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Debaty
Środa, 27 listopada 2019 r. - Strasburg Wersja poprawiona

16. Sytuacja w krajach sąsiedztwa wschodniego (debata)
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  Der Präsident. – Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Aussprache über die Erklärung der Vizepräsidentin der Kommission und Hohen Vertreterin der Union für Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik zu den Entwicklungen in der östlichen Nachbarschaft (2019/2934(RSP)).

Ich darf die Vizepräsidentin der Kommission, Frau Mogherini, recht herzlich in unserem Kreis willkommen heißen.

Nachdem es wahrscheinlich das letzte Mal ist, dass ich den Vorsitz habe, wenn Sie zu uns sprechen, ist es mir schon ein Anliegen, Ihnen dafür zu danken, dass Sie trotz Ihrer globalen Aufgaben so viel Zeit in diesem Hause verbracht haben, und dafür, wie Sie Ihre Arbeit auch im Verhältnis zum Europäischen Parlament ausgeübt haben. Herzlichen Dank für diese Arbeit und Ihre Präsenz hier im Hause.

 
  
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  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Mr President, thank you for your very kind words. Indeed, I was first of all thinking, I think it’s the third or fourth time that I say goodbye to this Hemicycle either here or in Brussels but indeed it is a pleasure to be back for the last session in which I will be in office, and just to reassure you that not only will I take the debates tonight, but also the urgencies tomorrow and the vote tomorrow, so I will be there until the very last moment possible and that is indeed somehow a sign of dedication and recognition of the work that this Parliament is doing, in particular on foreign policy.

Let me also thank you for the opportunity with this debate to look back at these five years of work with our Eastern partners. I remember very well when I took office in 2014 that was the most important element of our foreign and security policy agenda for sure. I can now proudly say that we have become closer, as the European Union, to all our Eastern partners, to all six of them, in different ways, and I believe we have managed to improve the situation of each and every one of them in this partnership and through this partnership even if, obviously, challenges remain, and I will try to go briefly through the achievements, the positive sides, but also the shortcomings and the things on which we will, I think, still need to work a lot together.

I believe that this positive path that we have followed has been possible because our work has been focused always on our greatest common interests that we share between the European Union and our Eastern partners, and that is our people, the people of Europe, whether they live inside or outside the European Union. Indeed, the 20 deliverables that we are implementing within the Eastern Partnership focus on the issues our people care the most about – jobs, energy security, education, strong civil society, independent media – things that are indeed on top of our citizens’ agendas.

In these years, we have put in place ambitious association agreements and free-trade areas with Georgia, with Moldova and Ukraine. Their citizens can now also travel to the European Union without a visa when they come for business, for tourism or to visit family. We have also achieved good progress in trade, energy, connectivity or the digital sphere. At the same time, we need to do more in the fields of rule of law, judiciary and fighting corruption.

Earlier this year we celebrated the 10th anniversary of the Eastern Partnership together with our partners, and we decided to launch a broad consultation process on the future of this Partnership. We have collected now more than 200 contributions coming not only from governments and civil society, but also academia, the business community, Members of the European Parliament and other stakeholders, and I want to thank you for the contributions you have given us.

I am proud I can now leave to you and to my successor this huge capital of ideas, achievements, but also aspirations and dreams, as a very solid foundation for the next Eastern Partnership summit and for the future of our Partnership itself. Of course each of the six countries has a different situation and different aspirations too, so let me very briefly go through them.

Ukraine has faced unparalleled challenges, with Russia’s violation of Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. Since 2014, we have put together for Ukraine the biggest support package in the history of the European Union. We have invested more in Ukraine than in any other country in the world and no other partner has invested in Ukraine as much as we have done.

This has led to some very important tangible results. I would say that Ukraine today is a stronger, more resilient country than it used to be. The new government has taken a bold approach to reforms as the people of Ukraine expect substantial change on the rule of law, on the fight against corruption and the prosecution of bank fraud.

In in recent months, positive developments have also materialised on the security side, mainly thanks to Ukraine’s constructive approach and the Normandy Four Summit on 9 December is now an opportunity for substantial progress.

Our priorities are the same as those of our friends in the Eastern Partnership countries, be it security, good jobs, good governance or institutions that they can trust and rely on. This is also the case in the Republic of Moldova, where we have supported structural reforms to fight corruption, improve the electoral framework, and to ensure an independent and accountable justice system. Moldova now has a new government and the need for genuine reform remains.

As always, the European Union, is ready to support reforms in all possible ways and as always our support remains conditional. Our support is – and I believe will continue to be – focused in particular on reforms to fight corruption and vested interests and in ensuring that state institutions preserve, or rather sometimes build, their autonomy and are not politicised.

Moving to Armenia. The government has committed to substantial democratic reforms in line with our partnership agreement. In fact, Armenia considers the agreement with the European Union as a true blueprint for reforms and we are proud of that. Our support to the reform process has increased after last year’s political revolution, including to the ongoing justice reform and I am confident that this Partnership will become even closer in the years ahead.

With Azerbaijan the work continues in order to finalise a new agreement. We want an ambitious agreement in line with international standards, one that ranges from human rights to the support of the diversification of their economy. We will also continue to work for the peaceful resolution of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, encouraging and supporting dialogue at the highest level between Armenia and Azerbaijan. We fully support the mediation efforts and the proposals of the OSCE Minsk Group Co-Chairs, including through the work of our Special Representative.

The European Union was born as a peace project. Building peace is our DNA, it is our raison d’être. It goes to the core of who we are. We need I believe to continue investing enormously on this, as conflict has not yet disappeared from our continent. On the contrary, the security situation along the administrative boundary line with the Georgian breakaway region of South Ossetia has worsened in recent months. That is why we are increasing our EU monitoring mission’s presence on the ground, because our support to Georgia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity is not just a statement or a declaration of principle: it is the foundation of our daily concrete work on the ground.

Georgia is a close and reliable ally in the neighbourhood in our Partnership, and this is precisely why we don’t shy away when we see risks – as today we see the risk in the country of a backsliding on some important reforms in the rule of law area.

Finally, on Belarus. The recent parliamentary elections were somehow a lost opportunity to deliver on international standards and we have called on the authorities to implement electoral reforms before next year’s presidential elections. You will know that we have divergences with Belarus, particularly on human rights, yet I’m convinced the only way forward is to continue engaging and to finalise our partnership priorities. This would be the best way, not only to work on our mutual interests, such as the economy or nuclear safety, but also to better address the human rights situation, which is so important for us.

So putting people first was our approach throughout these five years, with all the six partners, as diverse as they are, with a differentiated approach respectfully, and we’ve always focused on people and not on geopolitics, and I want to close on this: to stress once again something that I have discussed several times, not only with our partners in the East of Europe, but also with our interlocutors a little bit further east, explaining clearly that our Eastern Partnership is not, and I believe will never be, against anyone – it’s for. It’s for our people. It’s for improving living standards, including democratic standards, for a more peaceful European continent based on partnership and cooperation.

I went to close my short remarks by thanking you and this Parliament for all the support you have given to our work with our Eastern Partners because, in particular in this field, the work of Parliament has been key in liaising with the national parliaments through your many delegations, through your many visits, and this has been a fundamental pillar in accompanying our work, not only with the institutions, but also the societies of our six Eastern Partners.

(Applause)

 
  
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  David McAllister, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, sehr verehrte Hohe Vertreterin und Vizepräsidentin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, meine sehr geehrten Damen und Herren! Wir haben es gerade von der Hohen Vertreterin gehört: Die Östliche Partnerschaft ist ein wichtiges Instrument, um die Transformation von ehemals autoritären, sozialistischen Systemen hin zu demokratischen, rechtsstaatlichen und marktwirtschaftlichen Ländern zu fördern.

Aus meiner Sicht sind es drei Ziele, die die weitere Gestaltung der Östlichen Partnerschaft jetzt begleiten sollten: Erstens: Die Europäische Union sollte die politische und wirtschaftliche Integration der östlichen Partnerländer zu einer strategischen Priorität des nächsten Jahrzehnts machen. Das gilt insbesondere für die Ukraine, für Georgien und für Moldau, mit denen wir bereits vertiefte und umfassende Assoziierungsabkommen vereinbart haben.

Zweitens: Dieser Integrationsprozess erfordert von uns als EU eine klare, konsequente Strategie und aktive Unterstützung und – auf der anderen Seite – ernsthafte Bemühungen von unseren Partnern. Es gilt – und das haben wir oft betont in diesem Hohen Hause – der Grundsatz „mehr für mehr“, more for more, aber – daran darf eben auch kein Zweifel bestehen – auch der Grundsatz „weniger für weniger“, less for less. Und so, wie es die Hohe Vertreterin gerade erläutert hat, sollten wir uns bei den Anreizen für weitere Reformfortschritte konzentrieren auf die Bereiche Demokratie, Rechtsstaatlichkeit, unabhängige Justiz und Kampf gegen die Korruption.

Drittens: Um die Dynamik der Östlichen Nachbarschaft zu nutzen, ist es notwendig, dass die Europäische Union in der Tat weiter voranschreitet und einen qualitativ differenzierten Ansatz verfolgt. Einen Beitrag dazu könnte die von Andrius Kubilius – der hier im Plenum sitzt und gleich das Wort ergreifen wird – maßgeblich initiierte Trio-Strategie 2030 für die Beziehungen mit der Ukraine, mit Georgien und mit Moldau leisten.

Die Östliche Partnerschaft ist auch Teil einer langfristigen Strategie gegenüber Russland, denn die Erfolgsgeschichten der mit der EU assoziierten Länder können auch den Menschen in Russland Hoffnung geben, dass positive Veränderungen möglich sind. Diese Ziele sollten wir als Europäisches Parlament in enger Zusammenarbeit mit der heute neu gewählten Europäischen Kommission entschlossen vorantreiben. Und diese Ziele sollten rechtzeitig vor dem entsprechenden Gipfel im nächsten Jahr vorgelegt werden.

And finally, dear Federica, on behalf of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, your committee in this European Parliament, let me say a word of thank you. Like nearly every Wednesday during plenary sessions in Strasbourg, you’re sitting on your seat discussing foreign policy with interested colleagues from all the political groups, wholeheartedly let me once again thank you for the excellent work you have done in the last five years. I’m saying that as a representative of the EPP to a socialist. We always had a wonderful cooperation. I wish you all the best for your future and hopefully we will come together at some other stage again. Thank you so much, Federica.

 
  
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  Kati Piri, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Mr President, while today’s debate is more generally about the Eastern Partnership, allow me to focus on two countries specifically – Georgia and Azerbaijan.

Let me start with recent developments which are to my group’s concern in Georgia. Large protests are currently held in Tbilisi, since the government failed to deliver on its commitment to change the electoral code in 2020 to a full proportional system. This promise was given to the Georgian voters and we expect all Georgian parties to deliver on this promise. While Georgia did come a long way in democracy during the last few years, the current political crisis risks great instability in the country and that’s something that Georgia can simply not afford. We expect from all political parties that dialogue is initiated on how to solve the current deadlock.

Then in Azerbaijan, which is far from Georgia’s level of democracy, the Aliyev dynasty has a horrible track record when it comes to human rights. Only last month, authorities have violently dispersed peaceful rallies of opposition parties and dozens of participants were detained, beaten and mistreated. Illegal wiretapping of EU diplomats in private conversations with opposition and civil society makes their job impossible, and the failure of the EU to confront all this is sometimes tied to a fear that Azerbaijan may turn to Moscow. Well, I believe that already happened a long time ago and now we see unfortunately the confirmation. High Representative, let me also, on behalf of the S&D Group, thank you for the last 5 years. We have always been proud to see you heading our Foreign Service, being the face of the EU's foreign policy and we only wish you all the best in the future.

 
  
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  Petras Auštrevičius, on behalf of the Renew Group. – Mr President, High Representative, no goodbyes yet and thank you indeed from the very start for the cooperation we have had with ALDE and the Renew Group along and looking forward for your future. I don’t know what position you will take but I am sure our roads will cross and we will have a good and effective cooperation.

The Eastern Partnership initiative allowed us, the European Union, a very unique opportunity of creating a zone of partnership and security along our external eastern borders. For our partners it is a chance to attain prosperity and stability by adopting European standards.

We have learned many lessons over the past ten years, including the one that application of programmes without adjusting them to realities, needs and the aspirations of concerned countries does not work. For the next decade of the Eastern Partnership, we need to be more ambitious and, instead of inventing projects, we should invite our partners to join the ones that we ourselves are implementing in the EU. Our Eastern partners must be given a real partnership, therefore, to be included into our initiatives on climate, digitalisation, artificial intelligence, connectivity, energy and social inclusion programmes and priorities.

It is evident that those who put more efforts and present positive results on reforms carried out should be allowed to deepen their aspirations with the European Union. We have several countries which, without EU membership, are participating in our single market. Ukrainian workers are already important contributors to Lithuanian, Polish and other economies, and they deserve to have their labour rights fully guaranteed.

It needs to be emphasised once again that democratic criteria, especially adherence to human rights and the rule of law, need to be our ultimate priority. Seconding Kati Piri’s concerns, I wish to express our concern on the situation in Georgia as well as to make it clear that we have to react to the situation in Tbilisi.

 
  
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  Viola Von Cramon-Taubadel, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Mr President, looking at our Eastern neighbourhood, many people tend to see it in black and white. Does this action support Russia’s interest in the region? Are those people the representatives of the West? But those are the wrong questions. The leaders of these countries do not have to believe in us, they need to believe in the future of their countries.

Moldova, Georgia and Ukraine are all at a critical juncture. In all three cases, we have seen ambitious starts of reforms, and yet in each case, but for different reasons, today we are not sure whether those reforms will continue or whether they will end up in democratic backsliding. And the question is not whether politicians can write nice press releases about Western liberal values – I’m sure they all can – the question is whether they can carry out reforms backed by their societies. Meanwhile, the Eastern neighbourhood countries expect us to support them, especially since other neighbours are working against the success of these countries.

The economic success of those neighbourhood countries would be Putin’s biggest defeat. The societies of Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova want us to help in the process of transforming their societies, which is not without sacrifice. I know what I want to see in these countries. I do not advocate reforms because that would serve our geopolitical interest, as you have mentioned Ms Mogherini, or the business interests of Germany’s car industry. I’m advocating painful reforms because the overwhelming majority of the people living there want to see democratic and prosperous societies; an economy which works for the people and not for a few oligarchs; a state which serves the citizens, not the politicians’ personal interests.

For meaningful change, we need strong and committed governments. However, strong government does not mean having an executive power without control. It is worrying to see those trends in Georgia and in Ukraine, as already mentioned. Yes, the governments are under pressure, but they can by no means neglect or oppress criticism. Our criticism is not about someone being pro—Kremlin or pro—Brussels, it is about being pro—democratic and in favour of functioning institutions. And yes, it is in Putin’s short—term interest to have politicians in power whom he can personally influence or buy off, but this is not our style. We need leaders to be pro—reform. Our interest is to have functioning institutions which will work well without Putin, without the oligarchs and even without us.

 
  
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  Bernhard Zimniok, im Namen der ID-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, meine Damen und Herren! Die EU geht mal wieder sehr blauäugig an ein Projekt heran: dieses Mal an die Osterweiterung.

Lassen Sie uns doch mal den Blick auf die Ukraine richten. Der Ukraine wird seit Jahren die größte Aufmerksamkeit unter den ganzen östlichen Nachbarstaaten zuteil, insbesondere aufgrund ihrer Auseinandersetzung mit Russland. Seit 2014 wurden der Ukraine 14 Milliarden EUR an Zuschüssen und Darlehen gewährt, um die Reformbemühungen zu unterstützen. Hierzu gehört auch die Reform des Justizwesens und eine Angleichung an den europäischen Standard.

Darunter fällt auch die Umsetzung des Haager Kindesentführungsübereinkommens, kurz HKÜ. Wird ein Kind durch ein Elternteil in ein Land entführt, das das HKÜ unterzeichnet hat – zum Beispiel jetzt konkret in die Ukraine –, so soll die Justiz des Landes dafür sorgen, dass dieses Kind wieder in das Land zurückgeführt wird, von wo aus es entführt wurde.

Die Ukraine scheitert seit der Unterzeichnung des Abkommens daran. Berichte über Korruption und Vetternwirtschaft häufen sich, und bis 2017 gab es 33 Kindesentführungen von Deutschland in die Ukraine. Der damalige ukrainische Vize-Justizminister gab in einem Interview zu, dass kein einziges dieser Kinder nach Deutschland zurückgeführt wurde – trotz positiver Urteile der ukrainischen Gerichte.

Ich fordere die Ukraine daher auf, das Haager Kindesentführungsübereinkommen endlich in nationales Recht zu implementieren und umzusetzen. Die EU sollte der Ukraine sämtliche Kredite und Zuschüsse verwehren, bis diese ihrer Pflicht nachgekommen ist und die Kinder endlich zurückführt.

 
  
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  Anna Fotyga, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, I thank Madam High Representative for the last five 5 years of cooperation and wish her good luck.

My support for the nations of our Eastern Partnership is unequivocal since my time spent in the foreign department of Solidarnosc. After all these years, I think that two issues are stable there. One is the very stable Western vocation of societies and their will to stay with us. The second one is Russia’s will to subordinate them and to destabilise them.

Despite our efforts, there are still very difficult issues that we have to raise. Many dynamic things are very positive. Yes, we have successes in our policies for sure but there are some matters for concern – Ukraine still under occupation, Azov seaports still blocked, and prisoners still having their place in Russian prisons and prisons in the eastern part of Ukraine. In Georgia, that is a matter of real concern. I’m really concerned by recent developments. I think that political crisis is extremely dangerous. We have to counter this.

 
  
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  Helmut Scholz, im Namen der GUE/NGL-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, Hohe Vertreterin! Unsere östlichen Nachbarschaftsländer stehen noch immer vor gravierenden Herausforderungen: Klimawandel, Energiearmut, eigenständige Verwaltung der Ressourcen, Schaffung von guten Arbeitsplätzen und Überwindung von Konflikten aus der Vergangenheit, um nur einige zu nennen, vor allen Dingen aber auch: Demokratisierung dieser Gesellschaften. Und deshalb muss unsere Nachbarschaftspolitik diese Länder gemeinsam mit ihren Menschen in diesem Prozess weiterhin unterstützen. Das heißt auch mehr Rechtsstaatlichkeit, unabhängige Justiz, Einbeziehung der Zivilgesellschaft und Befähigung der Akteure, einzugreifen in die gesellschaftliche Entwicklung, Anstrengungen zur Bekämpfung der Korruption, Entwicklung stabiler demokratischer Institutionen, Förderung des politischen Dialogs und vertrauensbildender Maßnahmen, Transparenz, unabhängige Medien, friedliche Beilegung von Konflikten und Förderung von Frieden, Sicherheit und Stabilität.

Die aktuellen Entwicklungen aber sind beunruhigend, und sie sind konkret. Beispiel: Republik Moldau. Die Wahl von Maia Sandu war ein Hoffnungsschimmer. Als Sandu am 8. November eine Gesetzesänderung vorschlug, die es ermöglicht hätte, Kandidatinnen und Kandidaten für das Amt des Generalstaatsanwalts direkt vorzuschlagen, beantragten Sozialisten und Demokraten ein Misstrauensvotum, das die Regierung knapp verlor. Die Sandu-Regierung erwies sich offensichtlich als Gefahr für das kleptokratische System der alten Eliten.

Nun scheint Moldau zu den düsteren Praktiken zurückzukehren, die die Regierungen der Vergangenheit geprägt haben. Mit Ion Chicu ist offensichtlich indirekt Oligarch Vladimir Plahotniuc wieder an die Macht gelangt, und Oppositionsaktivisten wie Ana Ursachi und Grigore Petrenco werden weiterhin strafrechtlich verfolgt.

Ich fordere auf, dass wir gemeinsam darüber nachdenken, wie wir die Verfassungsrealität und unabhängige Justiz bei unseren östlichen Nachbarn real gewährleisten.

 
  
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  Andrius Kubilius (PPE). – Mr President, as the new Co-Chair of Euronest, I would like sincerely to thank the Vice—President for what she did for the Eastern Partnership region. Everybody understands why we are fighting for the possibility of European integration of Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova. But, we cannot be bigger fighters for the integration of those countries than the leadership of those countries.

Today I will talk mainly about Georgia, not about Moldova, whose new prime minister decided to go for the first visit to Moscow. Recent developments in Georgia force us to be really very much concerned about the situation and future of democracy in Georgia. It’s obvious: no democracy, no integration. You know that the leader of the ruling party in Georgia decided not to implement his own promise, which he gave to Georgian citizens and the opposition to support the introduction of a proportional election system. He gave this promise in order to convince, to answer the previous wave of protest in the middle of last summer.

Now the trust of Georgian people towards Parliament and to democracy in Georgia is lost. It’s obvious that the ruling party decided not to fulfil their promise because, perhaps, they became afraid that they will lose proportional elections next year. What are the conclusions we can make from such a decision of the ruling party? Perhaps it means that the ruling party is planning to use old administrative tricks to win elections. That is why this discussion is a very good opportunity to urge ruling party leadership and leadership of Georgia to come back to real and trustful dialogue with the opposition.

Second, we need to urge both the ruling party and the opposition to agree on major reforms of the election system because people will not trust in the old system. The so—called German system could be a basis of such an agreement because that would not demand a change of the Georgian constitution.

And the last point, the European Parliament should urge political parties in Georgia really to implement all the Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (OHDIR) recommendations on how the administration of elections should be improved in order to stop the practice of influenced elections. We need to assist Georgia, sometimes speaking openly, rash and critical.

 
  
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  Tonino Picula (S&D). – Poštovani predsjedavajući, poštovana visoka predstavnice, prije svega zahvaljujem Vam za pet godina dobre suradnje uz želje za uspjehom u daljnjem radu.

Europska unija je pokretanjem Istočnog partnerstva 2009. težila poboljšanju odnosa sa zemljama s kojima dijeli snažne interese u energetici, dakle i sigurnosti, uz jačanje opće, multilateralne i regionalne suradnje. Preko sveobuhvatnih trgovinskih odnosa Europska unija htjela je ojačati svoj utjecaj.

Zadnjih mjeseci svjedočimo događajima u ovim zemljama koji itekako utječu na te planove. Dok u Ukrajini traju pripreme za samit u Normandiji, prvi nakon tri godine, ohrabruje prekid sukoba i razmjena zatvorenika. U Gruziji nažalost izbija novi val nestabilnosti zbog izostanka kompromisa oko izborne reforme. Izbori u Bjelorusiji kontinuirano ne zadovoljavaju međunarodne standarde. Oporba u ovom mandatu nema više zastupnike. U Moldaviji se nedavno raspala vladajuća koalicija. Dok prilike u Armeniji izgledaju stabilno, osim permanentnog konflikta s Azerbajdžanom, želim posebno naglasiti odnos Europske unije s Azerbajdžanom. Nedopustiv je izostanak reakcije dok razgovore službenika Europske unije objavljuju preko javnih medija, a vodstvo otvoreno istupa protiv Europske unije.

Jasno je da nakon deset godina od uspostave Istočnog partnerstva geopolitički izazovi i političke okolnosti u ovim zemljama traže jače djelovanje Europske unije. Skori samit za vrijeme hrvatskog predsjedanja predstavlja izvrsnu priliku. Pozivam novu Komisiju na temeljito preispitivanje odnosa s našim istočnim susjedstvom u skladu s najavljenim geopolitičkim ambicijama.

 
  
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  Urmas Paet (Renew). – Mr President, first I’d also like to thank Federica Mogherini for the very good cooperation we have had here. The Eastern Partnership must remain high on the agenda of the European Union. It is in the interests of the EU to have a stable and safe neighbourhood. Of course, we must continue to encourage Eastern Partnership countries to move forward with their much-needed reforms and help them on their way. But what is hampering most the progress in all these countries is still Russia’s wish to hold them in its sphere of influence. Five out of six Eastern Partnership countries have conflicts on their territory. This is what prevents these countries from moving forward.

The new European Commission should have as one of its priorities working towards finding solutions to these frozen, or not so frozen, conflicts, so that the Eastern Partnership countries can focus their energy on the much-needed reforms and development. It is imperative for the EU to support the territorial integrity of the Eastern Partnership countries.

Also, we must guarantee adequate funding in the new MFF to help them continue with reforms. High-level, regular dialogue is also necessary, and more concrete goals are needed for post-2020.

Finally, special attention still should be on Georgia, Ukraine and Moldova, which have shown keen interest to move closer to the European Union.

 
  
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  Heidi Hautala (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, it is also my pleasure to thank the High Representative for so actively cooperating with the European Parliament. I have taken note of your growing appreciation of parliamentary cooperation in the Eastern Partnership and I believe that we have achieved quite a lot during these five years because our colleagues have been very eager to cooperate, and the cooperation has reached ever-deeper areas of policy-making. I believe that we have to continue on that path.

But you also said that more needs to be done in the area of the rule of law and the judiciary, and I couldn’t agree more with you because we should not be complacent about what we see happening at the moment. I believe that what colleagues have already mentioned concerning the recent developments in Moldova and Georgia are very much due to the lack of stability of the institutions. We have tried to support institution-building, but we see that, for instance, in Moldova, the grip of the old regime is very hard, and it is a question of the old power trying to defend its vested interests. If we can do more there, in these areas in our neighbouring countries, I think it’s worth increasing the efforts on the rule of law and the judiciary.

It’s interesting that International IDEA, which has published its annual global report on democracy, says that on our continent the only country that has improved its democratic standards in the past year is Armenia. I’m very happy to say that the developments in Armenia are a bright light in this area, but we definitely need to invest more in fighting corruption, promoting good governance and supporting the resilience of our neighbouring countries against propaganda and disinformation.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 171(8))

 
  
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  Bernhard Zimniok (ID), Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. – Ich hätte eine Frage an die beiden Vorredner. Aber ich glaube, der erste ist nicht mehr da.

Dieses Projekt EU-Erweiterung ist ein reines Elitenprojekt, und es gibt dafür in der Bevölkerung keine Mehrheit, die das mitträgt. Allein in Deutschland haben sich in aktuellen Umfragen mehr als 46 % dafür ausgesprochen, nicht zu erweitern. Aber das wird anscheinend ignoriert, denn das Volk scheint dumm zu sein. Sind wir klüger?

 
  
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  Heidi Hautala (Verts/ALE), blue-card answer. – We are not talking about enlargement tonight, we are talking about creating a more stable and democratic neighbourhood in the European Union. Its aim, as the High Representative has explained, is to benefit people. And a very concrete outcome of this cooperation is visa-free travel for Georgians, Moldovans and Ukrainians. So, it’s not an elitist project.

 
  
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  Der Präsident. – Herr Kollege, ich muss Ihnen sagen, Sie wissen ganz genau, dass für jeden Erweiterungsschritt Einstimmigkeit erforderlich ist und dass jeder Erweiterungsschritt nach einem klaren Prozedere von Pflichten, die zu erfüllen sind, erfolgt und dass daher niemand willkürlich etwas tut, sondern die Regeln von beiden Seiten einzuhalten sind. Streuen Sie der Bevölkerung nicht Sand in die Augen.

 
  
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  Thierry Mariani (ID). – Monsieur le Président, chaque pays est à la fois marqué par ses frontières et son histoire, et tous ces pays sont à la fois des ex-républiques socialistes soviétiques qui ont tourné le dos aux communistes et des pays – à l’exception de la Moldavie – qui ont tous une frontière commune avec la Russie. La politique européenne devrait tenir compte de cette réalité et ne pas demander systématiquement à ces pays de tourner complètement le dos à leur passé et à leur histoire en trente ans. Nous avons la possibilité de faire en sorte que ces pays soient des ponts entre l’Europe et la Russie et qu’ils contribuent aux discussions et aux progrès entre nos deux blocs. Leur demander systématiquement de choisir entre l’un et l’autre, c’est courir à la catastrophe.

Nous avons peut-être oublié un peu vite que c’est après un accord d’association, en vue duquel nous demandions à l’Ukraine de tourner le dos à son histoire, que la guerre et les événements que vous connaissez se sont déclenchés, entraînant le pays dans le chaos. Je pense que cela devrait nous inciter à montrer un peu d’humilité à l’égard de cette région et à faire en sorte d’essayer, je le répète, d’avancer au rythme de ces États.

 
  
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  Ангел Джамбазки (ECR). – Уважаеми г-н Председател, уважаема г-жо Върховен представител, моите поздравления и за Вас. Ще имате труден мандат, но Ви желаем успех и се надявам да работим заедно за него. Сега по отношение на Източното партньорство – то е изключително важно, особено за държавите, които са в източната част на Европейския съюз. Но за да бъде то успешно, г-жо Върховен представител, трябва да бъде ориентирано към резултати, а не към обещания и към празни приказки.

Що се отнася до държавите в Черноморския регион – говорим за Азербайджан, говорим за Грузия – има проекти, които могат и трябва да бъдат изпълнени с помощта на Европейския съюз, като създаването на такава инфраструктура, която да помогне да бъдат развити пристанищата в Поти, за да може да се достига по-лесно до тези държави, за да може те да бъдат отворени към Европейския съюз.

Това е реална работа, която ще даде реален резултат, а няма да бъде само декларация и само приказки, които да остават във въздуха. В миналия мандат бяхме свидетели на много такива приказки, но те не вършеха работа. Трябва да се съсредоточите върху конкретни неща, които да се случват.

 
  
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  Radosław Sikorski (PPE). – Panie Przewodniczący! W 2008 r., gdy Polska i Szwecja proponowały program Partnerstwa Wschodniego, inspirowały nas dwa procesy: Unia dla Śródziemnomorza, czyli projekt ustabilizowania jednego z naszych sąsiedztw, i Grupa Wyszehradzka, czyli projekt przygotowania grupy krajów do hipotetycznego członkostwa. Chciałbym potwierdzić słowa Wysokiej Przedstawiciel, że nie było projektu, aby to był głos skierowany przeciwko Rosji. To sama Rosja zdecydowała, że zagrażają jej demokracja i wolny handel. Unia Europejska zaprosiła Rosję jako obserwatora w grupie przyjaciół Partnerstwa Wschodniego.

Pytanie, na ile nam się udało? Wydaliśmy ponad 10 miliardów euro na wartościowe projekty, mamy umowy o pogłębionej strefie wolnego handlu, ruch bezwizowy z trzema z tych krajów. 80 tysięcy młodych ludzi skorzystało z programu Erasmus+.

Natomiast we wszystkich tych krajach jest jedna rzecz, z którą nam się nie udało wygrać, mianowicie niekonkurencyjne struktury w gospodarkach tych krajów. Uważam zatem, że udało nam się lepiej niż w przypadku Unii dla Śródziemnomorza, ale jeszcze nie tak dobrze jak w przypadku Grupy Wyszehradzkiej.

Chciałbym podziękować Wysokiej Przedstawiciel za wszystko, co zrobiła dla tego projektu. Mam nadzieję, że Komisja, którą dzisiaj zatwierdziliśmy, będzie kontynuowała Partnerstwo Wschodnie, bo jest to wartościowy projekt, który przybliża naszych wschodnich sąsiadów do naszych standardów.

 
  
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  Marina Kaljurand (S&D). – Mr President, Dear Federica, thank you so much for the work you have done.

My remarks concerning Georgia: as was mentioned by my colleagues, the Georgian parliament voted down constitutional amendments on a transition to a fully proportional system for the 2020 parliamentary elections. It was unexpected, as there was a clear and multi-partisan consensus over these changes. It caused turbulence in society and it brought people to the streets.

I would like to urge all Georgian political parties to come together and to find a solution that will not jeopardise the hopes of people and the democratic future of Georgia. Today we listened to the newly elected President of the Commission, she did not mention the Eastern Partnership.

It was disappointing, and as the Chair of the delegation for relations with the South Caucasus, I would like to reassure all our Eastern partners of the full support of the European Parliament to the democratic reforms and European aspirations of these nations.

 
  
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  Ilhan Kyuchyuk (Renew). – Mr President, I will use this opportunity to thank you, Ms Mogherini, for all your presence and active participation in this House, and I wish you good luck in your future work. Indeed, the Eastern Partnership has a strategic importance for the European Union, and the spread of European rules in the neighbourhood is the essence of the EU’s external relations. But today we need to rethink our approach and to introduce new priorities.

Significant changes have occurred in our Eastern neighbours. In recent years, despite their own historical pact, Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia have shown a desire to become closely involved with the EU. Unfortunately political processes are still complex, democracies are still fragile, and we are constantly witnessing mass protests and the collapse of governments. The main reason for these governments is the existence of hot and frozen conflicts on their territories. Therefore I call on the incoming Commission to continue and deepen our assistance in building stable and prosperous European democracies in the Eastern neighbourhood.

 
  
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  Witold Jan Waszczykowski (ECR). – Mr President, it was a pleasure to work with the High Representative in the Foreign Affairs Council and also to host her briefly during this term of the European Parliament.

Thirty years after the collapse of the communists, I think the project of a Europe free, democratic and united, is not fully implemented. There is a long list of countries and candidates wanting to participate in this project. After 10 years of the Eastern Partnership, it’s time to reassess that initiative. We need more initiatives and a new strategy for the Eastern Partnership. Making our candidate countries into look-alikes is not enough. The new strategy of the Eastern Partnership, based on a differentiation approach, was supposed to lead to enlargement – yes, enlargement, we’re not supposed to be afraid of this term, which is a key pillar of European foreign policy. Even a distant perspective of membership is a powerful tool to promote democratic transformation in peace in our neighbourhood. Membership is a catalyst for reform. So, contrary to President Macron, we support keeping Europe open and ready to accept new members.

 
  
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  Siegfried Mureşan (PPE). – Domnule Președinte, doamnă Mogherini, vreau să vorbesc despre Republica Moldova, un stat la frontiera estică a Uniunii Europene. Ultima dată când am discutat despre Republica Moldova în plenul Parlamentului European tocmai fusese instalat un guvern pro-european. Între timp acest guvern a fost răsturnat de partidul pro-rușilor, iar situația în Republica Moldova s-a înrăutățit semnificativ. Este acest lucru un lucru grav pentru Uniunea Europeană? Da, fiindcă doar dacă avem în vecinătatea noastră state cu guverne pro-europene, state care doresc să se apropie de Uniunea Europeană, doar atunci putem trăi și noi în siguranță și-n stabilitate în interiorul Uniunii Europene.

Situația în Republica Moldova s-a înrăutățit și vă cer Doamnă Înalt Reprezentant, dragi colegi, să acționăm. Doar vorbe frumoase cum că sprijinim forțe pro-europene nu sunt suficiente. Ce trebuie să facem? În primul rând să spunem pro-rușilor care sunt condițiile relației dintre Uniunea Europeană și guvernul lor. Prim-ministrul pro-rus al Republicii Moldova s-a aflat în vizită la Moscova, prima sa vizită, întâlniri netransparente, presupuse ajutoare economice netransparente. Noi trebuie să spunem care sunt regulile jocului și că așteptăm ca aceste reguli să fie respectate. În plus, trebuie să sprijinim forțele pro-europene, trebuie să le aducem la Bruxelles, trebuie să le aducem la masa dialogului și trebuie să spunem foarte clar că vom lucra diferit cu oameni politici pro-europeni care doresc să ducă Republica Moldova spre Uniunea Europeană, de modul în care lucrăm cu oameni politici pro-ruși. Trebuie să acționăm. Doar vorbele și declarațiile politicoase, diplomatice nu sunt suficiente.

 
  
  

ELNÖKÖL: DOBREV KLÁRA
alelnök

 
  
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  Sven Mikser (S&D). – Madam President, our continued commitment to the Eastern Partnership serves not only the best interests of the six countries to our east, but also our Union itself. Political stability and growing prosperity in the Eastern Partnership countries provide us with a more secure and more predictable neighbourhood, and limit the ability of our adversaries to exert their malignant influence over those countries.

As the rapporteur on Georgia, I share the concerns about the developments in that country. The voting down by the Georgian Parliament of the electoral law amendments that would have implemented the switch to a fully proportional system was regrettable. While we do not and should not prescribe to our partners the precise electoral systems they should use, we do fully expect them to abide by their own previous commitments. European aspirations are almost universally shared by all Georgian political players, as well as a significant majority of the country’s people. It is crucial not to let those legitimate aspirations become collateral damage in domestic political turmoil.

The Georgian political leaders will have to find a political solution to the crisis and be able to assure their own people, as well as their international partners, that the integrity and transparency of the political process is guaranteed.

 
  
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  Klemen Grošelj (Renew). – Gospoda predsednica! Evropska vzhodna soseščina je poleg južne soseščine regija strateškega pomena za Evropsko unijo in se sooča z resnimi izzivi.

Po valu demokratizacije se danes večina držav sooča z naraščajočim vplivom oligarnih političnih elit, ki ne upoštevajo volje in ne zasledujejo interesov prebivalstva ter tako regijo oddaljujejo od evropskih vrednot.

Seveda pa navedeni procesi ne potekajo v geopolitičnem vakuumu ali brez udeležbe zunanjih akterjev.

Rusija odkrito in vse bolj agresivno spreminja notranjepolitično, družbeno in varnostno ureditev v večini držav regije.

Vse aktivnejša je tudi Turčija, ki bolj kot reformni in demokratični napredek držav uresničuje lastne geopolitične interese.

In tu je Kitajska, ki deluje morda tiše in modreje, a deluje dolgoročno za regijo in še posebej za Evropsko unijo škodljivejše.

Zato je zadnji čas, da Evropska unija državam regije, še posebej pa civilni družbi ponudi mehanizme stalne podpore pro demokratičnim in reformnim silam.

 
  
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  Zdzisław Krasnodębski (ECR). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Pani Komisarz! Partnerstwo Wschodnie odniosło oczywiście sukcesy. Zwłaszcza gdybyśmy porównywali je z Unią Śródziemnomorską, możemy powiedzieć, że sukces jest ogromny. Ale nie powinniśmy zamykać oczu na problemy. W niektórych krajach obserwujemy nawet regres. Takim krajem jest na przykład Gruzja, która wydawała się być na bardzo dobrej drodze. Obserwujemy to w ostatnich miesiącach: przeciągające się protesty, które są coraz ostrzej traktowane przez władze, nominacja na stanowisko premiera Giorgiego Gacharii, który jeszcze niedawno był obywatelem Federacji Rosyjskiej itd. Nie wiadomo też, czy sukces demokratyczny i poprawa demokratycznych standardów Armenii są skutkiem tego programu. Wydaje się więc, że powinniśmy przemyśleć naszą strategię. Myślę, że sukces zależy od wiarygodności i konsekwencji polityki zagranicznej Unii, ale też od tego, jak my sami będziemy stosowali własne standardy.

(Mówca zgodził się odpowiedzieć na pytanie zadane przez podniesienie niebieskiej kartki (art. 171 ust. 8 Regulaminu))

 
  
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  Tomislav Sokol (PPE), pitanje koje je podizanjem plave kartice postavio. – Poštovana predsjedavajuća, kolega spomenuli ste da su neke države nažalost otišle korak unatrag što se tiče zaštite demokracije i ljudskih prava.

Mene zanima smatrate li da je Europska unija napravila dovoljno da im pomogne, je li bila dovoljno konzistentna u toj podršci tim državama i smatrate li da Europska unija ima jedinstvenu politiku i da se možemo u budućnosti nadati doista jedinstvenoj politici Europske unije u podršci tim državama?

 
  
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  Zdzisław Krasnodębski (ECR), odpowiedź na pytanie zadane przez podniesienie niebieskiej kartki. – Odpowiem krótko koledze. Nie, nie sądzę, żeby tak było. I właśnie na tym powinna polegać reforma tej polityki, żebyśmy byli konsekwentni i więcej robili konsekwentnie dla sił demokratycznych w tych państwach.

 
  
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  Andrzej Halicki (PPE). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Pani Wysoka Przedstawiciel! Rzeczywiście program Partnerstwa Wschodniego jest sukcesem. Muszę powiedzieć, że problemy poszczególnych rządów czy symulowanie reform nie może zastąpić rzeczywistej współpracy z tymi, którzy mają aspiracje – z obywatelami tych państw, z przedsiębiorcami, z przedstawicielami wspólnot lokalnych. Pochodzę z rodziny, która została podzielona przez wojnę. Dzisiaj nadal część mojej rodziny to obywatele tych państw. Dopiero od niedawna mają możliwość spotykania się z nami na zasadzie ruchu bezwizowego. Chciałbym jednak bardzo mocno podkreślić, że kolejna dekada musi być dużo bardziej intensywna, bo to te relacje – people to people, między ludźmi, z organizacjami pozarządowymi, w ramach programu Erasmus dla młodych – stanowią rzeczywiste działania, które zmieniają także te społeczeństwa. Nie możemy także być obojętni na to, co musimy poddać krytyce, ale mamy trzy kraje, trzy społeczeństwa, które ewidentnie w tej szóstce są wiodące. Dla nich też musimy przebudować strategię i odnowić ją, bo Gruzja, Mołdawia i Ukraina zasługują na więcej. Te społeczeństwa zasługują na więcej, bo widzą w nas także nadzieję na poprawę swojego poziomu życia i na rozwój. Musimy o tym pamiętać, bo oni liczą na nas, i pomimo problemów, które napotykamy w poszczególnych krajach – rzeczywiście czasem następuje regres –nie możemy odpuszczać i nie wolno nam tych społeczeństw w ich aspiracji zostawić.

 
  
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  Neena Gill (S&D). – Madam President, I just want to thank the High Representative for our collaboration over the last five years and to say that we won some, and maybe not so much others, but I really want to wish you all the best for your future endeavours.

We have a growing number of concerns in our neighbourhood. I think the signals coming from Chișinău send a worrying message of regression away from reforms for democracy and the rule of law. Some would say that the Commission has been naive by helping broker a deal here, which led to a doomed coalition with President Dodon who then enabled a power grab.

Meanwhile, we have already heard in Georgia that people are calling for a more democratic and fair electoral system and they are facing riot police who are using rubber bullets and tear gas against them.

And when we look at Baku, the opposition leader who was recently arrested during a rally says he was savagely tortured in police custody.

So what is happening in these countries is a growing trend in the world: authoritarians trying to get a stranglehold on fragile democracy. Maybe our policy of softly-softly in the region is not delivering the results we wanted. I wondered what advice the High Representative would have for her successor regarding how they should look at a new strategy.

(The speaker declined to answer a blue-card question from Mr Băsescu)

 
  
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  Bernard Guetta (Renew). – Madame la Présidente, c’était un devoir et une nécessité. Comme l’Union devait s’ouvrir aux pays d’Europe centrale, elle devait offrir un partenariat au pays orientaux dont cet élargissement avait fait nos nouveaux voisins.

Ce partenariat a ses faiblesses et ses succès, mais dix ans après, une évidence doit s’imposer à nous: dans notre partenariat oriental, nous avons oublié la Russie ou, plus exactement, nous n’avons pas voulu la voir, tant les problèmes qu’elle pose nous semblaient insolubles. Aujourd’hui, nous devons nous employer à réparer cette lâcheté politique en explorant la possibilité de nouveaux accords d’Helsinki avec Moscou, d’accords de sécurité et de coopération. Ce sera difficile, dira-t-on. Non, ce sera extrêmement difficile et totalement incertain, mais nous devons tenter de le faire car la Fédération de Russie, c’est l’autre moitié du continent, le pays le plus étendu du monde; un pays appauvri et délabré, dont la capacité de nuisance reste cependant considérable.

 
  
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  Ruža Tomašić (ECR). – Poštovana predsjedavajuća, Europska unija dugi niz godina razvija posebno dobre odnose s neposrednim susjedima. Koliko takav pristup može biti važan i koliko se tu još krije potencijala, vidjeli smo za vrijeme migrantske krize. Bolji odnosi sa susjedima i jači političko-trgovinski odnosi s njima bili bi jamstvo veće otpornosti na takve krize.

Na našem istoku nalazi se nekoliko zemalja s kojima u okviru Istočnog partnerstva razvijamo dobre odnose, ali dug je put prema tome da nam postanu stabilni partneri. Neke od tih država još uvijek se nalaze u ratnom stanju, a neke su usred tranzicijskog puta koji je izrazito bolan.

Sve su nam te države iznimno važne i u pogledu pozicioniranja prema Rusiji. Europski interes tu mora biti da se one razviju u potpuno funkcionalne demokracije s razvijenom vladavinom prava i slobodom tržišta. Takve partnere trebamo i u to se isplati ulagati.

(Zastupnica je pristala odgovoriti na pitanje postavljeno podizanjem plave kartice (članak 171. stavak 8. Poslovnika))

 
  
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  Tomislav Sokol (PPE), pitanje koje je podizanjem plave kartice postavio. – Poštovana predsjedavajuća, evo gospođo Tomašić jako mi je drago da hvalite, koliko sam shvatio, vanjsku politiku Europske unije i zalažete se za zajednička rješenja i za zajedničke interese.

S obzirom na to i na tragu toga što ste sada rekli smatrate li da treba ojačati nadležnosti Europske unije u vanjskoj politici kako bi ta vanjska politika bila još jača i kako bi mogla jačati odnose upravo prema ovim državama koje ste spomenuli?

 
  
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  Ruža Tomašić (ECR), odgovor na pitanje postavljeno podizanjem plave kartice. – Poštovana predsjedavajuća, naravno da smatram da bi trebalo jačati svoje pozicije, ali u suradnji sa svim državama članicama. Dakle, ne samo da Bruxelles odlučuje što će biti nego da sve države članice mogu odlučivati.

 
  
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  Traian Băsescu (PPE). – Doamnă președintă, vreau să mă refer la două țări din parteneriatul estic, Ucraina și Republica Moldova. Ucraina este o țară cumplit lovită de Federația Rusă, o țară care a pierdut Crimeea, care are un război civil disimulat de fapt în estul teritoriului, o țară care are porturile blocate adesea la Marea Neagră. De ce acest lucru? Pentru că Federația Rusă nu poate accepta orientarea acestei țări către Uniunea Europeană. Soluția pentru ca Ucraina să rămână întreagă este să fie sprijinită și să fie ajutată de experții europeni, arătându-se guvernului eroarea, dacă s-ar aplica planul Steinmeier. Este riscul de a pierde estul Ucrainei, pentru că va urma un referendum după federalizare și va urma declararea independenței, precum în Osetia, în Abhazia, în Crimeea. Este tehnica rusă.

Legat de Republica Moldova, din păcate doamna Maia Sandu a intrat singură și deliberat în situația de a pierde guvernarea. În Moldova este un paradox. Opoziția care este formată din două partide pro-europene asistă la o guvernare dură, minoritară a pro-rusului Dodon. Este timpul ca Uniunea Europeană, care investește bani, să ceară celor doi lideri din opoziție și care, repet, constituie majoritate, să-și facă datoria față de Republica Moldova, reorientând țara, preluând guvernarea și reorientând țara către vest.

 
  
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  Петър Витанов (S&D). – Г-жо Председател, г-жо Върховен представител, политиката на Европейския съюз към източните съседи веднъж е декларирана като политика с висок приоритет, а от друга страна е силно подценявана и неглижирана заради проблемните точки в отделните страни, в отношенията между тях или в отношенията с Европейския съюз. И сякаш ние отчитаме повече огромните находища на енергийни суровини и възможностите за преноса им до европейските пазари, отколкото сериозното геостратегическо положение на региона.

Същевременно този регион е арена на противоборство на две конкурентни концепции: тази на европейската интеграция и на евроазийското коопериране. След десет години Източно партньорство трябва да направим според мен две неща. Първо – откровен преглед на постигнатото до момента, и второ – необходимо е да бъде демонстрирана по-голяма ангажираност на Европейския съюз за определяне на следващите приоритети за развитие на сътрудничеството в региона. Защото в противен случай рискуваме да тласнем страните в друга политическа орбита и да улесним реализирането на чужди на Общността интереси.

 
  
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  Ramona Strugariu (Renew). – Doamna președintă, un mesaj direct către cei vizați. Demiterea și înlocuirea fulger a guvernului pro-european de la Chișinău ca urmare a curajului Maiei Sandu de a nu face jocul președintelui Dodon și de a nu subordona justiția intereselor politice ale unor oligarhi sau propunerea guvernului de la Tbilisi de a schimba legea electorală pentru ca puterea să își asigure locurile în Parlament sunt pași mari înapoi în drumul spre Europa. Cei vinovați trebuie să se simtă responsabili, fiindcă ei îi îndepărtează pe cetățenii țărilor lor de Uniunea Europeană și de beneficiile ei. Condiționalitatea strictă este un principiu ferm în acordarea asistenței macro-financiare, însă e vremea ca Uniunea să investească mult mai mult în a explica cetățenilor acestor state de ce sunt importante condiționalitățile și ce presupune reforma. Altfel orice guvern anti-reformă deturnează discursul într-unul anti-UE și o luăm etern de la capăt. Țările din vecinătatea estică trebuie să fie cu adevărat o prioritate a noii Comisii, iar ușa Europei trebuie să rămână deschisă, să investim în aceste țări economic, energetic și să finanțăm cu adevărat reforme pro-democrație, pro-justiție și pro-stat de drept.

 
  
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  Ryszard Czarnecki (ECR). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Pani Wysoka Przedstawiciel! Partnerstwo Wschodnie to instrument ważny. Może kiedyś wiązaliśmy z nim wszyscy większe nadzieje, ale dalej jest potrzebny, dalej jest pomostem. Uwaga! Wydaje mi się, że – oczywiście formalnie – możemy dzielić te sześć państw na trzy grupy: peleton prymusów, o których wspominał pan poseł Andrzej Halicki, mój szacowny kolega, Ukraina, Gruzja, Mołdawia. Dwa kraje, które podpisały układy z Rosją, Białoruś i Armenia. Oraz Azerbejdżan, który nie jest ani tu, ani tu. Wydaje mi się jednak, że powinniśmy być otwarci na wszystkie te sześć państw. Nie odwracajmy się plecami do Białorusi i Armenii, żeby nie oddawać ich w ręce Rosji. Współpracujmy bardzo silnie z Azerbejdżanem, nagradzając ten kraj za pewną neutralność, którą wykazał, i to, że nie podpisał żadnych porozumień gospodarczych z Moskwą. Wydaje mi się, że tutaj powinniśmy być bardzo otwarci także na te kraje, które z nami jeszcze umów stowarzyszeniowych nie podpisały. I oto apeluję.

 
  
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  Željana Zovko (PPE). – Madam President, first of all I would like to thank the Vice—President / High Representative and thank her for all the work she has done in promoting the Eastern Partnership. This is such a strong tool for peace and reconciliation and for the security of the European Union. Together with the Committee on Foreign Affairs all of us are working hard to get citizens of these countries to understand that European values are the only values that will transform their societies and bring better things for their societies, and we will continue working on it.

I strongly support the idea of my colleague, Mr Kubilius, to focus on three countries that we are still hoping will get on the right track. We have provided visa—free travel and all the opportunities for young people, and we have provided them with a window of opportunity to see how much the European Union can contribute to better their societies. I hope that this Parliament and the new Commission will continue along this path and the Commission will have the strongest allies in us.

 
  
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  Leszek Miller (S&D). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Szanowna Pani Mogherini! Doświadczenia wynikające z dziesięciu lat Partnerstwa Wschodniego uzasadniają konieczność jego dalszego istnienia. Jest z nami na sali minister Sikorski, twórca tej idei. Konieczne są jednak decyzje, które odpowiedzą na nowe wyzwania i dylematy. Podstawowy problem to model partnerstwa, który z jednej strony integruje ekonomicznie i w mniejszym stopniu politycznie kraje do niego należące z Unią Europejską, zaś z drugiej zatrzymuje je na etapie przedakcesyjnym. Partnerstwo w dotychczasowej postaci jest bowiem uważane przez członków jako swego rodzaju alternatywa dla pełnego członkostwa w Unii Europejskiej.

Po dziesięciu latach trzeba się na coś zdecydować, bowiem utrzymywanie dotychczasowego modelu nie przyniesie powodzenia. Uważam, że nasi wschodni partnerzy powinni otrzymać jasny przekaz przez nas wypracowany, co do ich przyszłości w Unii Europejskiej.

 
  
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  Tomislav Sokol (PPE). – Poštovana predsjedavajuća, slavimo deset godina Istočnog partnerstva i možemo reći da se ovaj program doista pokazao uspješnim. Naravno, to nije bilo lako. Činjenica je da je Euroazija područje gdje se križaju ključni interesi svjetskih geopolitičkih igrača, gdje živi više od 70 % svjetskog stanovništva, gdje je situirano 75 % svjetskih zaliha energenata. I naravno da tu i Rusija i Kina i mnoge druge države vide svoj interes, a Europska unija naravno treba definirati svoj.

U tom smislu doista su dobri rezultati postignuti, ali nažalost vidimo da u pojedinim državama imamo obrnut proces, da se određeni demokratski standardi srozavaju i da proces usvajanja zapadnih standarda demokracije i zaštite ljudskih prava nažalost ne ide kako bismo možda svi skupa trebali.

Ovdje bih poslao tri poruke što mislim da bi Europska unija trebala napraviti, koja bi načela trebala voditi njenu politiku. Prvo, ona treba biti jedinstvena. Ne smijemo dozvoliti da pojedinačni individualni geopolitički interesi nekih država članica Europske unije onemogućavaju postizanje ili ruše kredibilitet zajedničke europske politike. Ta jedinstvenost, to definiranje zajedničkih interesa je jedini način kako bi Europska unija bila ozbiljan igrač na svjetskoj sceni.

Druga stvar, Europska unija treba biti jasna i otvorena, bez fige u džepu. Ona treba jasno definirati svoje interese i na taj otvoreni i transparentan način pristupiti onim proeuropskim i prozapadnim snagama u ovim državama o kojima se radi.

I treća stvar, Europska unija treba ispunjavati svoja obećanja. Bez ispunjavanja obećanja, bez honoriranja onih rezultata koji se postižu u pojedinim državama dugoročno te države će izgubiti bilo kakav motiv da se približavaju Europi, da se približavaju Zapadu.

Naravno, treba osuditi negativne pojave, ali isto tako treba honorirati sve one pozitivne stvari. I naglasio bih da nitko nije dobar samo zato što je prozapadno orijentiran, politički ili na riječima, nego to treba pokazati djelima. Poštivanjem svih onih standarda na kojima se Europska unija zasniva i koje svi mi štitimo, a to je vladavina prava i zaštita ljudskih prava, demokracija i sloboda.

 
  
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  Monika Beňová (S&D). – Pani predsedajúca, chcem sa v úvode poďakovať pani Mogherini za jej päťročnú prácu a nasadenie, ale ak dovolíte, teraz by som sa chcela obrátiť na novú Komisiu a aj na jednotlivé členské štáty, aby boli v budúcnosti dôslední a zodpovední.

Nemôžeme pripustiť, aby sme zanevreli na našich východných susedov, a pokladám za nesprávne, že sme zastavili procesy prístupové s Macedónskom a s Albánskom. Špeciálne Macedónsko urobilo obrovské rozhodnutia a kus práce na to, aby sme ich takýmto spôsobom demotivovali, a musíme si uvedomiť, že takéto rozhodnutia sú demotivujúce aj pre našich východných partnerov.

Pre EÚ je stabilné susedstvo nevyhnutné. Aj kvôli samotnej stabilite, prosperite a bezpečnosti tu u nás v EÚ. Spolupráca s našimi východnými partnermi je aj obrovskou príležitosťou rozširovať európske myšlienky. Prístupové rokovania, ale aj medzinárodná spolupráca smerom na východ slúži aj ako nástroj rozširovania hodnôt, ktoré chceme, aby vo svete prevládali.

Ukrajina, Moldavsko, Arménsko vzhliadajú k Európe, tak by sme ich nemali našimi negatívnymi postojmi v budúcnosti sklamať.

 
  
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  Jarosław Duda (PPE). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Na wstępie chciałbym wyrazić satysfakcję z postępu krajów Partnerstwa Wschodniego – mimo trudności, o których była tutaj mowa – a zwłaszcza z postępów Ukrainy, Gruzji i Mołdawii we wprowadzaniu zmian zmierzających do dalszej integracji z Unią Europejską. Uważam, że Unia powinna wysłać jasny sygnał, że docenia wysiłki i determinację tych krajów. Popieram inicjatywę wypracowania strategii „Trio 2030” oferującej konkretne długofalowe instrumenty wsparcia dalszych reform i inwestycji.

Droga do integracji europejskiej nie jest łatwa. My w Polsce to pamiętamy. Tym bardziej cenimy i chcemy wspierać wysiłki naszych wschodnich sąsiadów. Chciałbym w szczególności odnieść się do postępu reform na Ukrainie. Gratuluję nowym władzom zapału i odwagi we wprowadzaniu zmian, na które czeka zarówno społeczeństwo ukraińskie, jak i partnerzy unijni. Walka z korupcją, reforma sądownictwa, odpowiedzialne i skuteczne sprawowanie rządów to wielkie wyzwania. Również postęp decentralizacji i wzmocnienie społeczeństwa obywatelskiego są kluczowe dla rozwoju ukraińskiej demokracji.

Doceniając determinację władz, chciałbym jednak podkreślić znaczenie szerokich konsultacji, włączenia wszystkich partnerów – w tym społeczeństwa obywatelskiego – na wszystkich szczeblach wprowadzania zmian. Ma to podstawowe znaczenie zarówno dla społecznej akceptacji, efektywnego wdrażania, jak i trwałości reform.

Pragnę też podkreślić pozytywny wpływ uczestnictwa Ukrainy w programach europejskich, w tym liczny udział młodzieży w programie Erasmus+. Moje spotkania z fantastyczną, żądną wiedzy, ambitną, otwartą młodzieżą ukraińską napawają mnie ogromnym optymizmem.

 
  
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  Jiří Pospíšil (PPE). – Paní předsedající, já chci konstatovat, že jsem rád, že toto partnerství po deseti letech zde můžeme vyhodnocovat. Před deseti lety bylo spuštěno v době, kdy Česká republika předsedala Evropské unii, a tehdy jsme my Češi stáli u toho. Pamatuji si ty debaty i ze strany české vlády, ve které jsem měl tu čest být, kdy tou hlavní filozofií bylo pomoci zemím, které jsou mezi Evropskou unií a Ruskem, vyplňují tento prostor a bohužel jsou často pod obrovským tlakem a vlivem Ruska. Tento geopolitický důvod myslím, že toto partnerství splňuje.

Pokud bychom tento prostor vyklidili a přestali s těmito zeměmi komunikovat, podporovat je, tak se obávám, že vliv Ruska, který v některých z těchto zemí bohužel v poslední době narůstá, viz třeba Moldavsko, by do budoucna ještě dále narůstal. Tedy ta geopolitická rovina je zde jednoznačná, ale pak je zde i prostý důvod, že se jedná o země, jejichž obyvatelé, alespoň v nemalé části, chtějí žít ve svobodě, demokracii a prosperujících státech. To jsou naše evropské hodnoty, které bychom v těchto státech měli podporovat.

Myslím, že i přes určité problémy lze toto partnerství veskrze hodnotit pozitivně a pro další desetiletí bychom měli tu spolupráci více zintenzivnit a posilovat. Je třeba říci to, co říkali někteří kolegové, že těchto šest zemí nemá logicky jednotný vývoj – jsou tam určité vnitřní problémy, je tam různá míra ingerence Ruska – a že bychom tedy k jednotlivým státům měli mít odlišnou strategii. Ale ten obecný trend, že takovéto partnerství má smysl, že máme podporovat spolupráci těchto států s Evropskou unií je, myslím, jednoznačný a v žádném případě se nejedná o to, že by tyto státy v nejbližší době měly vstupovat do Evropské unie.

 
  
 

„Catch the eye ” eljárás

 
  
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  Robert Hajšel (S&D). – Pani predsedajúca, reakcia na vývoj, ktorý nastal na Balkáne po tom, ako Európska rada odmietla otvoriť rokovania o vstupe severného Macedónska a Albánska do EÚ, dokazujú, že EÚ si nemôže dovoliť hazardovať s priateľstvom a dobrými vzťahmi so susednými krajinami. Inak geopoliticky stráca. A jej miesto veľmi radi zaujmú iné mocnosti, ako napríklad Rusko, alebo Čína, prípadne aj Irán.

Preto je dobré, že EÚ pokračuje v upevňovaní svojich vzťahov aj s krajinami na východ od nej, a to na rôznych úrovniach. Preto je to v prospech nášho ľudu, ako aj ľudu týchto krajín. Pre politiku východného susedstva je kľúčovým slovom diferenciácia. To znamená, že musíme diferencovať medzi jednotlivými krajinami. Z niektorými máme už dohodu o asociácii, s inými iba nejaké dobré obchodné vzťahy, ale s každým my musíme sa snažiť o to, aby tie vzťahy išli aj do hĺbky a aby boli v náš prospech aj v oblasti energetiky, dopravy alebo výmeny študentov, prípadne v oblasti kultúry. Ako každý zo štátov Ukrajina, Gruzínsko, Moldava a Arménsko, Azerbajdžan, a dokonca aj Bielorusko musia mať naozaj vhodné miesto v našej politike. A myslím si, že my môžeme im pomôcť aj v ich reforme ako napríklad súdnictva, alebo aj ďalších oblastiach.

 
  
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  Mick Wallace (GUE/NGL). – Madam President, Ms Mogherini, you said that the Eastern Partnerships are not against anyone. Would you not do not admit that US and European involvement in Ukraine has very much an anti-Russian element to it? I think it would be very hard to ignore that. Do you not think that if Russia was interfering in Canada or Mexico that there would be serious tensions also with America? Do you not think that it is about time that Europe worked for peace with Russia? The European project was built on a peaceful one, and it would make so much more sense now to look for peace with Russia and engage those countries around it, make them independent, so they don’t need the West or Russia. At the moment, Europe is increasing its militarisation, instead of decreasing it. We are liable to go into another arms race. Why don’t we work with Russia and lift the sanctions? Ms Mogherini, I haven't been here very long and we haven’t agreed on very much, but I’ll still miss you. Good luck.

 
  
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  Tudor Ciuhodaru (S&D). – Doamnă președintă, parteneriatul estic cred că este cea mai mare realizare pe politică externă în ultimii zece ani, dar el trebuie dezvoltat. Eu sunt din Iași, România, și apreciez multe dintre proiectele transfrontaliere, iar România poate fi un exemplu de bune practici în ceea ce privește asistența medicală de urgență transfrontalieră cu Republica Moldova sau în ceea ce privește bursele de studiu. Pe de altă parte vă mai spun că pe lângă cele două sute de proiecte poate mai introduceți și altele. Cei din Republica Moldova, cetățenii români din Republica Moldova vor ca acele tarife de roaming să fie același ca și în Uniunea Europeană. Au rude plecate în străinătate și pe care nu le pot suna, ori pe de altă parte să poată și ei munci în Europa pentru că, dacă suntem în această fază în care oamenii sunt cei mai importanți, le putem dobândi astfel încrederea în valorile Uniunii Europene și, de ce nu, să ajungă ușor până în Uniunea Europeană pe acea autostradă a unirii finanțată prin fonduri europene de la Târgu Mureș și Iași și Chișinău. Sunt convins că puteți include aceste proiecte pentru ceea ce vreți să dezvoltați, iar parteneriatul estic să treacă la o nouă etapă, pentru că într-adevăr dincolo de geostrategie, dincolo de politici, oamenii sunt cei mai importanți, iar pe cei de acolo, chiar din est, îi văd tot ca cetățeni europeni în următorii zece ani.

 
  
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  Julie Ward (S&D). – Madam President, Oleg Sentsov’s visit to our European Parliament this week to receive his well—deserved 2018 Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought reminds us of the terrible price still being paid every day by the Ukrainian people for defending their territorial integrity. There’s a war going on in our Eastern neighbourhood and it’s barely mentioned in the media, yet the UN Human Rights Agency estimates that 13 000 people or more have already lost their lives in the Donbass area. The illegal annexation of Crimea is an affront to all of us who care about democracy. I’m proud that this Parliament supports Ukraine and its aspirations to move closer to our European family.

In 2011, I was involved in a year—long cultural exchange project with Ukrainian partners. I fell in love with the country and its people. I learned about the largely unknown Holodomor, or hunger, a planned genocide which killed 7 million Ukrainians. Russian abuses continue, and I urge colleagues to join our MEP Friends of Ukraine group, because there’s never been a more important time to reach out and embrace Ukraine.

 
  
 

(„Catch the eye” eljárás vége)

 
  
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  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Madam President, I think this discussion shows once again the relevance of parliamentary work in support of our partnerships. I’ve said it several times, not only with the Eastern partners but also with other partners we have around the world: the role of Parliament is key.

I believe that when it comes to the Eastern Partnership specifically, in the terms of both the partnership with the six countries and on the specific parliamentary work you have done and also the work you have done with the civil society and the social players that have roots in each of the six specific countries: the added value is enormous.

This is quite an unusual session for debates for me because, obviously, I cannot commit for the future steps. That will be, obviously, in the wise hands of my successor and the next Commission. But I am sure that the track that was started wisely ten years ago and then followed in this most recent years – that of deepening our partnership in all fields with the six countries we have to our east – is going to be strengthened even more in the future. I’m sure that it will have the possibility of counting on your full support, as I have been privileged to be accompanied in this particular work by you, with your advisors, with your work.

Many of you have thanked me for this partnership. Let me pay back by thanking you because I think that we have shown that, even if not always sharing exactly the same perspectives, but that’s the positive point of democracy. You can disagree on some points, but you can still work in the same direction on some issues. I think that, in particular on the Eastern Partnership, we have proven that Parliament, Commission, Council can work together in unison and try to bridge some of the difficulties are still lying ahead.

Again, thank you for five years of support on this file and looking forward to staying in touch. But, as I was mentioning to the previous President of the session, I will stay with you for the rest of the evening and tomorrow. So that’s not yet the last word of goodbye.

 
  
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  Elnök asszony. – A vitát lezárom.

Írásos nyilatkozatok (171. cikk)

 
  
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  Karol Karski (ECR), na piśmie. – Dzisiejsza debata jest wyraźnym sygnałem, że ogólna sytuacja naszych wschodnich partnerów staje się coraz bardziej skomplikowana. W tym kontekście powstaje pytanie, co my jako Unia Europejska powinniśmy uczynić. Musimy pracować – w ramach Partnerstwa Wschodniego, ale również bilateralnych kontaktów między poszczególnymi państwami członkowskimi – nad wspieraniem naszych partnerów tam, gdzie jest to potrzebne. Przede wszystkim zaś powinniśmy zastanowić się, w jaki sposób uatrakcyjnić formułę sąsiedztwa, aby zachęcić ich do większych wysiłków na rzecz zacieśnienia współpracy z UE oraz przeprowadzenia demokratycznych reform.

 
Ostatnia aktualizacja: 7 lutego 2020Zastrzeżenia prawne - Polityka ochrony prywatności