and capabilities of the Libyan Coast Guard. By the beginning of October this year, 688 people were known to have lost their lives while attempting to cross the sea via this route. This is obviously a tragedy, even if there is some progress.

The United Nations Refugee Agency estimates that in 2018 the Libyan Coast Guard rescued or intercepted nearly 15 000 migrants at sea. Even though the security situation in Libya has worsened in 2019, the Coast Guard has continued operating, rescuing 7 100 people at sea. These numbers reflect the important contribution of the EU to act and reduce fatalities at sea. In Libya in particular, assistance has been of paramount importance owing to the lack of resources of the Libyan State to provide for migrants. EUR 91.3 million were granted to support the Libyan Coast Guard and to support the development of Libya’s own Maritime Rescue Coordination Centre. Operation Sophia has provided training for a total of 355 coastguard personnel so far, and the European Asylum Support Office has provided training on access to the asylum procedure.

Despite three EU joint operations in the Mediterranean Sea having saved more than 478 100 lives since the beginning of operations, and assistance to improve migrant conditions on land in North African countries, there is no denying that the overall situation regarding search and rescue operations is unsatisfactory. There is a lack of responsibility-sharing under the International Law of the Sea and we need a greater predictability of search and rescue operations. We need to strengthen cooperation and coordination on search and rescue with our North African partners.

This is not an EU responsibility alone. International Maritime Law applies to all States, and coastal States have specific responsibilities.

In order to enable our partners to carry out these responsibilities, we offer additional support for the North African States – including Morocco, Tunisia, Egypt and Algeria – in migration management, including carrying out search and rescue activities and disembarkation under international law.

As you know, Italy’s migration and asylum policy has recently changed, with Italy now again permitting NGO vessels to dock in its ports. Italy also intends to revise its policies regarding the seizure of NGO boats and on fines for ships bringing migrants to Italy without permission.

To address the ad hoc handling of the arrival of migrants via the Mediterranean, four Member States have been working since this summer on a common solution. On 23 September, a joint declaration setting out a mechanism which could replace the current approach with a more coordinated and efficient one was agreed by France, Germany, Italy and Malta.

Since then, a few other Member States have agreed to participate and others are invited to join. We need to see how this new approach works in practice. I am convinced that if the mechanism proves smooth and efficient this will be the best incentive for others to join.

Those Member States which previously took part in voluntary relocations from Italy and Malta have started to look at the common practice which was already developed with the help of the Commission and the agencies, and are now discussing standard operating procedures. However, even if such a mechanism worked efficiently, it cannot itself be our ultimate aim. We need to find a long-term solution to these situations, but also to the whole of the common European Asylum System. In line with the invitation from the European Council in the new Strategic Agenda, we need a sustainable solution based on solidarity and fair sharing of responsibility.

Such a system has to work well, both in normal situations and in times of crisis. It needs to guarantee protection to the people in need, prevent secondary movements and be more effective in returning those who do not have the right to stay in the EU. During our Presidency term, we have tried to promote strategic and forward-looking discussions on the most pressing challenges. We are, together with the Member States, trying to look at the key issues at stake from a broader perspective and in a comprehensive way. We believe this could help us rebuild a climate of trust in the spirit of cooperation between Member States and, at the same time, feed into the new Commission’s programme. That being said, the continuation of the work on the legislative proposals will depend on the way the new Commission will reassess and reconsider the texts that are on the table.

Regarding the issue of criminalisation of organisations providing humanitarian assistance, the role of NGOs in search and rescue operations cannot be overlooked. As the Chair of the Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs (LIBE) stated in his question, and as the European Parliament reminds us in its resolution of July 2018, we need to recognise their role in saving lives at sea.

The EU Action Plan against migrant smuggling stresses the need to ensure that appropriate criminal sanctions are in place, while avoiding the risk of criminalisation of those who provide humanitarian assistance to migrants in distress. I understand the new Commission will take a close look at the facilitation framework and possibly come up with the requested guidelines for Member States to prevent humanitarian assistance from being criminalised. In addition, we need to further consolidate our efforts to tackle smuggling networks in a comprehensive way. This remains of key importance.

  Johannes Hahn, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, thanks to the progress achieved over the past four years to implement a comprehensive migration policy. I think there are significant developments which we can really comment on in a very positive way together. The migration situation across all roads has returned to pre-crisis levels, with arrivals since September 2019 around 90% lower than in September 2015. However, the situation is volatile and we must remain fully mobilised to anticipate any upcoming challenges.

While the number of lives lost in the Mediterranean has been falling, it’s still too high. Each life lost represents an individual tragedy that’s a stark reminder that we need to do more. I am therefore glad to have the opportunity to discuss today the important issue of search and rescue in the Mediterranean. Saving lives has always been a priority of the Commission. Since 2015, four EU operations have helped to rescue nearly 730 000 people at sea. Of these four operations, three – Themis, Poseidon and Indalo – coordinated by the European Border and Coast Guard, continue to be fully operational. As regards the fourth operation, Sophia, Member States agreed to its continuation only on the condition that the development of its naval assets be temporarily suspended, a solution which is far from optimal and not sustainable.

Our commitment to save lives doesn’t start when people are on the boats and at our borders. Our comprehensive strategy to prevent irregular migration flows also includes measures to assist migrants in third countries before they embark on a dangerous journey and to prevent the activities of smugglers.

When talking about search and rescue, one should not forget that this remains a merely national competence which our Member States exercise on the basis of the international law of the sea. The EU as such has no power to coordinate search and rescue activities, and for the same reason we also have no right or duty to indicate the ports of disembarkations. These talks lie within the remit of the national coordination authorities that are bound under international law by the duty to render assistance to persons or vessels in distress at sea.

This brings me to your question on the forms of facilitation which should not be criminalised. Let me reiterate one more time – no form of genuine assistance to migrants, be it those in distress at sea or those in a state of necessity on EU territory, should be criminalised under European Union law. But those involved in search and rescue operations must comply with relevant international rules. EU legislation on the facilitation of unauthorised entry, transit and residence does not require Member States to criminalise genuine assistance to migrants. On the contrary, it provides for the possibility to exempt this type of contact from criminalisation under national law.

That being said, the Commission’s evaluation of the EU’s legal framework, carried out in 2017, has acknowledged that there is a lack of clarity in the implementation of the humanitarian exemption clause in the Member States. As a result of this, the evaluation has recognised the need for Member States to have a dialogue with NGOs to facilitate cooperation, clarify context and address the concerns related to criminalisation. Also, the Commission has started to engage with civil society to gather more evidence and foster dialogue on the implementation of the existing rules. The last meeting between civil society and Commissioner services on this matter took place on 1 October this year. The results of the engagement and dialogue with civil society will feed into the reflection of the next Commission.

Despite all these limitations, the Commission is working tirelessly to find a solution to the distribution of people rescued at sea, in accordance with the principle of solidarity and the fair sharing of responsibility.

At the request of Member States, the Commission has played an active role in the relocation process following 15 disembarkation incidents. On these 15 occasions over 1 100 disembarked people were transferred to other Member States and to Norway. To date, around 750 people, of which the vast majority disembarked during the last two months, remain to be transferred, but pledges have already been given by Member States that they will do so. 15 Member States, namely Belgium, Finland, France, Germany, Ireland, Italy, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, the Netherlands, Portugal, Romania, Slovenia, Bulgaria and Spain, as well as Norway, have participated in these exercises. I would like to underline that in each case this has been preceded by an active coordination role of the Commission at the highest level, with Member States willing to demonstrate solidarity through relocation. It is thanks to these efforts that we have managed to overcome difficulties encountered in deciding where a particular vessel should be disembarked.

The Commission has strongly encouraged Member States to agree on temporary arrangements following disembarkation. Therefore, we have welcomed the progress achieved at the end of September in Malta concerning a temporary solidarity mechanism between Germany, France, Italy and Malta. The Malta Joint Declaration was submitted for the consideration of all EU ministers at the recent Justice and Home Affairs Council and further discussions will continue at both the political and technical levels. To this end, a first technical meeting between those Member States taking part in relocation to discuss operational issues took place on 11 October, with the participation of certain Member States and Norway, as well as EU agencies. This is, for the beginning, I would say, a good sign. Work will continue on this basis. At the same time all these arrangements can only be an intermediary step towards a structural reform of the asylum and migration system. That is why work on the reform of the common European asylum system and of the Return Directive, but also on the implementation of all legislation adopted to strengthen the protection of our external borders, coupled with strong partnership with key third countries on each migratory route, needs to be pushed forward.

  Lena Düpont, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin, werte Kollegen! Menschen in Seenot zu retten, ist unsere rechtliche und unsere humanitäre Verpflichtung. Daran gibt es keinen Zweifel. Deswegen haben wir uns auch nach bestem Wissen und Gewissen an den Verhandlungen über die Entschließung beteiligt.

Was wir aber nicht wollen, ist, ein Modell zu schaffen, das Schmugglern und Menschenhändlern in die Hände spielt, das dieses zynische Geschäftsmodell auch noch unterstützt, anstatt es zu bekämpfen. Denn wir müssen uns eines klarmachen: Fluchtursachen entstehen nicht auf See, sondern an Land. Was wir daher brauchen: ein auf Völkerrecht und EU-Recht basierendes Verfahren zur Seenotrettung, an das sich alle Akteure halten. Wir brauchen ernst gemeinte und intensivierte Gespräche mit Herkunfts- und Transitstaaten, sowohl was die Bleibeperspektiven für die Menschen vor Ort angeht, als auch über den gemeinsamen Kampf gegen organisierte Kriminalität. Wir brauchen eine klare Unterscheidung in der Asyl- und Migrationspolitik zwischen Flüchtlingen und Wirtschaftsmigration. Wir brauchen humanitäre Korridore in sichere Drittstaaten für Menschen, die vor Krieg und Gewalt fliehen. Diese Länder verdienen unsere Unterstützung.

All das spricht die Entschließung bisher nicht in dem Maße an, in dem wir es gerne gehabt hätten. All das brauchen wir aber, um unser oberstes Ziel zu erreichen: Menschen davon abzuhalten, sich auf diese gefährlichen und im schlimmsten Fall tödlichen Fluchtwege zu begeben. Nur so können wir mehr Menschenleben retten.

  Claude Moraes, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Madam President, the ongoing situation in the Mediterranean, where lives are lost and the European values that we speak about are being challenged every day, requires us to act. I think the chair of the Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs (LIBE) has had a very difficult task in trying to bring together Members of this House on this Resolution. But essentially, what he has done is to address both the Commission and the Member States on some key points, because it is quite concrete in the end: either we do something or we don’t. And we are doing this at the beginning of the new Commission, as the Commissioner said.

So let’s be very clear: we can get around some of these things that would show our humanitarian effort and understand that we have some values here in the Mediterranean. We repeatedly called on the Commission to issue guidelines specifying which forms of facilitation should not be criminalised. In our Resolution, we call on the Commission to finally adopt those guidelines by the end of this year. I know the new Commission will only take office at the beginning of December, but the Asylum Package is frozen, as has been said. But there is a lot of work to be done to take this proactive approach.

Operationally, we need more information and transparency on Frontex’s activities at sea, as well as on the funds and material support that are provided by the EU and its Member States to the border and coast guards in third countries, including Libya, Turkey, Egypt and Morocco. Fundamental rights, the principle of non-refoulement and the principle of disembarkation in a place of safety have to be respected.

Finally, Member States should step up their moral and legal obligations to save lives at sea and adopt a proactive approach to search and rescue, making use of all available vessels, and to cooperate and support NGOs in their efforts. Essentially, the Resolution addresses, on the one hand, what the Commission can do and what the new Commission can do, and then the Member States, because for the Member States, this blame game, which is simply not demonstrating our values but passing around the blame, will continue to drain our resources, but ultimately it will require us to make difficult decisions: difficult decisions which ultimately will be the right moral decisions in the Mediterranean, but also sustainable decisions and proactive ones. This resolution should be supported. My Group is asking for the maximum amount of support to show that we have the European values that we want to demonstrate in the Mediterranean, and I hope it gains maximum support.

  Sophia in ‘t Veld, on behalf of the Renew Group. – Madam President, Madam Minister, Commissioner, I would like to start by saying every life matters. Every life matters. And when we’re talking about numbers of people drowning in the Mediterranean, we’re talking about individuals – people who came into the world one day, and their parents had hope for them. And those people are now dead at the bottom of the Mediterranean. They are people like you and I, so that is something we shouldn’t forget.

The second thing I would like to remind us of is that this resolution is on search and rescue. This is not on adopting a comprehensive asylum package because that’s been blocked in the Council, as we all know. This House has done its homework. We are ready. But we cannot wait until the asylum package has been adopted. As there are people drowning, we simply have to make sure that there is sufficient capacity in the Mediterranean.

And the point is that if the EU, if the Member States, are leaving a gap, then what we see is indeed that NGOs, or sometimes commercial vessels, fill in that gap. We shouldn’t be criminalising those people for saving lives. And then to say that ‘oh but these people are irregular, they’re labour migrants or asylum seekers’ – that’s irrelevant!

First, you rescue them and then we argue over their status, Okay? There has to be a permanent sustainable solution. I’m personally no big fan of the solutions that don’t have their basis in the treaties, but I have to say, if the Malta agreement can be a first step in the direction of a permanent solution, then all the Member States should sign up. it is very disappointing that out of 28 there are only four who have done so, so far. That is shameful. The asylum package is blocked and they use that as a pretext for not saving people. But then when it is about saving people they’re also not there. That is shameful.

And finally, I would really like to call on our friends of the EPP because I would like to recommend the good efforts that have been made by the shadow, Ms Düpont, but I also recognise that there are parts of the EPP who, despite very often referring to Christian values, actually don’t express their Christian values in some of the amendments. Sorry!

When we’re talking about the camps in Libya – there’s a German ambassador who wrote to Ms Merkel referring to those camps as ‘concentration camps’. These camps have to be closed. People have to be evacuated. it is not negotiable. So I also hope for support from EPP quarters.

  Erik Marquardt, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin! Albert Schweitzer hat einmal gesagt: Humanität ist, keinen Menschen einem Zweck zu opfern. Ich glaube leider, dass wir Menschen einem Zweck opfern, wenn wir es nicht endlich schaffen, das Massensterben im Mittelmeer zu beenden. Es ist an uns mit der Entschließung, aber auch an der neuen EU-Kommission, zu zeigen, dass wir mehr tun können, als immer wieder zu sagen, dass niemand auf der Flucht sterben sollte. Ja, natürlich sollte niemand sterben und natürlich sollte niemand auf seeuntüchtigen Booten fliehen müssen. Aber leider leben wir in einer Realität, in der jedes Jahr tausende Menschen auf diesen Booten an unseren Außengrenzen sterben, Menschen, die auch einmal der wichtigste Mensch im Leben einer anderen Person waren. Wir leben in einer Union, die momentan kein einziges Rettungsschiff ins tödlichste Seenotrettungsgebiet der Welt schickt. Wir leben in einer Union, der vom höchsten Gericht verboten wurde, Menschen nach Libyen zurückzubringen, und was haben wir getan? Wir bezahlen jetzt libysche Milizen dafür, genau das zu tun, was uns verboten wurde. Das ist doch nicht europäisch, das ist eigentlich beschämend!

Es braucht endlich eine europäische Seenotrettungsmission, es braucht ein Ende der Kriminalisierung von humanitärer Hilfe. Wir erwarten von Frontex—Flugzeugen, dass sie bei Seenotrettungsfällen alle Schiffe im Umfeld informieren, um Menschen zu retten, und wir erwarten auch, dass wir nicht dabei behilflich sind, dass Menschen in den Bürgerkrieg zurückgebracht werden, aus dem sie gerade geflohen sind. Lassen Sie mich kurz auf Englisch abschließen.

I think we can discuss details and we can tighten debate, but in the end I think we should all agree that our European way is to protect lives.

  Annalisa Tardino, a nome del gruppo ID. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, ci avete proposto una risoluzione che rappresenta il non plus ultra delle demagogie delle sinistre, con la quale chiedete di spalancare le porte dell'Europa ad una accoglienza indiscriminata – tanto è facile fare gli accoglienti con i porti degli altri – e di consentire alle ONG di agire liberamente nel Mediterraneo, senza controllo da parte delle autorità preposte, e addirittura considerando la loro attività sempre esclusa dall'ambito di applicazione della normativa sul favoreggiamento della migrazione irregolare.

Ebbene, per questi motivi, non solo abbiamo votato contro, ma abbiamo anche presentato una mozione alternativa, questa sì volta a proteggere i nostri confini e i nostri cittadini. Il modo migliore per salvare vite è impedire le partenze e agire direttamente in Africa, rafforzando la cooperazione con i paesi terzi, di origine e di transito, per definire soluzioni a lungo termine, capaci di affrontare le cause della migrazione economica.

Ad oggi abbiamo solo sentito parlare dell'accordo di Malta, prima venduto come una soluzione a tutti problemi, ora relegato ad un mero progetto pilota, abbandonato dagli Stati membri, così come avevamo previsto. Se questi sono gli strumenti con cui la Commissione von der Leyen intende gestire i flussi migratori, temo che sarà destinata ad un ulteriore fallimento.

Abbiamo presentato degli emendamenti perché vogliamo che gli Stati membri possano continuare a valutare se le operazioni di soccorso condotte dalle navi private rappresentino un'azione di pura assistenza umanitaria o di favoreggiamento alla criminalità.

Gli Stati membri devono poter decidere, sulla base delle proprie legislazioni, se autorizzare o meno l'ingresso delle navi delle ONG nei propri porti e non lasciare che siano le Carole di turno ad arrogarsi tale diritto, arrivando anche a sfidare un ministro.

Vogliamo regole certe per scoraggiare azioni e iniziative che possano diventare ulteriore motivo di attrazione per chi, illegalmente, vuole raggiungere l'Europa. Ben venga la migrazione legale, ma l'Europa deve dire “no” ai trafficanti di esseri umani e ai criminali nascosti dietro ai falsi buonisti!

  Nicola Procaccini, a nome del gruppo ECR. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, domani non sosterremo questa mozione perché non vogliamo essere complici di chi sta pianificando di lasciar annegare nel Mar Mediterraneo lo Stato di diritto, la ragione e con essa le vite di tantissimi, troppi migranti che nei prossimi giorni si consegneranno nelle mani dei trafficanti di esseri umani.

Fratelli d'Italia e l’ECR continuano a ripetere fino allo sfinimento che c'è solo un modo per impedire le morti in mare ed è impedire le partenze dei barconi. Sulla scorta dei dati che tutti quanti voi avete a disposizione, sappiamo che non c'è alternativa. Sappiamo che, e continuiamo a ripetere anche qui, fino a non poterne più, che per noi il salvataggio in mare è cosa giusta e doverosa quando si tratta di qualcosa di estemporaneo, di occasionale e non di organizzato, spesso in collusione con gli scafisti, così come sappiamo che non c'è alcuna solidarietà nell'accogliere migliaia di persone senza poter assicurare loro un lavoro, delle possibilità, un futuro libero e dignitoso.

Per questo pensiamo che questo documento sia uno straordinario manifesto di ipocrisia socialista ed è il motivo per cui, come ECR abbiamo anche presentato una mozione alternativa. Volevamo che rimanesse per iscritto il nostro pensiero e lo abbiamo fatto.

  Miguel Urbán Crespo, en nombre del Grupo GUE/NGL. – Señora presidenta, este año más de mil personas han muerto ahogadas en la fosa común en la que se ha convertido el mar Mediterráneo. Cuando se tiene la capacidad de salvar vidas, no hacerlo ya no es una cuestión de derechos humanos, sino de dignidad humana. Y, cuando las instituciones no hacen nada ante la muerte, dificultar o incluso criminalizar la actividad de las ONG que salvan vidas es convertirse en cómplices. Porque igual de infame es cerrar puertos a los barcos de rescate —como hacía Salvini— que amenazar con multarles por no pedir permiso para rescatar —como quería hacer Pedro Sánchez—.

Les diremos una y mil veces: «Salvar vidas no es delito». Europa le ha comprado la agenda xenófoba a esos señores de ahí enfrente. El racismo institucional guía hoy la política fronteriza comunitaria. Necesitamos rutas legales y seguras. Necesitamos un servicio de salvamento marítimo europeo público. Necesitamos acabar con la política de externalización de fronteras y violación de derechos humanos, dejando claro que Libia no es un puerto seguro. Llamamos a suspender cualquier acuerdo con la mal llamada «guardia costera libia».

Señorías, no devalúen esta propuesta, que puede ser un pequeño paso en la buena dirección. No hay excusas: o con la vida, o cómplices de la muerte. Elijan mañana en la votación, señorías, elijan.

  Κωνσταντίνος Παπαδάκης (NI). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση με τις τεράστιες ευθύνες της στον ιμπεριαλιστικό πόλεμο της Συρίας, όπως και οι σύμμαχοί της, είναι μέρος του προβλήματος των διογκούμενων προσφυγικών κυμάτων και όχι της λύσης του. Η συμφωνία Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης-Τουρκίας, το «Δουβλίνο» και όλες οι ευρωενωσιακές αποφάσεις καταδικάζουν χιλιάδες πρόσφυγες και μετανάστες σε πνιγμό στη Μεσόγειο, όπως συνέβη με το νέο τραγικό ναυάγιο κοντά στην Κω, με νεκρό τρίχρονο παιδί. Την ίδια ώρα, εγκλωβίζονται χιλιάδες άλλοι σε απάνθρωπες συνθήκες, στα άθλια hot spot σαν τη Μόρια ή τη Σάμο, τα οποία εδώ και τώρα πρέπει να κλείσουν. Η πολιτική της ενίσχυσης των απελάσεων, η στρατιωτικοποίηση των συνόρων, η καταστολή αποτυπώνονται και στο νέο νομοσχέδιο για το άσυλο της κυβέρνησης της Νέας Δημοκρατίας στην Ελλάδα, που ανακυκλώνει και οξύνει τα προβλήματα που προκάλεσε η πολιτική της κυβέρνησης του ΣΥΡΙΖΑ.

Καταδικάζουμε την αλλαγή της ουσίας και της έννοιας του αιτούντος άσυλο πρόσφυγα, τη στοχευμένη επιχείρηση συρρίκνωσης των ήδη τσακισμένων δικαιωμάτων προσφύγων και μεταναστών. Και οι μεν και οι δε είναι θύματα και δημιουργήματα της καπιταλιστικής εκμετάλλευσης των ιμπεριαλιστικών ανταγωνισμών και πολέμων. Η κατάσταση που έχει διαμορφωθεί επιβάλλει την άμεση μεταφορά τους στην ηπειρωτική Ελλάδα σε αξιοπρεπείς δημόσιες δομές φιλοξενίας, τη μετάβασή τους στις χώρες πραγματικού προορισμού τους και τη διαφύλαξη όλων των δικαιωμάτων των αιτούντων άσυλο. Οι λαοί μπορούν λοιπόν σήμερα να βγάλουν συμπέρασμα και, με την πάλη τους ενάντια σε Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση και ΝΑΤΟ, να εναντιωθούν στον ιμπεριαλιστικό πόλεμο, να βάλουν εμπόδια στα ιμπεριαλιστικά σχέδια, να απομονώσουν το δηλητήριο του ρατσισμού-εθνικισμού.

  Karoline Edtstadler (PPE). – Frau Präsidentin, Herr Kommissar! Über zwei Dinge sind wir uns wohl alle einig: Zum Ersten ist es unsere internationale, aber vor allem auch humanitäre Pflicht, Menschenleben zu retten, und zum Zweiten ist das Schlepperwesen eine der schlimmsten Menschenrechtsverletzungen und muss daher mit allen Mitteln bekämpft werden.

Während wir hier über Seenotrettung diskutieren, ereignete sich in England eine humanitäre Katastrophe: 39 Leichen wurden in einem LKW gefunden, vermutlich geschleppte Personen. Das erinnert frappant an ein Drama in Österreich im August 2015 auf der A4 in der Nähe von Parndorf. In einem abgestellten LKW wurden 71 geschleppte Personen tot aufgefunden. Vorfälle wie diese führen uns drastisch vor Augen, welche Brutalität die Schlepper an den Tag legen, wie sie die Verzweiflung der Menschen ausnutzen und sozusagen auch – in Anführungszeichen – den Tod ihrer Kunden in Kauf nehmen, nur um daraus selbst Profit zu schlagen.

Wir dürfen daher hier nicht den Falschen in die Hände spielen, und wir müssen uns darüber bewusst sein, welche Signale wir aussenden. Die völlig außer Frage stehende Rettung im Mittelmeer muss von dem getrennt werden, was danach passiert, und solange die Rettung im Mittelmeer das Ticket nach Europa bedeutet, solange werden Menschen sich auf wackelige Boote begeben, in der Gefahr, hier ihren Tod zu finden. Bleiben wir daher realistisch und machen wir das, was geboten ist, nämlich eine Kooperation mit den Drittstaaten, die wir verbessern müssen, sichere Plätze in Dritt- und Transitländern zu etablieren und dem Kontinent Afrika eine Zukunftsperspektive zu geben.

  Pietro Bartolo (S&D). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, vorrei ringraziare il collega López Aguilar per l'eccellente lavoro svolto.

La risoluzione votata lunedì in commissione LIBE vuole dare un messaggio chiaro alla Commissione e agli Stati membri. Non possiamo andare avanti con la politica dei porti chiusi e mettere a rischio la vita delle persone in mare. Abbiamo il dovere, prima legale e poi morale, di agire.

Le misure ad hoc finora adottate non sono sufficienti e adeguate, e lo abbiamo visto anche la settimana scorsa con l'ultimo naufragio al largo di Lampedusa. Quante persone ancora devono morire perché gli Stati membri decidano di assumersi le responsabilità? Abbiamo bisogno di risposte immediate, europee e permanenti. Serve un approccio sostenibile e affidabile per la ricerca e soccorso in mare, come chiediamo con questa proposta.

Chiediamo linee guida che chiariscano una volta per tutte che coloro che offrono genuina assistenza umanitaria non devono essere criminalizzati. Non possiamo continuare a puntare il dito contro coloro che per anni hanno salvato vite, coprendo i vergognosi egoismi degli Stati membri, gli stessi che hanno cercato di scaricare le proprie responsabilità a paesi come la Libia, dove i migranti diventano vittime di ogni tipo di violenza.

Spero che domani questo testo che propone misure concrete e umane possa essere votato a larga maggioranza in quest'Aula. Votare contro significa rendersi corresponsabili delle tragedie del Mediterraneo e non solo, e chi si sciacqua la bocca dicendo che con i provvedimenti presi e i porti chiusi oppure con accordi con la Libia ha salvato tante persone ed il traffico è diminuito dell'80 %, ci deve spiegare che fine fa questo 80%, che fine fa in quei lager, in quei – diciamo – campi di concentramento.

  Jan-Christoph Oetjen (Renew). – Frau Präsidentin, meine sehr verehrten Damen und Herren! Das, was sich im Mittelmeer abspielt, ist und bleibt eine humanitäre Katastrophe. Seenotrettung ist eine rechtliche, aber aus meiner Sicht auch eine menschliche Pflicht. Wir als Europäer haben eine Verantwortung, dem Sterben im Mittelmeer nicht zuzusehen, sondern wir müssen handeln. Deswegen freue ich mich, dass es bei der Abstimmung zum Haushalt heute Mittag eine Mehrheit dafür gegeben hat, dass wir eigene Mittel einstellen für die Seenotrettung im Mittelmeer. Das ist ein großer Schritt nach vorne. Es ist auch ein guter Schritt, dass wir bei der Verteilung der Seenotgeretteten Fortschritte erreichen, aber vier Länder sind natürlich nicht genug, und ich fordere alle Länder der Europäischen Union auf, sich zu beteiligen, Menschen aufzunehmen, die aus Seenot gerettet werden, solange wir keinen eigenen Verteilmechanismus an dieser Stelle haben.

Das Beste ist aber natürlich, wenn die Menschen gar nicht erst in die Boote steigen. Deswegen müssen wir den UNHCR dabei unterstützen, dass die Situation in den Lagern verbessert wird. Deswegen müssen wir legale Zugangswege schaffen, um Migration in den Arbeitsmarkt zu ermöglichen, und wir müssen mehr resettlement für die Schwächsten der Schwachen auf den Weg bringen, und die europäischen Staaten sind hier in der Verantwortung, gerade diesen Menschen zu helfen. Ich erwarte, dass die Kommission hier eine Priorität darauflegt und uns Vorschläge vorlegt, die tatsächlich auch mehrheitsfähig sind.

  Tineke Strik (Verts/ALE). – Madam President, at sea every minute counts. It’s hard to imagine that we would leave EU citizens in danger of drowning, floating in a rubber dinghy without any help. Yet this is what we do with migrants on a daily basis. But international maritime law obliges also the EU, as a party to the UNCLOS Treaty, to take responsibility for an adequate search and rescue. That requires sufficient capacity in the Mediterranean Sea, rapid coordination of the rescue, and disembarkation to a place of safety.

As Libya is not safe, we cannot fund and organise their return to Tripoli without violating international law. What we should do instead is help migrants escape from this hell. This requires all Member States to take their responsibility and humanitarian assistance to be supported instead of criminalised.

I urge the Commission to base its new arrangements on these principles, make it permanent, and make it swift. But please ensure saving lives and disembarkation in the meantime, as every minute counts.

  Jean-Paul Garraud (ID). – Madame la Présidente, la résolution en débat propose en fait d’accroître la pression migratoire sur les États membres de l’Union européenne afin de mieux accueillir les migrants et, ainsi, de les sauver de la noyade en Méditerranée. Il faudrait, selon le texte, ouvrir tous les ports de l’Union et favoriser encore davantage le travail des ONG.

Vous proposez ainsi d’étendre les pompes aspirantes qui provoquent l’afflux de millions de migrants, qui se retrouvent souvent entre les mains de prétendues ONG, complices de passeurs, de l’aveu même du ministre français de l’intérieur. Aveuglés par une idéologie mondialiste, vous amplifiez en réalité, sous couvert d’idées généreuses, une crise migratoire sans précédent que l’Europe, à terme, ne pourra supporter.

Si vous voulez sauver des vies, et nous le voulons, c’est exactement l’inverse qu’il faudrait faire: rétablir de véritables frontières aux limites de l’Union et de nos nations; pourchasser les passeurs et leurs complices, qui envoient à la mort des milliers de malheureux, sélectionner les véritables demandeurs d’asile et renforcer la réglementation en matière d’immigration, et encourager toutes les initiatives et toutes les aides dans les pays d’origine, pour éviter ces migrations dramatiques.

  Jorge Buxadé Villalba (ECR). – Señora presidenta, otra vez la izquierda europea nos trae a este Parlamento el debate sobre la muerte de seres humanos en el Mediterráneo. Pero, otra vez, hace preguntas erróneas y las respuestas, por tanto, son equivocadas. No nos dice que en el año 2019 ha bajado el número de muertes respecto del 2018 quizá porque se han cerrado los puertos de Europa.

El jueves votaremos esta propuesta de Resolución sobre búsqueda y salvamento, y mi Grupo presenta una propuesta de Resolución alternativa basada en el respeto escrupuloso de las leyes nacionales y las decisiones de los Estados miembros, la lucha implacable contra las mafias de seres humanos y sus cooperadores necesarios, y el refuerzo de los mecanismos de cooperación entre los Estados.

Las respuestas correctas o las preguntas correctas serían las siguientes: ¿Qué medidas debemos plantear para acabar con el efecto llamada y erradicar ese modelo de negocio de las mafias de tráfico de seres humanos y sus ONG que colaboran en el tráfico? ¿Por qué la izquierda europea se empeña en no cumplir la Directiva de facilitación que atribuye a los Estados miembros la competencia soberana de decidir quién entra, en qué condiciones y quién debe ser sancionado si incumple las condiciones de entrada?

  Sira Rego (GUE/NGL). – Señora presidenta, repito lo que decía mi compañero que me ha precedido. En lo que llevamos del año 2019 más de mil personas han perdido la vida en el Mediterráneo mientras trataban de llegar a Europa. Mil personas. Mil seres humanos. Muertes que tienen responsables: las políticas racistas de la Unión Europea. Esas que votan algunos aquí mismo desde sus escaños.

Hacemos resoluciones que condenan, pero las políticas no cambian. En lugar de crear un cuerpo civil de salvamento y rescate y habilitar visados humanitarios desde zonas donde hay conflictos armados o situaciones de emergencia climática, mantienen la apuesta por alejar más las fronteras.

Ya no les vale con financiar a las milicias libias involucradas en el comercio de esclavos, ahora también se va a abrir un centro de detención en Ruanda. En el caso de España, los gobiernos del Partido Socialista y el Partido Popular han sido pioneros en aplicar las políticas de externalización de fronteras en Marruecos. Un ejemplo reciente de sus consecuencias: la muerte de Ansou Keita tras una paliza de las Fuerzas Auxiliares marroquíes en una redada. Así terminan las políticas de esta casa, con más muerte y más sufrimiento. Acabo con un recordatorio: el Derecho internacional obliga a salvar vidas. Espero que, en caso de no hacerlo, tengan que rendir cuentas ante un tribunal.

  Balázs Hidvéghi (PPE). – Madam President, this resolution is based on a serious misconception. Its proponents claim that the aim is to save lives, but in fact its adoption would be sending the wrong message and would consequently result in even more tragic events. This is because in its current form it is a clear letter of invitation to millions of people in Africa. If we keep pretending that we are able and ready to welcome everybody into Europe, then even more people will depart and risk their lives.

Instead, what we have to do is to help people where help is needed. We need a resolution that tackles the problem at its roots. We have to invest in border protection, further strengthen cooperation with third countries, and we have to effectively fight human smuggling networks for people not to leave their countries in the first place. The best way to avoid people drowning in the Mediterranean is to make every political effort so that the smugglers’ boats never leave the coast of Africa.

It is also completely unreasonable to involve NGOs, with unclear backgrounds, in operations that can only be carried out by competent state and European authorities. It is completely unacceptable to worship and encourage NGOs to disregard rules and break laws. NGO ships must not be allowed to work as a transport service bringing illegal migrants into Europe.

If we want to save people’s lives, we have to reinstate European border control and take help to third countries. The adoption of this resolution in its current form would be a great irresponsibility on our part.

The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 171(8).

  Reinhard Bütikofer (Verts/ALE), blue-card question. – I have two questions for my colleague. Number one: are you sure you belong to EPP and not, rather, to ID? And number two: is what you have said in any way close to Christianity?

  Balázs Hidvéghi (PPE), blue-card answer. – First of all, having debates on issues as important as this one, even within the political groups, is, I think, normal, and it’s a good thing to have these debates and to talk about these things openly.

Secondly, you mentioned Christianity. I tell you this: responsibility is part of Christianity, and I think that what Europe has been doing about migration has been totally irresponsible. It’s irresponsible to be sending messages to people in need, saying that anybody can come in without limits, let them in, and then tell them years later, ‘Sorry, you don’t have the right to stay now, go back.’ That’s irresponsible. The responsible approach and attitude is to be realistic and to take help to people in need where it is needed locally. That’s the local interest, and that’s Christian responsibility, I think.

  Javier Moreno Sánchez (S&D). – Señora presidenta, en primer lugar, deseo agradecer a nuestro presidente de la Comisión LIBE su trabajo y la propuesta de Resolución que nos presenta, que se centra en las medidas necesarias urgentes que tenemos que tomar para acabar con las muertes en el Mediterráneo.

Salvar vidas debe ser nuestra prioridad. El acuerdo alcanzado en Malta es un paso positivo y necesario, pero todavía insuficiente. Ante tal desafío no podemos ir con parches. Debemos pasar de la cooperación entre algunos Estados miembros a una verdadera política común europea, empezando con un plan de emergencia para salvar vidas en el Mediterráneo.

Debemos prestar atención particular a las mujeres y a los niños —muchos de ellos no acompañados—, que se enfrentan a una multitud de peligros y abusos a lo largo de su travesía.

Por último, no solo se muere en el mar: miles de personas sobreviven en condiciones inhumanas en los centros de detención libios. Entre ellos, hay más de mil menores no acompañados.

Debemos actuar ya. Por lo tanto, hago un llamamiento a los Estados miembros y a la Unión para que hagan suyos los planes de evacuación de las agencias de las Naciones Unidas y abran los corredores humanitarios.

Y un apunte personal. Quiero recordar a esta casa que los emigrantes y los refugiados no son ni números ni estadísticas ni cifras: son personas; que todos tienen una vida y una historia por detrás, por delante... Y se lo dice un hijo de emigrantes.

  Maite Pagazaurtundúa (Renew). – Señora presidenta, miren, yo no soy muy aficionada a la demagogia, y además creo que necesitamos grandes consensos en este Parlamento para impulsar una política de asilo, de refugio, y también políticas migratorias, para terminar con la crisis que estamos viviendo en su gestión. Ahora bien, las vidas humanas, desde un punto de vista del bien jurídico a proteger, son algo superior a la persecución de las mafias, por ejemplo, que trafican con seres humanos. Por tanto, ese elemento tendríamos que tenerlo en consideración. En este momento, es más arriesgado intentar pasar el Mediterráneo que en el pasado. Hay más personas, el porcentaje de personas ahogadas es mayor. Por otra parte, criminalizar a las ONG es injusto. Jugar a eso, jugar a la demagogia con esta cuestión, no tiene ni pies ni cabeza con respecto a lo que tenemos que intentar solucionar, porque está bloqueado el paquete en el Consejo.

Y, en segundo lugar, hoy ha quedado algo muy claro en lo que ha dicho el Consejo y lo que ha dicho la Comisión. Están ciegos a lo que está sucediendo en Libia, y no podemos ser cómplices de unas gravísimas violaciones de derechos fundamentales. Sea cual sea el modelo que finalmente establezcamos, eso no lo podemos permitir. Que quede muy claro.

  Alice Kuhnke (Verts/ALE). – Fru talman! Varje gång ett liv går förlorat i Medelhavet på grund av EU:s ovilja att agera, då fylls jag av vrede. Den bristande medmänskligheten är en skam. Att det här får pågå år efter år är ovärdigt EU. Vi gröna kräver att medlemsländerna systematiskt och proaktivt utför sök- och räddningsinsatser och bidrar med fartyg och utrustning, var för sig eller gemensamt i Frontex.

Vi kräver att alla aktörer på Medelhavet proaktivt sprider information om fartyg i nöd till andra fartyg, så att de kan hjälpa till i sök- och räddningsinsatser. Och vi kräver att alla människor som räddats på Medelhavet transporteras till en säker plats i enlighet med internationell lagstiftning och unionslagstiftningen.

  Tom Vandendriessche (ID). – Voorzitter, collega's, wie de wet overtreedt, wordt gestraft. Dat is de manier waarop wij onze burgers beschermen. Zo kunnen onze burgers vertrouwen hebben in een democratische rechtsstaat. Maar dat is precies wat deze politieke elite weigert te doen. In plaats van onze grenzen te beschermen, worden illegale migranten die doelbewust onze wetten overtreden, beloond met een verblijfsvergunning.

In dit Parlement applaudisseren sommigen zelfs voor ngo's die illegale migratie stimuleren. Sommigen beweren dit te doen uit humanitaire overwegingen. Maar wat is er eigenlijk humanitair aan om het businessmodel van de mensensmokkel in stand te houden? Wat is er eigenlijk humanitair aan om onze bevolking over te leveren aan illegale indringers die tal van criminele feiten plegen? Wie oprechte humanitaire bezorgdheid heeft, breekt dat businessmodel van de mensensmokkel, sluit onze grenzen, beschermt onze bevolking, pakt illegalen op en stuurt ze zonder pardon terug naar waar ze vandaan komen. Dat is wat onze burgers verwachten.

  Jadwiga Wiśniewska (ECR). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Nie neguję konieczności ratowania ludzkiego życia, ale niestety akcje ratunkowe na Morzu Śródziemnym prowadzone przez NGO-sy bardzo często wykorzystywane są przez przemytników ludzi. To okrutny i cyniczny biznes, który na ludzkim cierpieniu i naiwności zarabia rocznie ponad 10 miliardów dolarów. Frontex uratował na morzu 88 tysięcy ludzi w minionym roku, ale akcje ratunkowe nie są przecież jego głównym zadaniem. Frontex ma pilnować, by do Unii nie przedostawali się terroryści i przestępcy. Niestety dochodzi do przemytu ludzi bez przeprowadzenia kontroli ich tożsamości czy sprawdzenia kryminalnej przeszłości. Akcje ratunkowe powinny być wyjątkiem proszę państwa, nie regułą. Aby zatrzymać proceder przemytu ludzi przez morze, trzeba działać na lądzie. Trwały mechanizm relokacji tylko przypieczętuje ten kuriozalny, przestępczy przemytniczy biznes i nie możemy się absolutnie na to godzić.

Dlatego proszę poprzyjcie państwo naszą rezolucję, która proponuje zwalczanie grup przemytniczych, długoterminowe podejście do rozwoju Afryki oraz usunięcie przyczyn pierwotnych nielegalnej imigracji.

  Miriam Dalli (S&D). – Madam President, as already underlined by certain colleagues, the loss of life in the Mediterranean has been going on for many, many years. And yet, here we are today, and we still do not have an effective and functioning solidarity mechanism on migration.

And it is clear that for some Member States the migration problems of the southern states, on the periphery of our continent, are not a cause for concern. This should not stop, however, the work carried out towards ensuring a reliable and permanent approach to search and rescue that should replace the ad hoc solutions that have been used until recently.

Given this scenario, the joint declaration between four Member States only – Germany, France, Italy and Malta, following the ministerial meeting in Malta – is a first step towards setting up a predictable solidarity mechanism. But these are four Member States only.

The Council should take a leading role in putting forward a fair distribution mechanism for those people who have been rescued at sea: an approach that should give paramount importance to the principle of non-refoulement but making sure that existing search-and-rescue rules continue to be respected by all rather than exploited. No one should pretend to operate in a vacuum.

Ultimately, a common EU response involving all Member States should be the preferred option. But in the absence of that, we can’t sit around doing nothing.

IN THE CHAIR: MAIREAD McGUINNESS
Vice-President

  Antony Hook (Renew). – Madam President, I find myself speaking on this issue on the day, a black terrible day, when 39 – 39 – people have died being trafficked into the United Kingdom, reportedly including at least one child, on a journey that took them through many Member States.

Earlier this year I spent some time listening to refugees around the English Channel who had previously crossed the Mediterranean, almost all of them, and their experiences come in three stages: destruction in their homeland; secondly, movement to North Africa, which they find remains unsafe; and thirdly, they brave the danger of the Mediterranean because they simply have no other choice. And in some Member States, refugees remain victimised, driven into the hands of these people smugglers, forced to make these more and more dangerous journeys, and children left unaccompanied. We should not listen for one moment to those who oppose search and rescue. Let’s get on and save these lives.

  Ernest Urtasun (Verts/ALE). – Señora presidenta, mañana el Parlamento va a volver, una vez más, a lanzar un mensaje claro de que necesitamos una operación de salvamento y rescate en el Mediterráneo; no podemos continuar así. Pero lo hemos pedido ya tantas veces que se hace un poco cansado que no haya ningún tipo de reacción por parte de las instituciones.

Yo tengo algunas peticiones muy concretas.

Primero, a la Comisión Europea. Se lo hemos pedido muchas veces: hagan ustedes recomendaciones a los Estados miembros para la descriminalización de la ayuda humanitaria. Está en su capacidad y lo pueden hacer.

Y al Consejo le pedimos, evidentemente, que pida a los diferentes Estados miembros que, por favor, respeten sus obligaciones en materia de rescate en el Mediterráneo; no de forma pasiva, sino poniendo medidas concretas para el desarrollo y para la búsqueda y el rescate de personas.

Y, evidentemente, nos falta la pata de la recepción. Tenemos Dublín bloqueado, pero tenemos una primera buena noticia, que es esta Cumbre en Malta de cuatro países que, con una cooperación reforzada, quieren empezar a acoger. Hagan un esfuerzo para que esa cooperación reforzada se amplíe a muchos más países y realmente tengamos un verdadero mecanismo solidario de acogida.

  Nicolaus Fest (ID). – Frau Präsidentin! Die geringe Zahl der Abgeordneten hier im Saal zeigt ja die wahre Bedeutung des Themas Such- und Rettungsaktionen im Mittelmeer. Und ausnahmsweise haben die Abgeordneten hier einmal recht, denn in Nordsyrien sterben täglich weit mehr Menschen als im Mittelmeer, und sie sterben durch die Hand eines Menschen, der jahrzehntelang von der EU und vor allem von den linken Parteien immer wieder hofiert und als Partner behandelt wurde, auch als längst erkennbar war, dass sich die Türkei in eine islamistische Despotie verwandelt.

Der Welle illegaler Migranten aus Afrika wird nun vermutlich bald eine Flüchtlingswelle aus Syrien und den Kurdengebieten folgen. Diese Leute werden über den Landweg kommen. Aber statt sich darauf zu konzentrieren, wie man Landesgrenzen schützt und wie man vor allem Erdoğan stoppt, reden Sie weiterhin über selbstverschuldete Seenot, über Carola Rackete und über NRO, die das kriminelle Geschäft der Schleuser unter dem Schleier der Seenotrettung erledigen. Nehmen Sie endlich zur Kenntnis: Die wahren Probleme liegen nicht mehr im Mittelmeer. Stoppen Sie daher die Such- und Rettungsmaßnahmen, stoppen Sie die illegalen NRO und ihre kriminelle Tätigkeit, stoppen Sie endlich die Vertreibung und Auslöschung der Kurden!

  Robert Roos (ECR). – Voorzitter, volgens de Internationale Organisatie voor Migratie is de migrantenstroom met 32 % gedaald ten opzichte van vorig jaar. Het aantal doden op de Middellandse Zee is met 42% gedaald. Weet u hoe dat komt? Dit is het resultaat van het beleid dat is gevoerd door Salvini.

Waarom vraagt het Europees Parlement om de capaciteit van opsporing en redding op de Middellandse Zee te vergroten en de regels te versoepelen? De enige verklaring hiervoor is dat de EU opnieuw als doel heeft om immigratie te stimuleren met behulp van ngo's. De massale immigratie van de afgelopen jaren heeft desastreuze gevolgen voor de grote steden van Europa. De globalisten kiezen voor een oplossing waar Europa niet bij gebaat is. Laten we nu eindelijk eens gaan werken aan een structurele oplossing: sluiten van onze grenzen en opvang in de regio.

  Sylvie Guillaume (S&D). – Madame la Présidente, en juillet dernier, le Conseil et la Commission européenne venaient nous rappeler que leur objectif en matière d'immigration était de sauver des vies. Déjà à l'époque, je soulignais le décalage entre le discours et la réalité: une opération navale sans bateaux et la Méditerranée toujours plus meurtrière. Et nous étions nombreux à rappeler à quel point il était urgent de faire respecter la loi en matière de débarquement et de proposer des conditions d'accueil décentes.

Pourtant, nous sommes une nouvelle fois dans cet hémicycle, quelques mois après, et rien n'a changé. Nous connaissons pourtant l'urgence de mettre en place une véritable opération européenne de sauvetage non seulement pour sauver des vies, mais également pour permettre des arrivées coordonnées dans différents ports européens. Tant que cette mission ne sera pas en place, les ONG devront pallier les manquements des États membres, c'est pourquoi il est aussi important de mettre fin à la criminalisation des personnes qui viennent en aide aux naufragés. Depuis des mois, nous attendons des lignes directrices de la Commission en ce qui concerne la directive sur l’aide aux migrants et ses exemptions humanitaires. Des solutions existent pour créer un droit de sauver. Seule la volonté politique fait encore défaut.

  Hilde Vautmans (Renew). – Voorzitter, collega's, de Somalisch-Britse dichter Warsan Shire schreef: “Niemand zet zijn kinderen in een boot, tenzij het water veiliger is dan het land”.

Het mag duidelijk zijn dat in Europa het water niet veiliger is dan het land. Het aantal doden op de Middellandse Zee lag in 2018 maar liefst vijf keer hoger dan in het rampjaar 2015. Vijf keer! Hoe komt dat collega's? Wel, omdat Europa fout bezig is. We hebben de mond vol van Europese waarden, maar we handelen er niet naar. Het aantal reddingsoperaties op zee is verminderd. Bepaalde lidstaten criminaliseren ngo’s voor het redden van mensenlevens. Dat zijn Europese waarden op z'n kop en dat zijn eigenlijk praktijken die we van Trump of Poetin zouden verwachten. Wij laten geen drenkelingen verzuipen in Europa. Wij nemen onze verantwoordelijkheid.

Mijnheer de commissaris, ik zou u willen vragen: maak werk van een echt Europees asielbeleid. Voer de strijd tegen mensensmokkelaars op. Zorg dat drenkelingen gered kunnen worden en zorg dat wij die schande niet langer moeten beleven in Europa.

  Laura Huhtasaari (ID). – Madam President, the EU is weak on crime and weak on borders. These nice open borders attract people – for the most part, young men from sub-Saharan countries – who want to have a better life.

Europe cannot take in millions of Africans. Europe belongs to Europeans. European politicians should not argue year after year about relocating people.

If we were to spend as much energy on the well-being of Europeans as we do on immigration, Europe as a whole would do so much better.

We should be discussing about how to seal the external borders of Europe. Our duty is to safeguard the prosperity and security of the European civilisation.

  Evin Incir (S&D). –Fru talman! Medan EU och medlemsstaterna är fast i förhandlingar om EU:s framtida migrationspolitik så drunknar människor på Medelhavet. Det är den enkla sanningen. Extremhögerns och delar av högerns svar i Europa har varit att försöka kriminalisera de humanitära hjälpinsatser som frivilligorganisationer gör för att rädda människoliv. En viktig del av resolutionen som vi kommer att rösta om på torsdag är kravet på att kommissionen ska lägga fram riktlinjer till befintlig EU-lagstiftning som klargör att humanitär hjälp utan vinstintresse inte är olaglig.

Ansvaret för sjöräddningen ligger främst hos varje medlemsstat, men det är inte okej att endast ett fåtal tar allt ansvar. Överenskommelsen på Malta om att försöka fördela de människor som har kommit via båtar är välkommen, men den långsiktiga hållbara lösningen är att se till att alla tar ansvar för en säker och ordnad europeisk migrationspolitik, alltså där alla medlemsstater tar ansvar för människor som befinner sig på flykt.

De krafter som vägrar att ta ansvar pratar endast om att hjälpa människor på plats. Men det enda de nämner är hur vi hindrar människor att ta sig till Europa. De pratar inte om hur vi ser till att öka det humanitära utvecklingsbiståndet, till exempel.

  Mara Bizzotto (ID). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, l'accordo di Malta sugli immigrati è la solita fregatura ai danni dell'Italia e dimostra ancora una volta le bugie del governo Pd e 5 Stelle: tanta aria fritta e zero fatti.

Anzi, purtroppo i fatti ci sono. In un mese Pd e 5 Stelle hanno triplicato gli sbarchi di immigrati clandestini in Italia, tra gli applausi dell'Europa. Purtroppo è un film già visto: un governo abusivo, imposto dall'Europa contro la volontà del popolo italiano, che apre i porti a migliaia di immigrati clandestini.

Cari burocrati di Bruxelles, questa volta avete fatto male i conti, perché gli italiani non subiranno più in silenzio. Gli italiani sono stanchi delle vostre bugie e delle vostre false promesse. Gli italiani non accetteranno mai una nuova invasione di clandestini. Noi siamo pronti a fare le barricate insieme ai cittadini per difendere la nostra terra e il nostro popolo. Non vi permetteremo mai di trasformare l'Italia nel campo profughi d'Europa!

  Hynek Blaško (ID). – Vážená paní předsedající, na půdě této instituce se neustále lká nad strašným osudem lidí ve Středozemním moři, ale za jejich osud je někdo zodpovědný.

Zaprvé politici, kteří zbraněmi chtěli vnutit severu Afriky demokracii podle svých představ, ale způsobili než chaos. Za druhé ti, kteří neustále povzbuzují k migraci nesmyslnými směrnicemi, soudními rozhodnutími, neuváženou politikou prosazující nespravedlivé výhody pro migranty, například vyplácení neadekvátních sociálních dávek.

Ti, kteří odmítají tvrdé tresty pro pašeráky lidí, ti, kteří podporují lidi, jako je madam Racketová, kteří tak zvaně zachraňují na moři, ale dalším dávají naději, že se na pevninu dostanou, a tudíž dávají všanc své životy. A za poslední sami lidé, kteří se pouští na moře, protože nejsou schopni vyhodnotit míru rizika. Vy všichni, kteří toto podporujete, jste za to zodpovědní.

Catch-the-eye procedure

  Monika Hohlmeier (PPE). – Frau Präsidentin, Herr Kommissar, Frau Ministerin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Die Debatte zeigt, dass auch mit der Entschließung, die formuliert worden ist, nur ein minimaler, kleiner Aspekt des Problems erfasst ist. Und das ist auch mein Problem damit.

Ich bin für Such- und Rettungsaktionen – das ist überhaupt keine Frage. Ich glaube, da gibt es im demokratischen Teil keinen Dissens. Aber nur über Such- und Rettungsaktionen zu sprechen, löst das Problem nicht. Denn der größere Teil der Menschen stirbt in der Saharazone. Über die Menschen wird ganz selten diskutiert, weil sie selten bei uns anlanden, weil wir das nicht unmittelbar sehen, weil wir die Bilder davon nicht kennen. Und deshalb muss der größte Teil unserer Aufmerksamkeit und unserer Arbeit den Gebieten in Afrika gelten, mit denen wir zusammenarbeiten können, um tatsächlich zu verhindern, dass Menschen anlanden. Dass wir Suche und Rettung durchführen, beweist Frontex jeden Tag mit Zigtausenden von Menschen, die gerettet werden. Das ist nicht die Diskussion. Aber die Lösung, die über die Entschließung versucht wird, ist leider keine Lösung.

  Alex Agius Saliba (S&D). – Sinjura President, is-soluzzjonijiet Ewropej eżistenti m’għadhomx adattati u ċertament mhumiex biżżejjed biex jindirizzaw il-kriżi attwali u l-isfidi li qegħdin naffaċċjaw bħala Unjoni. Fuq naħa waħda għandna immigranti maqbuda f’ibħra miftuħa għal jiem sħaħ, u bosta nies, inklużi tfal u nisa, li qegħdin jitilfu ħajjithom fl-ibħra tagħna. Imma fuq in-naħa l-oħra għandna ċittadini Ewropej illi qed iħossuhom urtati u fl-istess ħin inkwetati għal mod li bih l-Unjoni Ewropea qiegħda tonqos milli taġixxi.

Il-pajjiżi fil-fruntiera huma affettwati direttament mill-immigrazzjoni. Huma ferm aktar vulnerabbli għal inċidenti bħal dawk li rajna matul il-ġimgħa li għaddiet fiċ-ċentru miftuħ ta’ Ħal Far ġewwa Malta. Is-sitwazzjoni qed tkompli teskala u ma nistgħux nibqgħu ċassi u ninjoraw il-fatt li l-immigrazzjoni hija fost l-aktar punti ta’ tħassib għaċ-ċittadini tagħna. Jekk nagħmlu hekk, ser nirriskjaw li jkollna żieda ta’ ideoloġiji estremisti, tixrid ta’ mibegħda u vjolenza. L-Unjoni Ewropea trid tqum u tindirizza din il-problema b’mod effettiv permezz tas-solidarjetà u permezz ta’ soluzzjoni Ewropea komuni.

  Irena Joveva (Renew). – Gospa predsednica, naslavljanje tako pomembne problematike, kot je reševanje beguncev in migrantov v Mediteranu, je izrednega pomena. Še bolj pomembno pa je, da ne ostanemo pri besedah, ampak naredimo konkretne korake v smeri reševanja problematike.

In predlog te resolucije počne točno to. Unija potrebuje bolj koordiniran pristop reševanja in izkrcavanja beguncev in migrantov ter pravičen in trajnosten mehanizem razporejanja rešenih.

Dejstvo, da je med letoma 2014 in 18 v Mediteranu umrlo več kot 19.000 ljudi, je zastrašujoče. Zavedam se, da se pri tem vprašanju pogosto pojavlja vprašanje varnosti, ampak pomembno se je hkrati zavedati tudi vprašanja solidarnosti. To mora iti z roko v roki.

Prepričana sem, da lahko države članice s skupnimi močmi pomagamo tistim, ki v Evropi iščejo varno zavetje – in imajo pravico do tega – hkrati pa zagotavljamo in ohranjamo varnost vseh prebivalcev.

  Joachim Stanisław Brudziński (ECR). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Może na początek cytat znany chyba wszystkim „Kto ratuje jedno życie, ratuje cały świat”. Chciałbym tutaj odwołać się do swoich doświadczeń jako były marynarz, człowiek morza. Nie wyobrażam sobie sytuacji, niezależnie od tego czy byłbym na statku handlowym czy na żaglowcu, aby widzieć człowieka potrzebującego pomocy na morzu i mu nie pomóc. Z drugiej strony jako polityk, jako osoba odpowiedzialna mam świadomość, że tej naszej dzisiejszej debacie przysłuchują się grupy przestępcze i przysłuchują się miliony obywateli państw grupy Sahel, od Senegalu po Erytreę, również tych, którzy mieszkają w Afryce Równikowej. Odpowiedzialność, Szanowni Państwo. Jako minister spraw wewnętrznych rządu polskiego na spotkaniu grupy G6 w Lyonie w październiku ubiegłego roku usłyszałem jedyny racjonalny głos ministra spraw wewnętrznych Maroka, który powiedział „Mamy do czynienia z inwazją”. Zdajcie sobie sprawę, że taką debatą zachęcamy grupy przestępcze i zachęcamy miliony ludzi, którzy są świadomi, którzy mają dostęp do internetu, zachęcamy ich do przyjeżdżania do Europy i stąd te tragedie na Morzu Śródziemnym.

  Clare Daly (GUE/NGL). – Madam President, I too would like to commiserate with the 39 victims found in the back of a container in Essex, via Belgium through an Irish-owned company registered in Bulgaria: part of an increasing race to the bottom in the haulage industry. And it’s yet another tragic and heart-breaking example of how desperate people are, and the risks that they take to come to Europe. So I salute the efforts of those involved in search and rescue. It’s basic morality and it’s basic international law. But what isn’t international law is pushing people back and delegating responsibility to Libya, where they face disastrous conditions.

We do need a reform of the Dublin Agreement. We do need to develop safe routes into Europe in order to tackle the smugglers. But more than anything we need to stop bombing their countries and making them homeless and making them refugees in the first place.

  Stanislav Polčák (PPE). – Paní předsedající, kolegové, všimli jste si, kolik kolegů především ze skupiny ID už zde není a nevyčkali ani stanoviska pana komisaře, zástupkyně Rady? To je skutečně ostudné vzhledem k těm výhradám, které k této zprávě nebo k tomuto bodu přednesli.

Já bych chtěl říci, že pro mě je samozřejmě nepřijatelné, kolik lidí umírá ve Středozemí na této hranici, která se stává vlastně nejnebezpečnější hranicí na světě. Je to ostuda pro Evropu. Na druhou stranu musím říci, že není možné, aby neziskové organizace fungovaly de facto jako taxikáři a nahrazovaly činnost členských států, činnost agentury Frontex. To si myslím, že je skutečně nepřijatelné. Nese to s sebou doprovodné jevy, jako je bezpečnostní riziko, samozřejmě podpora organizovaného zločinu. To všechno s sebou nesou aktivity, které de facto nahrazují dozor státu, dozor členských států, dozor Evropy. Ve Středozemním moři bychom neměli rezignovat. Byl bych rád, kdyby k tomu skutečně nedocházelo.

  Pierfrancesco Majorino (S&D). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, io sono sinceramente sconcertato per alcuni interventi che ho sentito da parte della destra.

Siamo di fronte, infatti, ad una scelta semplice con la risoluzione: le vite umane vanno salvate, questo ovviamente non basta. Qui nessuno dice, entrate tutti, qui si dice, salviamo le vite, poi realizziamo quello che ancora è mancato: una politica comune europea – fatemelo dire da italiano – di redistribuzione dei migranti sul nostro territorio.

Il superamento del regolamento di Dublino, i canali d'accesso legali – questi i veri nemici dei trafficanti all'Europa – lo svuotamento dei campi in Libia, insomma una svolta politica europea che non c'è stata.

Mettiamo al centro la vita delle persone ed evitiamo di giocare sulla loro vita per qualche voto in più.

(End of catch-the-eye procedure)

  Johannes Hahn, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, as stated already at the beginning of this debate, saving lives has always been, and will continue to be, the Commission’s priority. It’s our moral duty and legal obligation to save lives at sea and grant protection to those fleeing persecution and serious harm, including as a result of war or conflict. To this end we have to continue building a wider, comprehensive strategy aimed at effectively managing migration in all its aspects. In parallel, we should continue our efforts to address the root causes of irregular migration and instability in the countries of origin and transit. We have to fight everywhere smuggling networks that ruthlessly exploit the vulnerabilities of desperate people. We have to offer more accessible and credible legal pathways of economic migration and resettlement for migrants and asylum seekers stuck in third countries.

Implementing this comprehensive strategy represents a very challenging task, which the EU should not address alone. The only way to achieve results is to continue working in partnership with countries of origin, transit and destination, with the support of international organisations and hand in hand with civil society organisations, sharing responsibilities in a true spirit of international cooperation.

I am sure that all these elements will be reflected in the new Pact on Migration and Asylum that the President-elect, Ms Ursula von der Leyen, will present to give a new impetus to the European Union response to migratory challenges.

  Tytti Tuppurainen, President-in-Office of the Council. – Madam President, the Finnish Presidency is fully aware of the critical importance of the humanitarian situation and assistance in the Mediterranean Sea, and we are committed to working on a more solid solution in collaboration with all stakeholders. Such an arrangement needs to bring predictability, in accordance with the International Law of the Sea concerning disembarkation, and enable efficient asylum and return procedures. It is of utmost importance that we succeed quickly. However, we need a solution that covers all aspects.

The EU as a whole, not to mention the migrants themselves, do not deserve that this situation stays unresolved. Let me say it clearly: we must save lives. It is people that we are talking about. It is individuals that we are talking about.

At the same time, we will continue working on reform of the Common European Asylum System, in order to deliver a permanent solution to the situation in the future.

I remain confident that, thanks to all our efforts, we can make an important step forward towards this goal. Thank you very much for the discussion, thank you, Mr Chair of the Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs (LIBE) for your engagement. The work continues.

  President. – I have received four motions for resolutions tabled in accordance with Rule 132(2) of the Rules of Procedure.

The debate is closed.

The vote will take place on Thursday, 24 October 2019.

Written statements (Rule 171)

  Dominique Bilde (ID), par écrit. – Qui d’autre est responsable des morts tragiques en Méditerranée, si ce n’est ceux qui ont transformé la Libye et le Sahel en une zone poreuse aux terroristes, aux trafiquants d’armes et de migrants? Ce que ce texte angélique occulte, c’est que non seulement l’immigration est un drame pour ceux qui y sont contraints, mais également pour les pays d’origine, privés de leur main-d’œuvre comme de leurs cerveaux, si précieux à leur développement futur. À l’heure où l’Union européenne prétend donner le la des objectifs de développement durable dans le monde, comment imagine-t-elle convaincre les pays de départ d’investir dans la formation et l’éducation d’une jeunesse qui viendra grossir les rangs des candidats à l’exil? Lorsque l'on déplore que «tant de vies soient perdues faute de voie légale d’immigration vers l’Europe», permettez-moi de déplorer pour ma part que des vies soient perdues faute d’espoir d’un avenir décent dans tant de pays à travers le monde. Ayons enfin d’autres ambitions pour l’Afrique que celle de la cantonner dans le rôle de «salle d’attente d’1,3 milliard d’habitants aux portes de l’Europe», selon le mot de Stephen Smith.

  Robert Hajšel (S&D), písomne. – V Stredozemnom mori prichádzame o veľa životov, vrátane detí. Nestačí len posilniť záchranné operácie, ale musíme nájsť prepracovanejšie celkové riešenie, akceptovateľné pre všetky štáty EÚ. Preto som sa zdržal pri schvaľovaní rezolúcie vyzývajúcej na posilnenie pátracích a záchranných operácií v Stredomorí, ktorej text sa nakoniec aj tak nepodarilo schváliť. Môže sa to niekomu zdať ako zlý signál voči utečencom bojujúcim o život, ale situáciu využime na to, aby sme text dostali do vyváženejšej formy. Ja nie som proti princípu solidarity, keď ide o záchranu ľudských životov a som aj za posilnenie záchranného mechanizmu. Nemyslím si však, že vyzývať agentúru Frontex, aby zdieľala údaje o svojich aktivitách s každou loďou v Stredomorí, je šťastným riešením, keďže by to namiesto demontáže pašeráckych sietí mohlo paradoxne prispieť k uľahčeniu ich kriminálnej činnosti a k nárastu obetí. Neodmietam ani férovejší prerozdeľovací mechanizmus, ale mal by brať do úvahy aj špecifiká jednotlivých krajín a byť výsledkom konsenzu. Som proti kriminalizácii mimovládnych organizácií pomáhajúcim utečencom pri záchrane života, ale aj tie musia rešpektovať normy medzinárodného práva a najmä pravidlá, na ktorých by sme sa mali dohodnúť v rámci celej EÚ.

  Janina Ochojska (PPE), na piśmie. – Cieszę się, że po miesiącach skandalicznej polityki nieprzyjmowania uchodźców uratowanych na Morzu Śródziemnym udało się znaleźć polityczne rozwiązanie tego problemu. Liczę, że system relokacji, poparty jedynie przez siedem krajów, okaże się dobrym wzorcem do dalszej współpracy i że już wkrótce solidarnie dołączą do niego inne kraje Europy.

Biuro Wysokiego Komisarza ONZ ds. Uchodźców podało informację, że w tym roku na Morzu Śródziemnym zginęło już ponad 1000 migrantów. Naszym celem powinno być tworzenie takich warunków do życia w krajach pochodzenia migrantów, aby nie musieli oni podejmować dramatycznych decyzji o drodze do Europy. Chodzi o zapewnienie najbardziej podstawowych warunków: dostępu do wody pitnej, dachu nad głową, dostępu do infrastruktury sanitarnej i opieki medycznej, ale także o zapewnienie pokoju.

Tymczasem w wyniku działań wojsk tureckich w Syrii w ciągu ostatnich dwóch tygodni liczba uchodźców znów się zwiększyła. Liczba Kurdów uciekających przed wojną sięgnęła 176 tys. Unia powinna niezwłocznie podjąć kroki mające na celu zapewnienie pokoju w północnej Syrii. Ponadto Parlament Europejski i cała Unia powinny wpłynąć na i tak dramatyczną sytuację ponad trzymilionowej społeczności uchodźczej w tym kraju, a także odpowiedzieć adekwatnie na informacje Human Rights Watch o niszczeniu przez libańskie wojsko tymczasowych schronisk dla uchodźców.