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Mittwoch, 11. Dezember 2019 - Brüssel Überprüfte Ausgabe

7. Der europäische Grüne Deal (Aussprache)
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  Presidente. – L'ordine del giorno reca la discussione sulla dichiarazione della Commissione sul Green Deal europeo (2019/2956(RSP)).

Do la parola, ringraziandola per la sua presenza, alla Presidente von der Leyen per la sua introduzione al dibattito.

 
  
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  Ursula von der Leyen, présidente de la Commission. – Monsieur le Président, il y a deux semaines que j’ai fait une promesse à ce Parlement: je vous ai promis que ma Commission ne perdra pas de temps. Et voilà, à peine deux semaines plus tard, nous sommes ici devant vous avec notre proposition pour un pacte vert pour l’Europe, the European Green Deal.

Ce sont les peuples d’Europe qui nous ont appelés à une action décisive contre le changement climatique. Les Européens ont fait entendre leur voix dans les rues et dans les urnes. C’est pour eux que nous sommes ici aujourd’hui, c’est pour eux que nous présentons un pacte vert pour l’Europe aussi ambitieux. C’est aujourd’hui que nous leur disons: nous vous avons entendus, nous vous avons entendus clair et fort et voici la réponse.

Chers parlementaires, en juillet, immédiatement après ma nomination, j’ai placé l’action climatique au cœur de mon programme politique. Par votre vote, vous avez approuvé ce programme et je vous ai promis que vous auriez une place centrale dans les prochaines étapes.

Aujourd’hui, Frans et moi, ainsi que tout le collège, nous présentons, à vous et aux citoyens européens, nos idées pour le pacte vert de l’Europe. Nous sommes aussi ici parce que nous avons besoin de vous. Cette proposition n’est pas le point final d’un travail, c’est le début d’un chemin commun et nous ne progresserons qu’avec votre soutien.

Honourable Members, this is not just our vision for a climate-neutral continent; it is a roadmap for action, with 50 practical steps on Europe’s path towards 2050. It will take more than a generation to reach that goal. We know that this roadmap will have to evolve and adapt through the years. It will be a very long and partly bumpy road, without any question, but it is up to us to set the pace. It is up to us to leave no one behind, and we know that it is doable. We are determined to succeed, for the sake of this planet and life on it. And so many European people, businesses and cities, are already showing us the way. Last Friday, 44 of Europe’s largest investors, representing EUR 6 trillion of assets, called on the European Union to adopt, as quickly as possible, a climate law for climate neutrality in 2050. They want that law. They say it will give them the confidence to make long-term decisions for modern investment. It is about accountability and reliability, and therefore a crucial building block of our European Green Deal will be, in 2020, the proposal of the very first European climate law. It will set clear rules so that investors and innovators can plan their long-term investment. It will make the transition towards climate neutrality accountable and reliable.

Next summer we will present a plan to increase our ambition in cutting emissions. This decision on our 2030 target will not be left to chance. The plan will come with a thorough impact assessment to better understand where we can be bold, but also where we must be prudent. We want to be as ambitious as we can and we want to be as realistic as we can. All of this will be ready in time for next year’s COP26 in Glasgow.

Europe will lead by example, but we also need more ambitious multilateral rules for the whole world. Of course, every continent has to find its own path, without any question, but the goal must be the same for everyone, and positive change must be rewarded and not hindered. We want to protect our planet. We welcome the change in production procedures. If companies invest in clean technologies, if they respect our environment, it can’t be that they face unfair competition from heavy polluters, and that’s when we will apply a carbon border adjustment mechanism with full compliance with WTO rules.

(Applause)

Honourable Members, the European Green deal is not only about emissions: it is about boosting innovation; it is about quality food; it is about modern mobility. It will create new businesses and markets all across Europe. The European Green Deal is our new growth strategy, and this time it’s a growth strategy that is not consuming, but it is a new growth strategy that is more giving back than it takes away. It’s a growth strategy that is more caring. Companies from all across our continent are already turning the green transition into green opportunities and business opportunities. Some are converting plastic waste in modern furniture, for example. Farmers are using data from our satellites to adapt to climate change. Made-in-Europe batteries for electric cars are finally becoming reality. We must invest in Europe’s potential for innovation. 70 years ago, Europeans invested in coal and steel, and it turned out to be a historic reconciliation and an economic miracle. Today we are investing in renewables and algorithms, and the European Green Deal is about reconciling our economy with our planet, reconciling the way we produce and the way we consume with our planet, and respecting the environment we live in. That is the core of the European Green Deal.

Honourable Members, exactly one year ago, the city of Katowice hosted the Global Climate Conference of COP24. This city, that for over a century was a capital of coal, became the global capital of climate action. Delegations from the whole world saw former coal industries that now host congress centres, restaurants and concert halls. This transition did not happen overnight, and it was certainly not effortless. Likewise, the European Green Deal won’t happen overnight and it will be demanding, but it is the right thing to do. As in Katowice, the transition will bring better and healthier jobs. It will bring cleaner and less-polluted cities. It will bring a higher quality of life for Europeans. But this transition will also need time, support and solidarity. Therefore, immediately in the next year, we will propose the Just Transition Mechanism. It will combine public money and private money. The European Investment Bank will leverage it, with the ambition to reach EUR 100 billion in investment over the next seven years. It will be the springboard for those sectors and those regions that have to catch up.

Everyone in Europe can be part of this change. The transition is not just about big industry and coal. It is an opportunity for our farmers, with our farm-to-fork strategy. From Lapland to southern Italy, a whole generation of young farmers are rediscovering traditional crops and bringing new life to our countryside. The European Green Deal will be on their side. The European Green Deal will take care of Europe’s incredible natural heritage. It will protect biodiversity and revive the blue economy. But we, as institutions that serve the Europeans, must also walk the talk, and this is what the European Commission will do. We also have to learn what this change means in our daily life – how to practice sustainability. What does it mean for our buildings, for our waste management, for our travels, for our paper use, you name it?

Today in College, we set ourselves the target to be, as a Commission, climate neutral by 2030, and I invite Parliament and the Council to do the same. It’s a challenge, but let’s do that together. Let us support active citizenship and call on grass roots initiatives. Let us work with teachers and educators, because our children are not passive spectators. They are very active players in this endeavour. Our climate pact will be with them and for them and for all those who are ready to play a part in this endeavour.

Honourable Members, a whole continent has to be mobilised, from mayors in small cities and in big cities to all institutions on the European level. Every member of my Commission will be involved, every Member State, every committee in this Parliament. In fact, none of this will be possible without your support. We will need ambitious legislation. We will need a seven-year budget that rises to the challenge. Today, we bring the European Green Deal here to the floor of Parliament. Tomorrow I will present it to our leaders in the Council, and later this week Mr Timmermans will present it to COP25 in Madrid. Let’s start this endeavour together.

Honourable Members, some say the cost of this transformation is too high. Well, let us never forget what the cost of non-action would be.

(Applause)

It is rising by the year. River flooding costs our citizens over EUR 5 billion annually. Every year, our economy is losing almost EUR 10 billion due to droughts, and farmers pay the highest price. And this is only the beginning. But this is not a given. We can resist these developments. It is high time, but it is not too late. With this roadmap for action, we make the cost of the transition fully sustainable.

Many Europeans are already taking action. Only one year ago, no one would have imagined that millions would take to the street for climate. Our cities are choosing clean energy. Our scientists are developing the technologies of the future. Our families are renouncing plastic and choosing local food. Our European Green Deal is for them. It is ambitious. It is designed to be just. It is made in Europe for Europe to lead the way to climate neutrality in 2050. Europe has always given its best when it has worked together as a Union. We give our best when we are bold and aim high, and with the European Green Deal we are aiming high. Europeans are calling on us to drive the change. Now it’s up to us to answer their call.

(Applause)

 
  
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  Esther de Lange, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Mr President, I would like to thank the President of the Commission for presenting today the vision, the plans and the ideas of your European Commission when it comes to the Green Deal. And for the EPP, for us popular parties and Christian Democrats, our motivation is crystal clear: we believe that we don’t own this planet; we’re merely looking after it for the generations to come, and we therefore simply have a moral obligation to protect it. And for us, what we discussed today, therefore, is not just a deal; it’s a solemn promise that we make to our children and our grandchildren.

The President of the European Commission earlier today talked about a ‘man-on-the-moon’ moment, and she is right, because aiming for something that is so hard to reach takes a lot of courage. But we simply need to act; we may be the last generation that can still act and have an impact and make a difference. We only simply have a couple of decades left. And at the same time, for the EPP it is also clear that you don’t put a man – or a woman, for that matter – on the moon by just banning things, by increasing taxes and by telling people what they must do or what they can no longer do. We do it by bringing the best and the brightest together – that first of all. We need ground-breaking research: the smartest solutions and the cleanest industry which will provide jobs for Europeans and opportunities. Let Europe be the continent that develops and produces alternative aircraft fuels while also improving the rail market for shorter distances. Let Europe be the continent where we produce CO2-low or even -free steel. We in the EPP might not be climate warriors, but we are – and we need to be – climate nerds. That is what Europe needs to get ahead.

We do it, secondly, by leaving nobody behind, it has been said; by not putting the burden, for example, on those who can least afford it. And this is a real worry among Europeans. We do it by working with our farmers and foresters: farmland and forests take up more than three quarters of our surface in Europe, and some brand farmers and foresters as the villains, as the problem in this debate, whereas they’re part of the solution. And we should help them, starting by ensuring them a fair price for their products as well as an international level playing field.

And thirdly, we do it by bringing by being coherent and consistent. For the EPP it is clear that an ambitious climate policy and a smart industrial policy need to go hand in hand. A Green Deal without a good deal for our industry will not deliver the change that we are looking for. We want and we need ambition with the business case. And finally, we need a global, level playing field, it has been said, ensuring that other parts of the world either play along or cannot have uncorrected access to the European market.

Today is a day, I think, for firmly putting that dot on the horizon. We agree on the direction that we are heading in. We share an ambition. But the work on how we get there is only starting. Let’s not fool ourselves. It will be challenging, and what we need is a combination of real vision and practical strategy, and this is what the EPP can and will deliver.

 
  
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  Iratxe García Pérez, en nombre del Grupo S&D. – Señor presidente. Presidenta, hoy tenemos la oportunidad de iniciar una nueva era. Para Europa y para nuestro planeta. Solo once días después del inicio del mandato, la Comisión Europea, gracias al extraordinario trabajo de Frans Timmermans, nos presenta algo más que una propuesta. Lo que hoy se nos presenta es un nuevo modelo de crecimiento, que tiene como objetivo transformar la Unión Europea en una sociedad más justa y próspera, capaz de dar respuesta a los desafíos del cambio climático.

El pasado mes de noviembre este Parlamento declaró la emergencia climática. Para los socialdemócratas no se trata de un eslogan vacío. Se trata de una advertencia que requiere medidas urgentes y excepcionales. El Pacto Verde señala el camino que Europa y el resto del mundo necesitan recorrer para su transformación. Supone un cambio de paradigma total para enterrar definitivamente los combustibles fósiles y alcanzar una Europa climáticamente neutra en 2050.

Si queremos lograr estos objetivos a través de una transición justa, debemos apoyarnos en tres pilares. El primero: necesitamos un pilar verde, que implemente la Agenda 2030 de las Naciones Unidas y los Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible. En este sentido, valoramos positivamente que la propuesta haga realidad nuestra vieja aspiración de incorporar los Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible al Semestre Europeo. Y, además, me refiero también a este pilar verde porque incorpora la ley climática con objetivos claros y el compromiso último de alcanzar la neutralidad climática.

El segundo pilar es el pilar rojo, la dimensión social del Pacto Verde. Dentro del Pacto Verde necesitamos una dimensión social real. Esto solo lo logramos con un pilar social fuerte que nos permita transformar nuestras economías y que garantice que nadie se quede atrás. Las clases desfavorecidas no pueden ser las más afectadas por el cambio climático.

Y el tercer pilar, el pilar financiero. Este pilar determinará el éxito del Pacto Verde. Según la Comisión, el cumplimiento de sus objetivos requerirá una inversión anual adicional de 260 000 millones de euros. Para ello, necesitamos el marco financiero plurianual con, al menos, el 1,3 % de la renta nacional bruta y necesitamos hablar de una fiscalidad justa, alineada con los objetivos de reducción del carbono.

La Unión Europea no puede luchar contra el cambio climático sola. Nuestra política comercial supone una excelente oportunidad para promover nuestros estándares laborales, sociales y medioambientales. Hoy enviamos un mensaje claro para cumplir las expectativas de los millones de personas que están tomando las calles reivindicando la lucha contra el cambio climático. Esos millones de personas están preparadas para el cambio. Nosotros, los socialdemócratas, estamos preparados para el cambio.

La pregunta es la siguiente, ¿están nuestros líderes y el resto de fuerzas políticas preparados para el cambio? La respuesta es obligada. Tenemos que estar. Es tiempo de actuar.

 
  
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  Dacian Cioloş, on behalf of the Renew Group. – Mr President, Madam President of the Commission, Vice—President of the Commission, the Green Deal communication is the beginning of a process to put Europe on the right track to fight against climate change, but we will succeed only if we change this challenge into an opportunity for our citizens and for our economy. If we go this way, Renew Europe will be a trustworthy but also a demanding partner. We led the declaration of a climate emergency and demanded the Green Deal be placed at the top of the agenda. If we want the Green Deal to generate opportunities, we must avoid adding bureaucracy to bureaucracy. The Green Deal must not end up with new red tape but with a new societal dynamic. We need to go fast, but we also need to engage in a wide debate all across Europe and mobilise around this project.

First, to trigger change, we need to set the level of ambition in our future climate law and to set impact assessment as the standard. Second, let’s face it, the transition toward a carbon—neutral economy is, and will be, a challenge for many of our economic sectors and workers. It will call for massive investment, creativity and solidarity with the people and the sectors confronted with the most challenging transformations. Third, a twofold approach to Green digitalisation and technology is fundamental for us. Digital technologies are uniquely positioned to provide effective tools for climate-change mitigation and adaptation. And fourth, we should not oppose traditional policies and new priorities but modernise our traditional tools. Both the cohesion policy and the common agricultural policy can deliver on our new political ambitions. The Green Deal ambition must be integrated with policy reforms that are already on the table.

Dear colleagues, this ascent ahead of us is the challenge of a generation. But with determination and teamwork, our journey can be an opportunity for our renewal and reinvention. The most challenging work is not only to set ambitions but to find practical solutions to achieve them, and you can trust that Renew Europe is committed to being an active team member.

 
  
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  Philippe Lamberts, au nom du groupe Verts/ALE. – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, nous nous réjouissons que la nouvelle Commission ait fait de la question écologique l’un des grands chantiers de la législature et que votre premier acte politique soit la présentation d’un pacte vert européen.

Deux semaines après votre entrée en fonction, il est normal que ce plan soit, à ce stade, schématique. La question qui se pose à présent est de savoir si et comment ce catalogue d’engagement et de bonnes intentions sera traduit en actions concrètes.

Pour nous quatre critères détermineront notre engagement sur le Green New Deal.

Premièrement, il devra assurer que l’Union européenne prenne toute sa part du combat pour limiter le réchauffement climatique à un degré et demi. Jusqu’à présent, non seulement les engagements de l’Union sont insuffisants, mais ils ne sont pas tenus. Corriger le tir exige que, dans les cent prochains jours, nous nous engagions à réduire nos émissions de 65 % d’ici 2030. Et le dérèglement climatique n’est qu’un des symptômes du non-respect par l’humanité des limites biophysiques de la planète. Nous devons également agir sans tarder sur la biodiversité, sur le sujet de l’épuisement des ressources ou sur celui de la pollution de la nature, une nature dont nous dépendons pour notre vie tout simplement.

Deuxièmement, pour réussir, la transition écologique doit être solidaire, elle doit aller main dans la main avec une réduction drastique des inégalités économiques et sociales. Il va de soi que produire et consommer durable est financièrement plus cher. Faire porter l’essentiel du prix de la transition sur celles et ceux qui subissent pauvreté, précarité, déclassement est tout simplement intolérable. Les gilets jaunes nous l’ont, à très juste titre, rappelé. De même, si cette transition est riche d’emplois, elle va aussi en détruire. Celles et ceux qui les occupent devront bénéficier de la solidarité de tous et c’est à cela, et exclusivement à cela, que le fonds pour la transition juste doit servir. Il ne peut pas être question qu’il serve à indemniser des actionnaires qui auraient décidé de faire le choix des énergies fossiles. En fait, ce fonds n’est qu’une petite partie de la réponse à la transition juste. Ce qu’il nous faut, c’est une transformation profonde de la fiscalité, pour que ceux qui ont tiré les profits de l’âge fossile soient aussi ceux qui paient la plus grosse part du prix de la transition.

Troisièmement, le pacte vert exige la cohérence de l’ensemble des politiques publiques. Par exemple, à quoi bon consacrer une part des budgets de l’Union européenne à la lutte contre le changement climatique si l’autre part aggrave le problème? De même, le pacte vert suppose une refonte profonde d’une politique agricole commune qui reste aujourd’hui productiviste et orientée vers la satisfaction des marchés mondiaux.

Et que dire, alors, de la stratégie libre-échangiste de l’Union? Augmenter encore et toujours les flux commerciaux sur la planète est un non-sens absolu. Alors, sur le plan de la cohérence, Madame la Présidente, votre projet évoque la question, identifie les contradictions, mais se garde un peu trop, à mon goût, de les trancher de manière claire.

Enfin, quatrième point: le pacte vert n’a aucune chance de succès si nous ne parvenons pas à remettre la finance au service de la société. Depuis la crise de 2007-2008, l’ADN prédateur du secteur financier, au cœur des maux que le Green New Deal entend combattre, est resté largement inchangé. Pire, aujourd’hui, le climat général est plutôt à la dérégulation, ce qui est totalement irresponsable.

Chers collègues, cela fait soixante ans, soixante ans que, pour la première fois, les scientifiques ont commencé à établir le lien entre les activités humaines et les dérèglements climatiques; un demi-siècle depuis que le club de Rome nous a alertés sur le péril mortel d’une croissance économique sans limite; trente ans depuis le sommet de Rio, où Jacques Chirac nous disait: notre maison brûle et nous regardons ailleurs; plus de vingt ans depuis la première conférence des Nations unies sur le climat, et nos émissions de gaz à effet de serre continuent encore et toujours à augmenter, pendant que s’épuisent les ressources et que s’effondre la biodiversité.

L’heure est au branle-bas de combat car généraliser à la planète entière, Madame la Présidente, ce fameux mode de vie européen que vous voulez promouvoir exigerait quatre planètes. Nous n’en avons qu’une, et nous dépendons d’elle pour notre survie.

 
  
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  Silvia Sardone, a nome del gruppo ID. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, a parte il fatto che io sono nuova qua, ma davvero non avrei mai immaginato di ricevere i documenti una volta in Aula e poi dover discutere di essi. Insomma, non dico tanto, ma almeno averli un'oretta prima e riuscire a leggere due fogli, invece no. Evidentemente la democrazia in quest'Aula è così, è un po' scomodo dare all'opposizione la possibilità di leggere i documenti di cui si discute.

Ho sentito parlare di "50 passi fino al 2050", un libro dei sogni, annunci da copertina. La neutralità ambientale entro il 2050: ma voi avete considerato gli impatti sociali ed economici di questa cosa? Io comprendo che la Commissione ha un po' la necessità di avere un'immagine un po' alla moda, perché non è che siete proprio amati, però non mi sembra che sparare degli slogan, o rincorrere la Greta del momento, sia il modo giusto.

Ha parlato di promuovere innovazione e cibo di qualità. Io mi domando se con "cibo di qualità" intende quello che abbiamo visto con il nutriscore, oppure l'olio tunisino, o le arance africane. Lo dico perché all'Europa e ai paesi europei vengono richiesti degli standard, e poi vediamo magicamente che fate accordi commerciali anche con paesi che questi standard non li hanno.

La stessa cosa per quanto riguarda la plastica: continuate a parlare di plastic free e poi fate accordi commerciali con paesi dove l'inquinamento è all'ordine del giorno. Ho sentito parlare di batterie made in Europe, ma voi avete in mente che oggi il 70 % di tutte le batterie del mondo viene fatto in Cina, Giappone e Corea?

Ho poi ascoltato l'evoluzione che c'è stata dal carbone all'acciaio e ora, insomma, l'ambizione dell'elettrico. Mi solo sono domandata: non è che qualche paese vuole, per caso, riconvertire il sistema produttivo a spese di tutti i cittadini europei? Magari questo è un dubbio che è venuto solo a noi però, insomma, sembra abbastanza palese

Avete parlato di cento miliardi di investimenti nei prossimi sette anni e poi siete gli stessi a guardare le virgole e a chiedere il rispetto dei vincoli di bilancio ai paesi quando devono sistemare il proprio dissesto idrogeologico. Lo dico, ovviamente, perché io arrivo dall'Italia, ma questo deve valere per tutti i paesi.

Ultima cosa: ho come l'impressione di sentire per la seconda volta il piano Juncker, quello che aveva raccontato l'effetto moltiplicatore, e cioè che noi avremmo messo un euro e avremmo guadagnato il 1 500 % in più, ma non è stato così.

Io mi auguro che voi abbiate la capacità di avere una visione della realtà delle cose e di andare oltre gli slogan di cui invece vi state riempiendo la bocca.

 
  
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  Ryszard Antoni Legutko, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, Madam President of the Commission, ladies and gentlemen, three points. First, we meet here in exceptional circumstances. We are discussing the sweeping changes to our climate and energy goals brought forward by the European Commission no sooner than 10 days since taking up office and before our recent, existing climate agreements have been implemented. This is ambitious, but it is not prudent.

Point number two. In the ECR we had hoped the new Commission would be more cautious than the last one – that it would work with the Member States and within the Treaties. If you read the Treaty’s Article 15, it stated very clearly: it is the European Council who define the political direction of EU policies. And the European Council meets tomorrow to discuss: guess what? The EU’s long-term climate policy. So I ask myself: why are we here today? Is the Commission trying to seize the initiative, to take away power from the Member States? When we look back, we can see that in 2014 the European Council unanimously agreed the 2030 targets delivered with compromise after painstaking negotiations. And today’s headline goal of achieving climate neutrality by 2050 should have followed the same path, and Member State governments should not be sidelined on something this fundamental.

Point number three, Madam President. In recent months we have heard so much about the green wave sweeping Europe. But have you noticed that, when this wave reaches the Baltic and travels down the Danube, it is not even a ripple? Why? Because in Central and Eastern Europe we can see through it. We see a confused strategy that prompts more questions than it answers. Are the Commission’s new climate goals credible and achievable? And what will this do to our industries? You pictured some sort of a paradise – who wouldn’t like to live in a paradise? But will this convince millions of Europeans? How have the new Commission, in 10 days since taking office, been able to fully understand how dramatically our economies could change as a result of this Green Deal? Have you an idea of the social costs as well as personal tragedies it will generate?

Point number four, which I wanted to omit, but I will just indicate it briefly. It’s about gas. We see a completely confused strategy here. Gas is going to be an essential part of decarbonising in the coming years, and new legislation agreed recently prohibits future investment in gas. This is certainly confusing.

So to conclude, Madam President. How we move forward has to be credible and achievable, otherwise you can have all the talk and targets in the world, but they will count for nothing if you can’t actually meet them. And when you try to do it by force, the consequences might be disastrous.

 
  
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  Manon Aubry, au nom du groupe GUE/NGL. – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Présidente, le débat d’aujourd’hui n’est pas un débat comme les autres, nous parlons d’un enjeu fondamental qui dépasse les clivages partisans: la survie de la civilisation humaine telle que nous la connaissons.

Nous saluons la démarche de la Commission européenne de présenter devant nous son plan d’action, mais disons-le tout de suite, toute initiative climatique sera vaine si elle ne s’attaque pas à la racine du problème: un système économique qui entraîne à la fois la destruction de notre écosystème et l’explosion des inégalités.

Alors certaines de vos propositions, comme sur la reforestation, les aides d’État ou l’efficacité énergétique vont dans le bon sens, mais votre plan se limite à des objectifs qui restent imprécis, non contraignants et non financés. Un signe ne trompe pas: dans votre plan, on trouve beaucoup de plans d’action, de stratégies qui sont énoncés, mais peu de modifications législatives réelles, alors qu’on sait très bien qu’on ne sauvera pas la planète avec des incantations. Votre plan est aussi traversé par des contradictions qui sont fondamentales et qui rendent certains de ses objectifs inopérants.

Sur l’énergie, comment être crédible sans un calendrier précis de sortie du charbon et du gaz et en étendant encore un marché carbone inefficace? Sur le commerce, à quoi servent des clauses environnementales, si l’on poursuit les accords de libre-échange climaticides? Sur l’agriculture, comment augmenter les surfaces dédiées au bio sans réouvrir les négociations sur la PAC? Sur les transports, comment développer le fret ferroviaire en poursuivant le démantèlement des entreprises publiques? Sur les financements, enfin, où sont les engagements concrets pour une taxe kérosène, une taxe carbone et une taxe plastique?

En l’état, ce plan ne permettra pas d’atteindre votre objectif de réduction de 50 % des émissions de gaz à effet de serre, déjà en deçà des efforts à réaliser pour respecter l’accord de Paris. Pire encore – et c’est le plus important pour notre groupe – ce plan ignore la dimension humaine et sociale de la transition écologique, alors même – et vous l’avez reconnu vous-même – que les plus précaires sont les premières victimes de la catastrophe et ce n’est pas le dérisoire fonds de transition juste qui changera la donne. C’est une faute politique majeure: on ne résoudra pas la crise climatique contre les peuples ou en leur faisant payer le plus fort prix, comme a tenté de le faire Emmanuel Macron en France. La transition écologique doit se faire par, pour et avec les peuples européens.

Alors, face à l’urgence, l’Europe a besoin d’un véritable pacte vert pour l’Europe, social et écologique, d’une ampleur inédite depuis l’après-guerre. C’est le sens du contre-projet de notre groupe de la Gauche unitaire européenne, que nous vous remettons aujourd’hui et que nous mettons sur la table: des propositions concrètes articulées autour de dix axes. D’abord, le pacte vert pour l’Europe doit fixer dans une loi climatique un objectif prioritaire, contraignant: la réduction des émissions de gaz à effet de serre de 70 % d’ici 2030, et doit lancer un grand plan d’investissement pour planifier le passage au 100 % d’énergies renouvelables en 2050 et imposer des objectifs contraignants d’économie d’énergie aux entreprises. Il doit aussi initier un vaste plan de rénovation thermique, énergétique pour sortir les 125 millions d’Européens de la précarité énergétique; il doit révolutionner notre politique agricole en encourageant un modèle paysan; il doit sortir de la logique du libre-échange et oser un protectionnisme solidaire; il doit mettre la Banque centrale au service de la transition écologique; il doit dégager des marges budgétaires en se libérant du carcan austéritaire et en luttant contre l’évasion fiscale.

Voilà les grandes lignes du plan écologique et social que nous mettons aujourd’hui sur la table, voilà ce qu’attendent les peuples et la planète, finalement un pacte pour les jours heureux, un pacte pour le futur.

Il vous reste trois mois avant la publication définitive de la stratégie de l’Union européenne. Le Parlement européen doit assumer son rôle et demander à la Commission européenne de revoir sa copie et d’augmenter le niveau d’ambition pour qu’on change enfin le système et pas la planète.

 
  
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  Eleonora Evi (NI). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signora Presidente von der Leyen, bene l'obiettivo di neutralità climatica entro il 2050, bene le tante misure proposte, tra cui l'economia circolare, la riforestazione e la qualità dell'aria, però rimangono ancora molti dubbi.

In primis, dove troviamo le risorse finanziarie per la trasformazione e per la transizione climatica ed ecologica. Perché la Commissione europea ci dice che avremo bisogno di 260 miliardi di euro all'anno da qui fino al 2030, eppure la Corte dei conti, poco tempo fa, ha detto che servono circa 1 115 miliardi all'anno, da qui al 2030, per fare quello che dobbiamo fare. Quindi temo, cara Presidente, che stiamo ben lontani da un piano di questa portata, siamo davanti a una sfida epocale che lei stessa ha comparato al primo uomo sulla Luna. Ma siamo sicuri che questo European Green Deal abbia le risorse necessarie?

Sulle risorse proprie avete mostrato poco coraggio: la tassa sui rifiuti di imballaggi di plastica non riciclata e le quote dell'ETS non basteranno. Inoltre, ci potrà assicurare che non stiamo parlando di presunti effetti leva, come quelli promessi nel piano del suo predecessore Juncker? E in più, quale ruolo per la Banca centrale europea per affrontare la sfida climatica? Infine, e chiudo, se si vuole fare sul serio lo scorporo degli investimenti verdi dal Patto di stabilità e crescita è una riforma essenziale e non più rinviabile.

 
  
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  Markus Pieper (PPE). – Herr Präsident! Ich begrüße den Vorschlag für ambitioniertere Klimaziele. Wenn die Energiewende kostenverträglich gelingt, hat Europa gute Chancen, die globale Stärke der Industrie auszubauen.

Wichtig ist erstens, dass die Kommission nun doch Folgenabschätzungen für die Erhöhung des 40 %-CO2-Minderungsziels vorsieht.

Voraussetzung für einen Umbau des Energiesektors hin zu den Erneuerbaren ist zweitens die uneingeschränkte Akzeptanz von Erdgas als Brückentechnologie. Wir brauchen das nicht nur als Grundlast, sondern wir brauchen auch intakte Gasnetze für die Transformation von Wind- und Solarenergie in wasserstoffbasierte Lösungen.

Es wird drittens darum gehen, dass wir gigantische Mengen von grünem Importstrom haben müssen. Verhandlungen mit Staaten, die für Sonne und Wind prädestiniert sind, müssen sofort beginnen. Die europäische Energiewende muss wichtigster Bestandteil der europäischen Nachbarschafts- und Außenpolitik werden.

Und viertens muss die Energiewende marktwirtschaftlich und technologieneutral sein. Marktwirtschaftlich heißt, das bewährte ETS der Industrie auch auf Verkehr und Gebäude zu übertragen. Technologieneutral heißt, Innovationen zuzulassen. Ein effizientes Dieselauto ist heute umweltfreundlicher als fast jedes Elektroauto. Das wird morgen umgekehrt sein, aber das regelt der Markt und nicht die grüne Klimaideologie.

In diesem Sinne freue ich mich auf eine interessante Debatte.

 
  
  

IN THE CHAIR: MAIREAD McGUINNESS
Vice-President

 
  
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  Miriam Dalli (S&D). – Madam President, President von der Leyen, Vice-President Timmermans, the next years are the time window we have to plan out the new economic model that we want to adopt, and the European Green Deal can be the industrial revolution that puts at its core social rights, workers’ rights, sustainability and our industry’s competitiveness. Any plan that is serious about delivering real results needs to be backed up by binding targets and measures, not only at the EU level but at the Member State level too. Gone are the days when Member States want to postpone and defer taking action. To reach carbon neutrality by 2050 we need a 55% CO2 reduction target for 2030 and to seriously consider an interim target for 2040. It gives clarity to Member States and industries where we want to go and how we want to do it, and no industry should be allowed to hide behind international mechanisms simply to postpone action. All sectors need to contribute, and that includes shipping and aviation too.

Fossil fuel subsidies should be phased out and stopped. We need policies that direct investments to cleaner technologies across the board and in all sectors. We require innovative ways to generate new money for these investments. We need to discuss how best to mobilise public and private money so the right products are rolled out, good-quality jobs are created, and our current and future workforce is prepared for this transition. We believe that the European Green deal has the potential to brand this European Commission, and we are ready to work with both of you to deliver socially, economically and environmentally.

 
  
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  President. – There are requests for blue—card questions, but I’m advised that we don’t have time; we’re already running over. So apologies that we cannot take those blue—card questions. I would ask colleagues to stick to their time.

 
  
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  Pascal Canfin (Renew). – Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Vice-président, aujourd’hui je suis fier d’être européen, et c’est grâce à vous parce que vous avez présenté, en dix jours, le plus grand plan de transition écologique pour tout un continent.

Et alors que les États-Unis se retirent de l’accord de Paris, nous, nous accélérons, et le groupe Renew sera à vos côtés contre tous ceux qui veulent que rien ne change et ceux qui voudraient que tout change demain matin, alors que l’on sait que ce n’est pas possible. Et on veut tenir ce cap parce que c’est le seul qui permette d’emmener la société, d’emmener l’industrie, d’emmener nos territoires pour atteindre l’objectif que nous nous sommes fixé: la neutralité carbone en 2050.

J’insiste sur le fait que nous sommes particulièrement satisfaits de voir une loi climat en 2050, mais aussi une exigence chiffrée pour 2030, comme cela vient d’être rappelé. Nous voulons réduire nos émissions de manière légalement contraignantes pour 2030 de 55 % au moins.

Le deuxième élément de satisfaction est que vous changez les règles des accords commerciaux. Dorénavant, l’Union européenne ne signera plus d’accords commerciaux sans intégrer, comme une clause essentielle, le respect de l’accord de Paris. C’est une nouvelle façon de voir la mondialisation, un autre élément de fierté, et le groupe Renew sera à vos côtés, Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Vice-président.

 
  
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  Marie Toussaint (Verts/ALE). – Madame la Présidente, Madame van der Leyen, ce que vous proposez aurait été formidable il y a 25 ans, mais nous ne sommes pas il y a 25 ans. Nous sommes en 2019, et nous sommes dos au mur face à la catastrophe.

Ce dont nous avons besoin, c’est d’un pacte vert pour l’Europe qui vise une réduction d’au moins 65 % de réduction des émissions de gaz à effet de serre en 2030, et non pas 50 % comme vous le proposez. Respecter l’accord de Paris est un minimum.

Ce dont nous avons besoin, c’est d’un pacte vert pour l’Europe qui tourne le dos aux entreprises des fossiles, qui sorte du carbone et qui cesse tout financement, oui tout financement, pour celles et ceux qui détruisent notre planète.

Les demi-mesures menacent notre avenir. Vous parlez d’investir, mais ce n’est pas de 1 000 milliards d’euros sur dix ans dont nous avons besoin pour assurer la transition, c’est de 1 000 milliards d’euros par an. Vous n’allez pas assez loin, parce que vous imaginez encore que la croissance est une solution. Vous n’allez pas assez loin, parce que vous pensez encore qu’il faut ménager les multinationales, les banques et le système qui nous a menés droit dans le mur.

Le pacte vert pour l’Europe ne doit pas être une timide évolution, mais un véritable changement de paradigme. Il faut comprendre que l’économie n’est pas au-dessus des lois de la nature. Un vrai pacte vert pour l’Europe demande d’adapter notre économie et notre cadre juridique à l’urgence environnementale. Il faut des mesures fortes, des mesures contraignantes, un véritable devoir de vigilance pour que les États et les entreprises respectent enfin leurs obligations climatiques. Nous avons besoin d’un nouveau contrat social et environnemental, et nous n’avons pas le droit d’échouer.

 
  
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  Paolo Borchia (ID). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, quello che avrei voluto dire alla signora von der Leyen prima che abbandonasse l'Aula – mi auguro nulla di personale – è che io, in parte, ho condiviso una piccola parte, e sottolineo piccola, della sua presentazione. Tuttavia, come forma mentis, ritengo che per migliorarsi serva concentrarsi sulle criticità.

In primo luogo, io mi chiedo dove troveremo i soldi per finanziare quella che a tutti gli effetti pare una riedizione del piano Juncker, vista la sacralità dei vincoli di bilancio. Inoltre, io mi permetto di provare a fare da portavoce non dei grandi investitori, quelli in grado di mobilitare trilioni, ma di parlare a nome di cittadini e di imprese fortemente preoccupati per quello che sarà il New Green Deal.

Ecco, sono i timori di chi teme che misure come queste dovrebbero essere ragionate sul lungo periodo e con la dovuta programmazione, quindi evitando che si riducano a degli spot costosissimi per accontentare l'opinione pubblica oppure, peggio, per tradursi in oneri che le imprese europee, a differenza di quelle dei paesi terzi, dovranno sopportare. Ad esempio, mi riferisco alla pressione cinese nel mercato dell'acciaio. Mi chiedo se il New Green Deal si farà carico di sanzionare l'inosservanza della Cina, oppure sceglierà di ignorare il soffocamento della nostra industria, così come è successo fino adesso.

Questo è come se la competitività non fosse tra i problemi che maggiormente gravano sulle imprese europee quando si confrontano con l'aggressività della concorrenza internazionale. Se manca la competitività si perdono quote di mercato e di conseguenza posti di lavoro e poi succede che le imprese delocalizzano e paradossalmente se ne vanno a inquinare in altri paesi.

Ecco, un'impostazione di bilancio di questo tipo rischia di sottrarre fondi dal prossimo budget pluriennale a settori chiave, come l'agricoltura o la politica di coesione. Io dubito che ai mancati beneficiari potremmo andare a raccontare che le loro aziende chiuderanno ma potranno godere di minori emissioni di anidride carbonica.

Concludo, signora Presidente, io auspico che le lobby legate magari...

(La Presidente interrompe l'oratore)

 
  
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  President. – I’m sorry, I’m not allowing you to conclude because you are over your time. And before I go any further, why is it me who has to always deliver the bad news on timing? Because there is bad news on timing: we have 20 requests for catch—the—eye, but at the rate we are now proceeding, it will be very difficult to give the floor to anyone who wants a catch—the—eye.

Those who get the floor, would you please respect your time? I will give you a warning after five seconds and then I’ll be ruthless.

 
  
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  Alexandr Vondra (ECR). – Paní předsedající, začnu řečnicky: Proč si Komise k programu svolává tento Parlament a nezveřejní to na tiskové konferenci, jak to bylo vždycky obvyklé? Kvůli uhlíkové stopě to určitě nebude, protože tu jsme tady kvůli těm dvěma hodinám jenom prohloubili, jak jsme se sem slétli z celé Evropy. Je to – ano – kvůli tomu, že ten program je radikální, zve se „Úděl“, ale fakticky je to zelená revoluce. My jsme konzervativci a revolucím nevěříme. Ano, chceme se chovat zodpovědně k planetě, chceme chránit přírodu, cítíme toto jako naši povinnost, ale cenou nesmí být ani znásilnění procedur, kdy jedni budou válcovat druhé, ale ani neúměrné náklady, které povedou jenom k tomu, že přijde další revoluce, která nám smete to nejcennější, co máme, přátelskou spolupráci evropských národů a svobodu. Green Deal se nesmí stát novým komunistickým manifestem, tentokrát v zelené barvě.

 
  
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  Silvia Modig (GUE/NGL). – Arvoisa puhemies, konservatiiviystävät voivat olla kaikessa rauhassa, esitys ei ole lähelläkään vallankumousta, valitettavasti. Ilmastonmuutoksen torjunnan reseptihän on lopulta hyvin yksinkertainen, päästöt on saatava alas, hiilinielut on saatava ylös ja rahavirrat tukemaan ekologista jälleenrakentamista. Ja kaikki tämä sosiaalisesti oikeudenmukaisesti. Tämä sisältää paljon hyviä elementtejä, mutta onko se riittävää? Jotta vuoden 2050 hiilineutraaliustavoitteeseen päästään, on varmistettava, että vuoden 2030 tavoitteeseen päästään ja että se on riittävän kunnianhimoinen.

Me olemme juuri julistaneet ilmastohätätilan ja te esittelette vuodelle 2030 päästövähennystavoitteen, joka on alle tieteellisen tiedon. Se on aivan käsittämätöntä! Päästövähennystavoitteen pitäisi olla vähintään 65 prosenttia, jotta me olisimme turvallisella tiellä. Ja se on riittämätön myös sen takia, että ohjelma ei sisällä riittäviä keinoja hiilinielujen vahvistamiseen. Niin maa- kuin metsätalouden perusteiden on muututtava perustavanlaatuisesti, jotta hiilinielut vahvistuvat.

 
  
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  Ignazio Corrao (NI). – Madam President, I have to say there are positive arguments coming from the presentation, but I still have many doubts about the feasibility of your ambitious programmes. We need a huge budget to realise the goals described, and we know that not all Member States are in line with this. As you reported, we have to prevent the tremendous cost of non-actions. We know we don’t have any other options and we do need to invest now. We have dual ambitions: the safeguard of our planet and the safeguard of our labour market. To ensure this, we need to invest in research. We need to simplify the legislation to give access to funds; we need more transparent dialogue with our citizens; and we need to pay special attention to the poorest regions of our continent. During the last plenary we declared a climate and environment emergency. This was a desperate bid to raise awareness. We can’t stand more words. We need concrete actions and we need them now.

 
  
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  Marian-Jean Marinescu (PPE). – Doamnă președintă, este foarte bine că avem această propunere pe masă acum. Sper că, atunci când ați elaborat-o, ați discutat cu toate direcțiile generale și că propunerea n-a venit numai de la dumneavoastră, astfel încât să fie bazată pe niște propuneri fezabile. Aveți un program de legislație; și acesta este un lucru bun. V—aș ruga să îl revedeți în perioada următoare și să vedeți dacă propunerile sunt coordonate între diversele domenii, astfel încât să nu producem probleme unui alt domeniu când legiferăm într-un anumit domeniu.

Sper că toate aceste propuneri legislative vor avea la bază un studiu de impact atât pentru schimbările climatice, cât și pentru efectul asupra locurilor de muncă și competitivității economice. Sper ca toate aceste propuneri să fie bazate pe o consultare intensivă cu industria și pe tehnologiile care există acum și care pot fi puse în practică.

Sper că veți lua măsuri în ceea ce privește utilizarea programului Orizont Europa. Dacă tot este o stare de urgență, cum spun unii, atunci să utilizăm Orizont Europa sută la sută pentru inovare și nu pentru cercetare fundamentală în această direcție și atunci probabil că vom avea succes. Și vă mai cer să revedeți capitolul Global. Acolo trebuie să... (Președinta a retras cuvântul vorbitorului).

 
  
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  Ismail Ertug (S&D). – Madam President, first of all let me express my gratitude to Vice—President Timmermans for all the efforts he has made in the last weeks. I would like to take the opportunity to urge all of us – and I emphasise all of us – to let’s make this European Green Deal a Green New Deal.

Let’s look back. In the 1930s, the New Deal in the US, and later other demand—side economic policies in Europe, created jobs, economic growth and unparalled social equality. This is what we need to repeat for the green industrial revolution. Our investment in new greener technologies, such as battery production and green hydrogen, needs to be more ambitious and we need massive investment in modern infrastructure for green energy and transport, be it in big cities or in small villages. This is the way we should go, all together. Thank you once again to Mr Timmermans.

 
  
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  Chris Davies (Renew). – Madam President and Commissioner Timmermans, I cannot emphasise enough how important it is that the Green Deal be tinged with blue. We have to safeguard our seas. We poison the Baltic. We over-fish the Mediterranean. We declare marine protected areas and then leave them, in practice, unprotected. In some fisheries the catch that is thrown overboard still exceeds the catch that is landed, because the laws we passed are not enforced. But failure can be replaced by success. We can end overfishing once and for all, building on the achievements already being made. We can restore the rich biodiversity beneath our waves and help rebuild the stocks that will give a secure future to our fishing industry. By putting sustainability first, we will be well placed to lead negotiations globally in promoting good governance of the world’s oceans. Vice-President, we face many environmental battles; this is one we can win. So please, seize the opportunity. You have the chance to transform the state of the seas and make a real difference for the better.

 
  
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  Ville Niinistö (Verts/ALE). – Madam President, the climate emergency is here. The science is clear and the youth are on our streets demanding urgent action. This is the backdrop to today’s discussion. I applaud the Commission. I’ve seen, as a former MP and Minister of the Environment, a number of Commissions, and this is the first Commission that sees climate action as a broad challenge that all the Commissioners have to address.

But however broad, it is still not yet decisive. It has to be decisive, and this is where the Green Deal still is a programme of promises but not on delivery. Is the Commission ready to increase the 2030 target to at least 55%, to be even close to the Paris targets, or even higher? Are you prepared to have a broad reform of the ETS? Are you prepared to increase the energy efficiency targets and renewables targets? Because energy is at the core of the transformation that we are doing. 75% of our emissions come from energy, so we need to hasten the energy transformation. So we are willing to work with you, from the Greens’ side, but we demand decisive action and we demand it now. Good luck.

 
  
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  Markus Buchheit (ID). – Frau Präsidentin, meine sehr verehrten Kollegen! Der European Green Deal ging mit drei Versprechen ins Rennen: Das erste war die Reduktion von Emissionen, das zweite die Schaffung von Arbeitsplätzen und das dritte die Verbesserung der Lebensqualität.

Emissionen reduzieren, das ist ein nobles Ansinnen. Doch allein die EU wird den Klimawandel nicht aufhalten – gerade einmal 10 % der globalen Emissionen sind tatsächlich in der EU gemacht. Allein die Inbetriebnahme von 300 neuen Kohlekraftwerken in China wird alle harten und teuren Einsparungen der EU obsolet werden lassen. Ob die Maßnahmen des Green Deal also letztlich dem Weltklima nutzen werden, das steht in den Sternen.

Sicher hingegen ist momentan vor allem eines, nämlich die weitere Belastung und Gängelung unserer Bürger für Energie und für Fortbewegung. Sicher ist auch der massive Kahlschlag in der deutschen und europäischen Automobilindustrie, in meinem Heimatort zum Beispiel sollen bei Audi bis 2025 neuneinhalbtausend Stellen entfallen. Die EU steuert also ohnehin schon auf eine Rezession zu. Mit Ihrem Green Deal werfen Sie, Frau nicht mehr anwesende Kommissionspräsidentin, einem bereits Strauchelnden einen Knüppel zwischen die Beine.

Wir brauchen eine Mentalitätswende, wir brauchen Freiheit statt Subventionen, wir brauchen klare Rahmenbedingungen, wir brauchen Planbarkeit, Vorhersehbarkeit und Rechtssicherheit. Das bedeutet auch wirkliche Einhaltung der ursprünglich einmal geforderten und versprochenen Technologieneutralität bei der Förderung künftiger Fortbewegungsmittel. Schwören Sie, Kommission, Ihren Steuerungsfantasien endlich ab und lassen Sie unseren Unternehmen wieder Freiheit für Entscheidungen!

 
  
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  Pietro Fiocchi (ECR). – Madam President, and dear missing President of the Commission, Ms von der Leyen – I hope this is not a sign of the times to come: that she thinks she can avoid listening to a democratically—elected parliament – I want to state that I am 110% behind the new Green Deal, but I have two strong demands to the – missing – Commission President, Ms von der Leyen. Number one: force the US, India and China to follow our path, because otherwise our New Green Deal will be useless and counter—productive. Number two: when you devise the operative plan to reach the goal, put business and companies and jobs as the highest priority, because we do not want all industries to relocate to Africa, to Turkey or to the US.

 
  
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  Marc Botenga (GUE/NGL). – Madame la Présidente, vous parlez d’ambition, mais en même temps avec ce plan, je suis sûr que vous allez décevoir Lisette.

Lisette a commencé à travailler à 15 ans et, aujourd’hui, elle a une pension de 570 euros par mois. Que proposez-vous à la page 5? Vous proposez d’augmenter la taxe carbone européenne. C’est inacceptable. C’est exactement contre cette taxe carbone que se sont révoltés les gilets jaunes en France, en Belgique et ailleurs et cela, franchement, on ne peut pas l’accepter.

Aujourd’hui, il y a 125 millions d’Européens qui vivent dans la pauvreté énergétique, qui n’arrivent pas à se chauffer l’hiver, qui ne peuvent pas vivre dignement en allumant la lumière. C’est inacceptable de faire payer les Européens pour ce pacte vert pour l’Europe, voilà pour le premier point.

J’en viens à mon deuxième point.

Ik denk dat u ook Apolline gaat teleurstellen, een studente die iedere week, iedere maand de straat opgaat voor radicale maatregelen en die ziet dat u spreekt over openbare investeringen, maar niet breekt met de besparingslogica. Die ziet dat u spreekt over schone energie, maar toch niet breekt met het ETS-systeem, met de emissiehandel. Hoe legt u dat uit?

 
  
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  Λευτέρης Νικολάου-Αλαβάνος (NI). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, σε περίοδο σφοδρών ανταγωνισμών ανάμεσα σε ιμπεριαλιστικά κέντρα —όπως η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, οι ΗΠΑ, η Κίνα, η Ρωσία— αλλά και ανάμεσα σε κολοσσούς της ενέργειας, η Πράσινη Συμφωνία είναι η απτή απόδειξη ότι η κλιματική αλλαγή χρησιμοποιείται σαν πρόσχημα για να δοθεί άφθονο χρήμα στους μεγάλους ομίλους, στην κούρσα με τους ανταγωνιστές τους. Η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση επιβραβεύει τα μεγάλα συμφέροντα, που ρυπαίνουν το περιβάλλον, με Πράσινα Ταμεία και επενδύσεις ύψους τρισεκατομμυρίων ευρώ έως το 2030, ενώ τιμωρεί τις λαϊκές οικογένειες με κάθε έμπνευσης πράσινη φορολογία, καλλιεργώντας την επικίνδυνη αντίληψη της ατομικής ευθύνης. Οι πραγματικές ανησυχίες των λαών για την προστασία του περιβάλλοντος δεν έχουν καμία σχέση με το σύστημα εμπορίας ρύπων, με τις εξαγωγές απορριμμάτων, με τη λογική «ο ρυπαίνων πληρώνει» —με λογικές που ανακυκλώνουν μόνο τα προβλήματα. Οι καπιταλιστές και οι ενώσεις τους εμπορευματοποιούν και καταστρέφουν το περιβάλλον με στόχο το μέγιστο κέρδος. Γι’ αυτό επιβαρύνουν το κλίμα. Μόνο μία κεντρικά σχεδιασμένη οικονομία, χωρίς εκμετάλλευση, ιμπεριαλιστικούς πολέμους και μονοπώλια, μπορεί να ικανοποιήσει τις σύγχρονες κοινωνικές ανάγκες και να εξασφαλίσει τη ζωή και την υγεία του πληθυσμού, καθώς και την προστασία του περιβάλλοντος.

 
  
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  Dolors Montserrat (PPE). – Señora presidenta, si Europa lidera hoy la lucha contra el cambio climático en el mundo es gracias al liderazgo del Partido Popular Europeo. Con Juncker y Arias Cañete; con logros como el Acuerdo de París.

Pero no nos conformamos. Debemos convencer ―y exigir― a todas las regiones del mundo para que igualen nuestra ambición. Exportemos nuestro saber y nuestra buena gestión para conseguir un planeta más limpio y saludable. Queremos que Europa enseñe al mundo a sumarse a la lucha contra el cambio climático. Y la mejor manera de hacerlo es con el liderazgo de Ursula von der Leyen y el Pacto Verde.

Pero en este gran reto mundial que tenemos todos no caben ni el negacionismo de la extrema derecha ni la histeria de la extrema izquierda. Este gran reto necesita unidad, rigor, responsabilidad y no dejar a nadie atrás. La lucha contra el cambio climático debe ir siempre de la mano del crecimiento económico, de más y mejores empleos, contando con todos los sectores productivos y con todos los ciudadanos. Ellos ⸻los trabajadores, las empresas, los autónomos, los agricultores, los ganaderos, los pescadores, las familias⸻ son los grandes protagonistas y afectados de esta transformación hacia una economía circular, limpia, responsable y competitiva.

Por ello, debemos darles todas las herramientas, todos los recursos económicos, sociales, jurídicos, de formación, y también de impactos, para no dejar a nadie atrás.

No quiero terminar sin dar un mensaje a los jóvenes, porque son el futuro del mundo. Vuestro mejor aliado es el Partido Popular Europeo, un aliado fiel que cuidará como nadie de vuestras oportunidades, de Europa y del planeta. Porque el Partido Popular Europeo siempre ha sido el protagonista de las grandes transformaciones.

 
  
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  Heléne Fritzon (S&D). – Fru talman! Vice ordförande Timmermans! Jag har precis kommit tillbaka från Madrid, där förhandlingarna om vår framtid pågår. Jag vill att EU och Europa ska bli världens första klimatneutrala kontinent. Det kräver mod, och det kräver politiskt ledarskap, inte enbart lokalt och regionalt utan också nationellt i medlemsstaterna och här i Europaparlamentet. Vi socialdemokrater tar det ledarskapet. Europa måste ställa om, inte bara ekonomiskt, ekologiskt och socialt utan även rättvist och jämställt.

I mitt land, Sverige, har vi en regering som har antagit en klimatlag. Även i Finland och nu senast också i Danmark har man beslutat om en mycket ambitiös klimatlag. Det är dags för EU att också göra det. Vi måste satsa på grön innovation och gröna jobb för det ger en grön tillväxt. The Green Deal är här för att stanna. Den möter framtiden för våra barn och barnbarn.

 
  
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  Katalin Cseh (Renew). – Madam President, I would like to thank the Commission very much for its very promising communication. It looks as if, after so many previous generations have ignored calls for decisive action, we finally have a Commission that seems to care about our future. I can’t wait to see these ambitious plans in the form of real legislation, because we have a very long way to go to deliver the Green New Deal historic accomplishment. It won’t be easy. The Commission is ready; this Parliament is, for sure, ready; Renew Europe is ready. But I’m looking over to the Council. Are you ready as well? Because at the moment we still have three Member States blocking the EU’s climate neutrality target, including my own country, Hungary. We are still unsure if we will get an MFF that will cater for our ambitious goals, and this is very disappointing. I hope that we can ensure that real climate action does not fall hostage to power politics and backdoor compromises and that we can fulfil the promise of a safe and sustainable future for all.

 
  
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  Sven Giegold (Verts/ALE). – Frau Präsidentin, Herr Vizepräsident! Heute bin ich hier wirklich gerne Europäer. Das ist ein guter Tag: parallel zur Klimakonferenz in Madrid ein ambitioniertes Maßnahmenprogramm der Europäischen Kommission. Das ist gut, und es ist auch richtig, sich nicht ins Bockshorn jagen zu lassen. Starker Klimaschutz ist die Voraussetzung für Arbeitsplätze, Wettbewerbsfähigkeit und Innovation und nicht das Gegenteil davon. Wir dürfen uns hier nicht von den ewig Gestrigen bremsen lassen.

Mehr Zweifel habe ich, ob diese Agenda sozial genug ist. Es ist richtig, dass wir starke Energiesteuern brauchen, dass wir den Emissionshandel reformieren müssen. Aber angesichts der großen Ungleichheiten in unseren Gesellschaften müssen die Einnahmen aus diesen Steuern pro Kopf an die Bürgerinnen und Bürger zurückgezahlt werden, sonst werden wir die Unterstützung der Menschen nicht gewinnen. Und eine solche starke soziale Dimension fehlt in Ihren Vorschlägen.

Auch ansonsten: Wir begleiten Ihre Vorschläge konstruktiv. Wir wollen mehr Ambitionen in der Handelspolitik, in der Agrarpolitik, in der Chemiepolitik. Aber wir sind zusammen auf dem richtigen Wege. Lassen Sie uns jetzt ins Handeln kommen!

 
  
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  Herve Juvin (ID). – Madame la Présidente, chers collègues, nous vivons un moment important, en effet. C’est la première fois que, dans notre assemblée, tous nos choix économiques et politiques vont devoir être subordonnés à la science des systèmes vivants complexes qu’est l’écologie.

Ceci me conduit à rappeler que la question du dérèglement climatique n’est pas la seule, ni même la plus importante. L’empoisonnement des sols, des eaux et des airs, la course au moins-disant entretenue par les traités de libre-échange, sont également des problèmes majeurs, mais nous voudrions signaler que l’extinction de la diversité des sociétés humaines, notre trésor commun, est probablement un problème écologique plus important encore que l’extinction de la diversité des espèces animales et végétales.

Ceci nous conduit à rappeler qu’un État en pleine possession de son territoire est seul capable de faire face aux urgences écologiques. Ceci nous conduit également à rappeler qu’une nation garante de ses frontières, de l’identité et de l’unité de son peuple est également seule capable de faire face à l’urgence écologique et que, par ailleurs, la famille, lieu de transmission de la responsabilité d’un territoire, que l’on s’efforce de transmettre plus beau, plus riche et plus vivant aux générations à venir, est seule capable de nous aider à répondre aux urgences écologiques.

Tout ceci nous conduit pour l’avenir à être attentifs à plusieurs points, et tout d’abord, à ce que des biais de la capture réglementaire ne viennent pas défavoriser ces PME qui sont à l’origine de la majorité de l’activité sur nos territoires, au bénéfice de multinationales ou d’acteurs globalistes. Ceci nous conduit également à être attentifs à ce que derrière le pacte vert pour l’Europe ne se cache pas le piège de l’uniformisation des modes de faire, des pratiques et des modes de production, qui viendrait détruire nos coutumes, nos traditions et la singularité des mœurs de nos territoires, qui font la diversité de nos sociétés et qui, quelque part, sont une réponse aux défis énergétiques.

Enfin, en tant que Français, je ne peux que souligner notre attention au traitement du nucléaire. Le nucléaire civil et le nucléaire militaire sont totalement liés, c’est pour nous une énergie d’avenir, mais c’est aussi, pour nous, la condition de l’indépendance stratégique de la France et peut-être le pilier d’une Europe de la défense.

Notre débat à tous, Mesdames et Messieurs, c’est de rendre désirable, ce qui est souhaitable et ce qui est vital. Je souhaite que nous relevions ce défi.

 
  
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  Johan Van Overtveldt (ECR). – Voorzitter, vicevoorzitter Timmermans, collega's, verdere stappen voor een duurzame toekomst zijn dringend nodig, zoveel is nu wel duidelijk. Maar wat we vandaag vooral nodig hebben zijn concrete, werkbare en financierbare oplossingen.

Die zullen vooral van innovatie moeten komen. U stelt inderdaad een geïntegreerd plan voor waarin klimaat, economie, ondernemerschap en innovatie zijn verwerkt, wat zeer positief is. Ook uw nadruk op kringloopeconomie is zeer prijzenswaardig. Wat echter ontbreekt is een concrete, heldere financieringsbasis die klopt. Door het op die manier aan te pakken loopt u een dubbel risico. Enerzijds dreigt u uw doelstellingen uiteindelijk niet te halen. Dat risico wordt daardoor zeker vergroot. Anderzijds loopt u ook nog eens het risico dat u onderweg het vertrouwen van de burgers kwijtraakt.

Tot slot wil ik nog aanstippen dat amper 10 % van de CO2-emissies van Europa komt. Dat wordt hier vaak vergeten. U wilt een geopolitieke Commissie zijn. Neem dat dan alstublieft mee in die geopolitieke missie.

 
  
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  Márton Gyöngyösi (NI). – Madam President, I’m glad to see that dealing with one of the greatest global challenges, climate change, has become a top priority for the new Commission. This is a historic step indeed, and I’m very glad to take part in this debate on a proposal for the Green Deal. There is no question that Europe, in this debate, must take the lead globally and set ambitious targets. But these targets must be realistic, they must be measurable, and they also must be feasible – and not by 2050, but much earlier; possibly by the end of the tenure of the Commission. So I would like to see some intermediate targets, whereby by this Commission becomes accountable for the targets that it is setting. Of course, we also must state that we have wasted over a decade, when there was abundant finance and abundant liquidity on the global markets, so we need to set those operative targets and those operative programmes on which we can invest and we can take the ...

(The President cut-off the speaker)

 
  
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  Norbert Lins (PPE). – Frau Präsidentin, Herr Vizepräsident, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Wir können stolz sein: Heute haben wir einen ambitionierten Fahrplan für das klimaneutrale Europa bis 2050 vorliegen. Bei aller Ambition dürfen wir allerdings keine bereits vereinbarten Ziele abrupt ändern. Planungssicherheit ist das A und O für das fortgehende Engagement aller Sektoren und die Technologieführerschaft in der Welt.

Bei der Reduzierung von Treibhausgasemissionen ist mir besonders wichtig, dass nicht nur Reduzierungs-, sondern auch Speicherungspotenziale optimal genutzt werden. Ich begrüße es daher sehr, dass neben einer Aufforstungsstrategie auch Anreize für ein nachhaltiges und aktives Forst- und Landmanagement in der neuen europäischen Forststrategie verankert werden sollen. Landwirtschaft ist weniger Teil des Problems als erheblicher Teil der Lösung.

Positiv ist auch die Farm-to-fork-Strategie bewertet. Wir müssen aber eine genaue Folgenabschätzung ansetzen, um zum Beispiel beim Thema Pflanzenschutzmitteleinsatz keine falschen Entscheidungen zu treffen.

 
  
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  Simona Bonafè (S&D). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signor Vicepresidente Timmermans, con i colleghi dell'ufficio di presidenza del gruppo dei Socialisti e Democratici siamo di ritorno oggi da Madrid, dove è in corso la conferenza internazionale sul clima, la COP25.

Possiamo dire che abbiamo gli occhi addosso? Che l'Europa ha gli occhi addosso? Guardano al Green New Deal non solo le nuove generazioni, quelle che manifestano nelle piazze di tutto il mondo perché chiedono un pianeta più pulito e più attenzione per il nostro pianeta, ma anche il mondo economico guarda al Green New Deal come leva per la competitività del nostro sistema industriale.

Ecco allora che dobbiamo passare ai fatti. Conosciamo la determinazione del Vicepresidente Timmermans, quella che ha messo per lavorare sull'economia circolare e sulla lotta all'inquinamento da plastica, e quindi siamo molto fiduciosi.

Per passare ai fatti voglio velocemente sottolineare due punti. Uno: le risorse. Se vogliamo industrie che inquinino meno, mezzi di trasporto più puliti nelle nostre città, edifici con i pannelli solari e prodotti riciclabili, riutilizzabili e riparabili, servono tanti investimenti. Senza girarci intorno, questo vuol dire un piano finanziario pluriennale all'altezza della sfida...

(La Presidente interrompe l'oratrice)

 
  
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  Fredrick Federley (Renew). – Madam President, this Green Deal can be the start for a whole new economy in Europe. Rightly handled, and if we are able to manage it working together, we can create new jobs, we will create new industry, new technology, it will create the start of a new era – the Green era, where we’re moving away from the fossil-based economy to the green economy. That is why I’m a bit concerned that still lacking in the documents I’ve seen so far is the whole part on the bioeconomy, which provides us with a huge opportunity to move away from chemicals and fossil-based materials towards the green-based materials. That is a huge opportunity, creating jobs all across the European Union. This might also help us to get a new boom in the European economy. Some say that we have to decrease our economy. This proposal will actually increase the economy with new jobs and new industries. Rightly handled, we will take the lead globally to show that a modern, industrialised economy is possible to do in accordance with the biological and physical laws that nature has given us.

 
  
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  Alexandra Louise Rosenfield Phillips (Verts/ALE).(inaudible) by electing a record number of Green MEPs. Across the world we are mobilising in our millions to protect our planet, led often by young people themselves, and as a result, the European Commission is following our lead and now talking the green talk. It is down to us to make sure that their Green Deal walks the green walk, because their Green Deal is anything but new. But it’s not too late. Commissioner Timmermans, you have the opportunity before you to tackle head on the three crises facing Europe: the crisis of inequality, the democratic crisis and the climate crisis. A genuine Green New Deal rises to these challenges. It engages with unions, bringing everyone with us on this exciting journey through citizen-led assemblies and, crucially, raises the standard of living and creates new jobs. We have just 10 years to curb the worst effects of the climate crisis. This Green Deal must not be yet another greenwash. It must deliver a positive reality for all European citizens.

 
  
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  Robert Rowland (NI). – Madam President, the EU’s climate policies have failed. They have resulted in energy prices substantially higher than America, where energy costs are 80% lower than Europe. It’s no wonder America is having an industrial renaissance at Europe’s expense. The Renewable Energy Directive has led to perverse incentives and environmental damage caused by expensive wind farms that kill migratory birds and bats and harm our precious marine resources. They have created a crony capitalist subsidy-seeking climate industrial complex that has now a vast lobbying base here in Brussels. Biomass is the most egregious renewable that illustrates the idiocy and hypocrisy. Drax, for example, generates electricity by burning wood chips imported from virgin forests in Louisiana and shipped to the UK. For this they receive a subsidy of 850 million from the British taxpayer. It’s a blatant transfer of wealth from the poor to the rich. The Commission’s new green deal will result in massive de-industrialisation. The destruction of nature, let alone the destruction of economies of Europe, is on your hands.

 
  
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  Tomas Tobé (PPE). – Fru talman! Vi svenska moderater välkomnar The Green Deal. Det är viktigt att Europa höjer sina ambitioner när det gäller klimatet, men det viktigaste är givetvis vad vi också gör. Om vi menar allvar med att vi ska klara av att fasa ut smutsig och fossil energi från Europa, då kommer vi att behöva mycket mer av förnybar energi. Vi kommer också att behöva mer av koldioxidfri kärnkraft. Detta kommer att vara en viktig del i många av våra medlemsländer. Jag tycker att det är viktigt att kommissionen förstår att detta också är en helt central bricka för att vi ska kunna lyckas nå våra mycket höga klimatmål.

Om Europa ska bli ett föredöme i världen är det också viktigt att vi kan förena vår klimatpolitik även med tillväxt och välstånd. För det är på det sättet som vi kan bygga en politik som kommer att få ett stöd hos Europas medborgare, och det är så vi ska kunna vara ett föredöme i världen.

 
  
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  Jonás Fernández (S&D). – Señora presidenta. Bienvenido, vicepresidente. No voy a perder mucho tiempo agradeciendo el trabajo de estas últimas semanas y felicitando a la Comisión por esta comunicación. Me detendré fundamentalmente en una cuestión que ha llamado mi atención.

Es cierto que el plan financiero de toda esta nueva agenda resulta todavía incierto. Yo creo que la Comisión ha cuantificado bien las necesidades, pero tenemos retos por delante muy importantes. Me gustaría referirme a la situación difusa en la que deja la comunicación la posibilidad de establecer un ajuste en frontera sobre los bienes importados y la importación de CO2.

En estos momentos ya estamos sufriendo una fuga de carbono. En toda Europa se están yendo empresas fuera de nuestro continente a producir más barato, pero, además, a producir contaminando mucho más, poniendo en riesgo los esfuerzos que está haciendo la Unión Europea y que vamos a hacer en los próximos años. Y, sin embargo, en su comunicación dicen que perciben un riesgo que puede materializarse y que, si se materializa, plantearían esta medida.

Esta medida es necesaria y tienen que impulsarla ya.

 
  
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  Ulrike Müller (Renew). – Frau Präsidentin! Herr Kommissar, Sie sprechen mit Ihren Vorschlägen zwei Punkte an, die mir besonders am Herzen liegen. Erstens freue ich mich, dass Sie eine neue und dringend notwendige Forststrategie ankündigen. Allerdings macht es mir Bauchschmerzen, dass dies nur auf Aufforstung und Wiederaufforstung reduziert ist. Diese Begriffe sind noch undefiniert, und hier werden wir intensiv diskutieren müssen. Außerdem muss die neue Forststrategie die multifunktionale Rolle der Wälder ins Zentrum stellen.

Zweitens: farm to fork. Ich habe eine umfassende Strategie für nachhaltige Lebensmittel erwartet. Bisher sehe ich aber nur zusätzliche Verpflichtungen für Landwirte. Beim aktuellen Stand kommt die Strategie nicht über „farm“ hinaus. Es fehlen Vorschläge zur Praxistauglichkeit dieser Auflagen für die Landwirte. Außerdem fehlen hier weitere Schritte der Lieferkette. Nachhaltigkeit von Lebensmitteln ist nicht nur eine Frage der Produktion, sondern auch der Verarbeitung, des Handels, der Importware und der Verbraucherinformation. Den Weg bis zur Gabel, Herr Kommissar, den müssen Sie hier noch ergänzen!

 
  
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  Ciarán Cuffe (Verts/ALE). – Madam President, President von der Leyen, Vice-President Timmermans, today you are taking an important step in presenting the European Green Deal. We’re pleased to say this. We’re pleased to see it. We’ve been waiting some time for it to happen. Some people say climate action costs too much. They say it threatens our freedom. They say, ‘go slow’. You must rise above this and show your resolve, because you cannot put a price on a planet that is healthy and safe for our children. In Ireland, the Society of Saint Vincent de Paul tell us 140 000 people – children – live in homes with leaks, damp and rot. We want a new deal for Europe that provides warm homes, tackles fuel poverty and makes jobs and breaks the cycle of poverty.

In Europe, poor air quality kills half a million people every year. We want to phase out fossil fuels, promote renewables and improve people’s health and save the planet. Your Transport Commissioner’s first recorded meeting, however, was with the heads of ten airlines. Why should they have priority boarding when train and bus companies are burdened with unfair taxes? We want –

(The President cut off the speaker)

 
  
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  Rosa D'Amato (NI). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, ci avete convocato d'urgenza per presentare questo Green New Deal ma la Presidente va via quasi subito. Se il buongiorno si vede dal mattino, se questo è il rispetto che la Commissione intende avere per l'unica Istituzione democraticamente eletta, mi permettete, ma siamo veramente molto preoccupati. Speriamo quindi che non siano solo promesse!

Caro Vicepresidente Timmermans, la sua Commissione non può permettersi di deludere chi vuole vivere e lavorare in un ambiente sano, chi vuol mangiare sano, chi vuol mettere in sicurezza ponti, strade e scuole minacciate dai cambiamenti climatici. Il suo piano basta a rassicurarci? Mi permetta di essere scettica, soprattutto perché la vera rivoluzione dobbiamo cominciare a farla dentro di noi. Non vi sarà alcuna rivoluzione se non la finiamo di inseguire la crescita ad ogni costo, o senza un ripensamento totale delle regole macroeconomiche.

È fondamentale lo scorporo degli investimenti verdi e un piano per una transizione energetica da fonti inquinanti come il carbone sì, ma anche dal gas, ma anche per transizioni industriali a partire dalla produzione di acciaio. Il Just Transition Fund non deve essere un fondo a pioggia per ripulirsi la coscienza. All'emergenza planetaria serve una risposta di emergenza ma anche di visione e non l'alchimia finanziaria... (La Presidente interrompe l'oratrice)

 
  
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  Jerzy Buzek (PPE). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Panie Wiceprzewodniczący! Wszystkie państwa Unii Europejskiej podpisały porozumienie paryskie, stąd oczywiste jest poparcie dla unijnego programu zielonego ładu i jego głównego celu: neutralności klimatycznej do 2050 roku. Chodzi zresztą nie tylko o klimat, ale także o czyste powietrze, bioróżnorodność, czyste oceany. I nasz zielony ład powinien pokazać całemu światu, że można tego dokonać, rozwijając gospodarkę, zachowując wzrost, tworząc miejsca pracy.

Aby tak się stało, musimy przede wszystkim zachować umiar przy formułowaniu pierwszego etapu tego programu (tego do roku 2030), przygotować także szczegółową ocenę wpływu, która da odpowiedź na wiele pytań, które dzisiaj mamy, i także zachować neutralność technologiczną, a może – co najważniejsze – uwzględnić zasadnicze różnice pomiędzy regionami Unii w punkcie startu programu. Dlatego potrzebny jest nam w wieloletnim budżecie Unii odrębny program – fundusz sprawiedliwej transformacji, zwłaszcza dla regionów górniczych widocznych na naszej mapie.

 
  
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  Dan Nica (S&D). – Doamnă președintă, domnule vicepreședinte Timmermans, vă felicit pentru ceea ce ați prezentat astăzi, un pachet foarte complet și care ne dă o mare speranță pentru viitorul cetățenilor Europei și al Uniunii Europene. Ați spus, în acest document, un lucru foarte important: toți cetățenii și toate statele membre și toate regiunile trebuie să fie susținute pentru că nimeni nu trebuie să fie lăsat în urmă.

Vreau să vă rog să vă uitați pe mecanismul Just Transition Fund pentru că, așa cum a fost prezentat săptămâna trecută în Parlamentul European − vorbesc de România −, costul pentru atingerea obiectivelor pentru anul 2030 este de aproape 4 % din produsul intern brut și o sumă de aproape 80 de miliarde de euro care trebuie cheltuiți în fiecare dintre anii care urmează până în 2030, deci aproape opt miliarde de euro anual.

Este o sumă mare. Trebuie însă să ne ocupăm de regiunile carbonifere (două sute și ceva de mii de familii) − acest cost este foarte mare − și, în același timp, să ne asigurăm că avem și securitate energetică. Contez pe dumneavoastră și pe dorința dumneavoastră de a ne ajuta și pe implicarea Comisiei Europene ca să ne putem atinge obiectivele pentru 2030.

 
  
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  María Soraya Rodríguez Ramos (Renew). – Señora presidenta, la primera comparecencia de la Comisión para presentar el Pacto Verde es todo un signo de cuáles son sus prioridades y su determinación política, y mi grupo político se lo agradece.

Nos presentan medidas necesarias y ambiciosas. La primera ley climática, reforzar nuestra ambición para conseguir la neutralidad climática en 2050, protección en frontera de la competitividad de una industria europea que innove y no contamine y protección de la biodiversidad de la mano de los agricultores y ganaderos en una nueva política comunitaria. Es, efectivamente, un gran reto y una gran oportunidad.

Y este Pacto Verde constituye una nueva estrategia de crecimiento para Europa que nos debe colocar en la vanguardia del conocimiento, la innovación y la tecnología ―que será verde― pero que también debe crear puestos de trabajo y nuevas oportunidades para nuestras empresas. Todo ello en una transición que debe ser socialmente justa, debe ser responsable, debe ser equitativa e inclusiva.

Contará con el apoyo de nuestro Grupo.

 
  
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  Pilar del Castillo Vera (PPE). – Señora presidenta, señor vicepresidente Timmermans, no hay duda, la lucha contra el calentamiento global no puede esperar, pero tampoco puede acabar defraudando. Desde esta perspectiva, hay que dar toda la importancia que tiene una estrategia industrial europea que sea capaz de desarrollar tecnologías que incidan de manera decisiva en la reducción de las emisiones a la vez que gana competitividad global.

Esto exige que el acento que se pone en la innovación tecnológica sea igual y tan determinado como el que se pone en los objetivos de reducción de emisiones y se traduce en decisiones muy concretas como hacer un esfuerzo grande en incentivar y financiar la innovación tecnológica. Y ahí está el Programa Marco de Investigación e Innovación.

No cabe duda de que en Madrid los gobiernos pueden alcanzar muchos acuerdos, pero aquí hay que tomar una decisión sobre el presupuesto para el próximo Programa Marco de Investigación e Innovación.

El Pacto Verde es un proyecto realmente ambicioso. Todos compartimos las necesidades de hacer frente de una manera decidida al cambio climático, pero hay que avanzar y no defraudar.

 
  
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  Margarida Marques (S&D). – Senhora Presidente, Vice-Presidente Frans Timmermans, o European Green Deal deve ter uma enorme ambição: tornar-se o pacto para a estratégia de crescimento sustentável justo e inclusivo para a Europa na próxima década. Mas esta ambição só pode ser credível se mobilizar os recursos financeiros adequados.

As instituições financeiras como o BEI e o BCE são cruciais. Estamos no momento-chave da negociação do próximo quadro financeiro plurianual. A proposta que está em cima da mesa, e que será debatida amanhã no Conselho Europeu, é inaceitável, e mais, está completamente desalinhada com o discurso político dos líderes.

Se, de facto, estamos empenhados na luta contra as alterações climáticas, o orçamento da União tem de crescer. A transição é de todos e para todos. Todos os Estados—Membros, sem exceção, devem apoiar esta transição e todos devem ser apoiados.

 
  
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  Jan Huitema (Renew). – Voorzitter, commissaris, ik ben er absoluut van overtuigd dat we actie moeten ondernemen tegen klimaatverandering. De weersomstandigheden worden extremer en oogsten mislukken. Maar dat kunnen we niet overlaten aan één bepaalde sector of één bepaald land. We moeten dit Europees aanpakken en zorgen dat de rest van de wereld meegaat. Samen met mensen en bedrijven moeten we dit gaan doen, maar dat kan alleen als we hun zorgen en uitdagingen ook meenemen want anders gaat dit niet lukken. Draagvlak is cruciaal. Het heeft geen zin als mensen hun rekeningen niet kunnen betalen of als we onze economie in een recessie duwen.

Ik roep dan ook op om over te stappen van groen idealisme naar realisme en gezond boerenverstand. Want we leven niet in een papieren werkelijkheid. We moeten maatregelen nemen op basis van wetenschap en effectiviteit, zoals bijvoorbeeld het emissiehandelssysteem. We moeten inzetten op innovatie, want dat levert ook banen op. We moeten gebruik maken van de Europese schaalvoordelen.

En of we het nu leuk vinden of niet, we hebben de luxe niet om op basis van onderbuikgevoelens technieken zoals kernenergie of CO2-opslag uit te sluiten.

 
  
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  Cristian-Silviu Buşoi (PPE). – Madam President, Vice-President of the Commission, climate change is the most pressing challenge we are facing. It has a wide impact across the world. It change fast our society. I am confident that there will be a response to these challenges and I’m totally decided, as President of the Committee on Industry, Research and Energy (ITRE), in contributing to achieve the ambitious targets on climate policies with a coherent industrial policy, with a just, inclusive transition and maintaining the security of energy supply in the Union.

Building on the success of the Energy Union, we need to strengthen our efforts to improve energy efficiency, speed up deployment of clean energy and technologies, increase interconnectivity between regions and further integrate our energy single market. In securing our lead in tackling climate change, we need also to work towards climate innovation and digitisation, increasing the number of jobs and also remaining competitive and assuring growth.

 
  
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  Kathleen Van Brempt (S&D). – Voorzitter, de wetenschappers hebben al lang hun werk gedaan en de urgentie aangetoond. De jongeren hebben de kwestie bovenaan de politieke agenda gezet. En hier is nu de Europese New Green Deal. Wat ons betreft is dit niet gewoon een milieuprogramma of een programma voor het bestrijden van de klimaatverandering. Dit is hét Europees project, niet alleen van de komende jaren maar van de komende decennia.

Dit project heeft onder meer door het grote investeringsprogramma in essentie ook de potentie om álle Europese burgers erop vooruit te laten gaan. Denk bijvoorbeeld maar aan het recht op schone lucht in al onze steden en gemeenten. Denk bijvoorbeeld aan de honderdduizenden banen die gecreëerd worden en daar waar ze verloren gaan nemen we de mensen mee om ze voor te bereiden op een andere baan.

Denk er bijvoorbeeld ook aan dat onze energiefactuur zal dalen omdat we investeren in nieuwe gebouwen. Dit moeten we ook uitbreiden naar de rest van de wereld. Daarom zal handel een van de essentiële onderdelen worden in de New Green Deal.

 
  
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  Martin Hlaváček (Renew). – Paní předsedající, pane místopředsedo Komise, váš koncept je v mnoha ohledech založen na fiskálních a finančních nástrojích, a proto zcela nepochybně bude mít dopad na životy a peněženky všech našich občanů a firem. Věřím, že vám záleží na tom, aby občané napříč EU vaše cíle dlouhodobě podporovali. To se může stát jedině tehdy, pokud jim budete říkat pravdu nejen o cílech, ale i o dopadech navrhovaných změn. Proto bys vás chtěl požádat, aby všechny obsažené návrhy a budoucí rozhodnutí byly opatřeny transparentní a pravdivou studií ekonomických a sociálních dopadů. Ne všechny regiony v EU mají stejnou výchozí situaci. Máme uhelné, ocelářské, automobilové a jiné průmyslové regiony, které bez životaschopné strategie a dostatečného množství finančních prostředků nebudou vítězi tohoto procesu. Prosím nezapomínejme na to. Nejde o nic menšího než sociální a ekonomickou soudržnost Evropy. Ambice na papíře vypadají dobře, podstatnější je, jak je budeme plnit. Proto je důležitá otevřenost všem technologiím včetně bezemisních, jako je i jaderná energie.

 
  
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  President. – Colleagues, thanks for your patience with my strictness on time, and I have another bad announcement to make. We have to be finished by 4:10, and I therefore have been urged to cancel the catch-the-eye procedure. I regret that it is not my call. I am just required to do that.

 
  
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  Edina Tóth (PPE). – Tisztelt Elnök Asszony! Nagyra értékelem az európai zöld megállapodás kidolgozását, amely az első kontinensméretű terv Földünk jövőjének védelme érdekében. Itt, az Európai Parlamentben mi is azon dolgozunk, hogy mihamarabb megoldást találjunk a klímaváltozással járó kihívásokra, ezért támogattuk a klímavészhelyzet kihirdetését is. A 2050-es klímasemlegesség elérésére olyan pénzügyi keretrendszert kell kidolgozni, amely a polgárok érdekeit tartja szem előtt, és a felmerülő többletkiadásokat nem a fogyasztókra hárítja.

Nem megengedhető az, hogy az energia- és az élelmiszerárak emelkedjenek, ezért úgy gondolom, hogy olyan megoldásra van szükség, amely a költséghatékonyságon alapul, és betartja a technológiai semlegesség elvét, valamint a legszegényebb uniós régiók támogatására külön figyelmet fordít. Ezért az európai zöld megállapodásnak nemcsak ambiciózusnak kell lennie, hanem olyannak, amely figyelembe veszi a tagállamok igényeit, valamint megvédi a fogyasztókat és az Unió versenyképességét.

 
  
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  Paolo De Castro (S&D). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signor Vicepresidente Timmermans, caro Frans, siamo di fronte a un'emergenza globale che si manifesta nelle sempre più frequenti catastrofi climatiche che affliggono i nostri cittadini e i nostri agricoltori.

C'è bisogno di un approccio comune e fortemente coordinato per affrontare questa sfida e l'ambizioso patto oggi presentato tra l'Unione e i suoi cittadini rappresenta senz'altro un incoraggiante assunzione di questa responsabilità.

Tuttavia, senza una partecipazione convinta dei nostri agricoltori, qualsiasi prospettiva di mitigazione dei cambiamenti climatici diventa irrealizzabile. Gli agricoltori europei devono essere guidati e adeguatamente incentivati a fare un ulteriore salto di qualità nell'erogazione di servizi ambientali di cui possa beneficiare l'intera collettività.

Invece, caro Frans, la proposta di riforma della PAC su cui stiamo lavorando delega agli Stati membri la pianificazione di una strategia che contrasti questa sfida epocale, di fatto una rinazionalizzazione dell'intervento europeo per le aree rurali. Per questo, caro Frans, serve una politica agricola più comune e più forte, perché questa possa essere davvero la chiave di volta per i cambiamenti climatici... (La Presidente interrompe l'oratore)

 
  
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  Seán Kelly (PPE). – A Uachtaráin, comhghairdeachas leis an Uachtarán, Ursula, as ucht teacht chugainn inniu tar éis deich lá in oifig leis na spriocanna agus na moltaí a chuir sí romhainn inniu. Aontaím go huile agus go hiomlán le chuile rud a dúirt sí agus beidh mé ag comhoibriú léi chun na spriocanna sin a bhaint amach.

I was very pleased about was that President Ursula von der Leyen promised that no one will be left behind. Her announcement of a just transition mechanism, far greater in scale than expected, is very welcome and will be welcomed especially in carbon-intensive areas, such as the peatlands in the Irish Midlands, coal areas in Poland, etc. When you have everybody on board, then you can be successful. As we say in Irish: ‘ní neart go cur le chéile’ (there is no strength without unity).

Finally, I just want to make one point. My country was a laggard up until now, but with myself and yourself, Mr Vice-President, and our colleagues, we will ensure that it will be a leader in this area from now on.

 
  
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  Agnes Jongerius (S&D). – Voorzitter, de overgang naar een duurzame samenleving kan alleen als we iedereen meenemen. Helaas is juist vandaag duidelijk geworden dat sommige regeringen daar niet in mee willen. Ze blokkeren op dit moment een wet voor schonere beleggingen. Bizar, want het geld moeten we juist mobiliseren. Het is belangrijk dat we tot een sociaal en duurzaam klimaat komen.

We willen niet een nog grotere kloof tussen arm en rijk en daarom ben ik blij dat er expliciet rekening gehouden wordt met klimaatarmoede. We moeten investeren in nieuwe banen voor mensen die nu nog in vervuilende industrieën werken, en we moeten banen creëren voor mensen die nog op zoek zijn naar werk.

Daarom wil de Partij van de Arbeid dat de mededeling van vandaag uitmondt in een deal, zodat we inderdaad het eerste continent zijn dat klimaatneutraal is in 2050. Frans, wat ons betreft ben jij de juiste man op het juiste moment op de juiste plek om voorop te gaan in die strijd.

 
  
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  Henna Virkkunen (PPE). – Arvoisa puhemies, tänään esitelty Green Deal -ohjelma viitoittaa meille tietä kohti hiilineutraaliutta vuonna 2050. Mielestäni on erittäin hyvä, että siinä on hyvin laajasti otettu huomioon yhteiskunnan eri sektorit ja se, miten meidän täytyy uudistaa teollisuutta, kiertotaloutta, ruokatuotantoa, biodiversiteettiä, kestävää liikennettä, kemikaalilainsäädäntöä ja kauppapolitiikkaa.

On ihan selvää, että näin merkittävä muutos kohti hiilineutraalia yhteiskuntaa tarkoittaa sitä, että meidän teollisuutemme pitää uudistua merkittävästi. Samoin se uudistaa myös yhteiskuntia ja tarkoittaa sitä, että meidän on pystyttävä vauhdittamaan innovaatioita Euroopassa, jotta myös meidän teollisuutemme voi hyötyä tästä. Me olemme tulevaisuudessa entistä kilpailukykyisempiä.

Monia asioita on kuitenkin tarkasteltava hyvin huolellisesti, muun muassa päästökauppajärjestelmän uudistamista ja hiilitulleja, koska ei ole järkevää luoda päällekkäisiä järjestelmiä. Koko ajan on pyrittävä sellaiseen malliin, että vähennämme päästöjä mahdollisimman markkinaehtoisesti ja tehokkaasti.

 
  
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  Constanze Krehl (S&D). – Frau Präsidentin, lieber Frans Timmermans! Ja, der Klimawandel ist eine der größten Herausforderungen, vor denen Europa steht, und der europäische Green Deal kann die richtige Antwort sein. Die europäische Kohäsionspolitik, die eines der größten und wichtigsten Investitionsinstrumente der EU ist, setzt schon jetzt einen Fokus auf Klimamaßnahmen. Sie soll das künftig noch stärker tun. Daran arbeiten wir zurzeit in den Verhandlungen zur zukünftigen Kohäsionspolitik.

Wir brauchen hier aber auch eine stärkere Unterstützung durch die Mitgliedstaaten, die sich im Moment noch vornehm zurückhalten. Wir müssen dafür sorgen, dass der Green Deal solide finanziert wird. Das heißt auch: Es geht nicht mit weniger Geld, im Gegenteil, wir brauchen neues, wir brauchen frisches Geld, damit die europäischen Fonds beim Kampf gegen den Klimawandel und beim Kampf für einen gerechten Übergang helfen können. Wir brauchen dabei alle Partner, nicht nur die Kommission, nicht nur das Europäische Parlament, sondern auch die Mitgliedstaaten.

 
  
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  Álvaro Amaro (PPE). – Senhora Presidente, esta renovada ambição que hoje foi apresentada necessita de realismo, como foi dito pela Senhora Presidente, e de financiamento. O pacto ecológico tem de ser cada vez mais um pacto do desenvolvimento. Sabemos todos que novas metas exigem novos meios e mais recursos tecnológicos, financeiros ou até mesmo metodológicos.

O plano do campo à mesa é importante, mas só teremos algo na mesa havendo agricultura e agricultores e estes são homens e mulheres que ocupam o território, combatem o abandono rural e, como disse a Sra. Presidente, mais produtos tradicionais para a mesa significará um grande desafio para a ocupação desses espaços territoriais tantas vezes abandonados na nossa Europa. Os agricultores europeus têm este duplo encargo de garantir a segurança alimentar e, por outro, ajudar no combate às alterações climáticas. Eles são a grande parte da solução.

 
  
  

PRESIDENZA DELL'ON. DAVID MARIA SASSOLI
Presidente

 
  
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  Frans Timmermans, Executive Vice-President of the Commission. – Mr President, honourable Members, I’ve listened very carefully to this debate and I’m really excited by the fact that this Parliament has expressed such broad support for the European Green Deal. This is a great start of what is going to be quite a bumpy road, where we will need both institutions to concentrate on all the elements that we need to make the Green Deal work.

First of all, let me say here today that I want to congratulate Greta Thunberg for having been nominated Person of the Year by Time magazine. I think this is a great sign that this generation – our kids – are leading the way, and as a parent, there’s nothing more beautiful than when you see that your kids are leading the way. But that’s not the only reason why I believe we need to act now.

The reason I believe we need to act now is because the facts are staring us in the face, and I think if you are a responsible Member of Parliament, if you’re in the responsible position in the Commission, if you’re a citizen, if you’re a parent, you do not have the luxury to ignore the facts.

Look at what’s happening in Greenland. Look at what’s happening globally with our climate. Look at the desertification. Look at the erratic weather. Look at the people suffering because of this erratic weather across Europe. Look at what’s happening to our biodiversity as we speak. We do not have the luxury to ignore this any more.

And look at another thing that’s happening. We are in the middle of the fourth industrial revolution. That is going to change our economy, our industry, whether we like it or not, whether we act or not. So the question we have to face today as Europeans is this: are we going to try and be masters of this momentous change, of this paradigm shift, or are we just going to let it happen, and then others will be the masters of it and we can just be the subjects of what others will decide?

This is the fundamental question we have to answer, and the Green Deal is not a blueprint. It’s a roadmap. It’s an extended open hand to you and to all the stakeholders, whether it’s businesses, whether it’s NGOs, whether it’s trade unions, whether it’s citizens, whether it’s cities, whether it’s regions, to be part of a discussion of how we are going to reorganise our society in a just way so that it reflects the values we want to stand for. And we need to do this because Mother Earth is fed up with this behaviour. And you know, she was able to exist for millennia without human beings; she will be able to exist for other millennia without human beings. We’d better make sure we create an existence in balance with her so that we can continue to exist as human beings for millennia.

And this is the responsibility we have before our kids. But let me make a point, because it was said often: this is costly. Yes, but don’t forget what the cost is of not acting. We see it every day. It was also said we have to be sure we take the right decisions. Yes, that is why every proposal the Commission is going to put on the table will be assessed for impact.

Impact assessment will be an essential element of our analysis, but we will do this in a very, very speedy and comprehensive way. For instance. to determine exactly what the reduction by 2030 should be, from 50 to -55% – we want to have an impact assessment on that. But we want to be ready with that impact assessment early in the summer next year, so that the European Union is extremely well prepared, with a climate law for COP26 in Glasgow, so that we can lead the way.

I bring back a message from Madrid – the COP, where I’m going to go back and present the Green Deal tomorrow. The message is this: we need European leadership. The message is also this: some of us are insecure about what we should do. But if Europe leads, we might go in the same direction. I had meetings with ministers from many countries saying: climate neutrality by 2050 is a good idea, we might do things the same way. With the Chinese we are in a debate. Are we going to have collective global leadership on this? Yes or no? We need to work on that, because if we do it together, the impact will be much bigger.

But at the end of the day it is very important that this Parliament take this in hand and make sure that Parliament has a leading role, together with the Commission, to convince our Member States and Council to do the right thing. And if we begin by enshrining in law that by 2050 Europe will be climate neutral, then we can take steps back until today and just chart the map that we need to get there, and then we will discuss the measures we will need to take, whether it’s on ETS, whether it’s on emissions, whether it’s on taxation, whether it’s on all sorts of other measures to make our industry circular, to make sure that there are jobs in this new economy.

But finally, I want to add one thing which is very, very important. You know, the biggest risk here I see is that those who are most vulnerable in climate change see themselves also as most vulnerable in the answer to climate change, so that they start resisting the Green Deal because they feel that they are vulnerable. And at the end of the day, if they resist the Green Deal and they stop it, they will be the first victims of the consequences of not doing the right thing.

So that’s why – and this is a fundamental point – if this is not a social Green Deal, the Green Deal will not happen. If this is not a Green Deal where the most vulnerable regions in Europe – coalmining regions and others – do not see solidarity from other parts of Europe, it will not happen. So we need a level of solidarity with vulnerable individuals and vulnerable regions to make sure the Green Deal can be delivered for all our citizens.

And let me end, because Mr Lange quoted ‘Man on the Moon’, so I obviously though of the famous moon speech by JFK, and let me just amend it slightly and end with that.

We choose to go (to the moon in his case), we choose to go for climate neutrality in 2050 and do the other things, not because they are easy but because they are hard, because that goal will serve to organise and measure the best of our energies and skills, because that challenge is one that we are willing to accept, one we are unwilling to postpone and one which we intend to win.

(Applause)

 
  
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  Presidente. – La discussione è chiusa.

La votazione si svolgerà durante la tornata di gennaio I.

Dichiarazioni scritte (articolo 171)

 
  
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  Rasmus Andresen (Verts/ALE), schriftlich. – Ich begrüße, dass Frau von der Leyen eben in ihrer Rede gesagt hat, dass der Green Deal einen entsprechend ausgestatteten mehrjährigen Finanzrahmen braucht, um den Herausforderungen gerecht zu werden. Ohne einen starken EU-Finanzrahmen ist von der Leyens Green Deal nichts wert. Neben einem starken Klimagesetz brauchen wir mehr öffentliche europäische Investitionen, um unsere Infrastruktur klimaneutral zu machen. Der Rahmen dafür ist vor allem der mehrjährige Finanzrahmen. Während von der Leyen im Europäischen Parlament ihre Pläne für den Green Deal vorstellt, blockieren wenige hundert Meter weiter die deutsche Bundesregierung und andere Staaten höhere Investitionen in die EU und riskieren, dass wir die Klimaziele verfehlen. Mit den alten Zahlen werden wir die Zukunft nicht gestalten können. Wir erwarten, dass von der Leyen den Finanzrahmen an den Green Deal anpasst und Deutschland eigene Vorschläge für mehr Klimainvestitionen vorlegt.

Die Bundesregierung muss aktiv an einem Kompromissvorschlag arbeiten. Notwendig sind ein Haushaltsvolumen von 1,3 % des Bruttonationaleinkommens sowie eine Reform der Eigenmittel, wie es das Europäische Parlament fraktionsübergreifend vorgeschlagen hat. Echte ökologische Eigenmittel wie eine CO2-Steuer oder eine Plastiksteuer wären hier ein Anfang. Auch eine europäische Digitalsteuer, die Amazon, Facebook und Google besteuert, wäre wichtig, um Investitionen zu finanzieren und Gerechtigkeit zu schaffen.

 
  
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  Andrus Ansip (Renew), kirjalikult. – Energiasääst aitab hoida meie planeeti elamisväärsena, aga see on säästjale ka majanduslikult kasulik. Eesti hooned raiskavad Soome täpselt samasuguste hoonetega võrreldes endiselt rohkem energiat. Transpordis on energiasäästuvõimalusi küllaga. Sõidujagamisteenust pakkuv Bolt võimaldab ühte ressurssi – autot – kümneid kordi efektiivsemalt kasutada. Innovatsiooni tuleb toetada. Eestis on suurepärased superkondensaatorite arendused, pakirobotite arendused, kütuselementide ehk vesinikuenergeetika arendused. Selle asemel, et kaaluda investeeringut eelrafineerimistehasesse, peaks Eesti valitsus toetama innovatsiooni.

 
  
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  Carmen Avram (S&D), in writing. – Farmers are the first to feel the impact of climate change. Yet bear in mind the pressure on their shoulders by the rigorous standards of the future CAP, the budget cuts, the unfair competition triggered by the Mercosur trade agreement and the international trade disputes countermeasures. It is, thus, fundamental to design policies that accompany our farmers towards this transition, instead of putting even more pressure on them. Forestry also plays a crucial role in addressing climate change. It has significant potential to reduce emissions, sequester carbon and boost economies in a sustainable manner. With over 40% of the EU’s land area covered by forests, it is clear that the European Green Deal must include an updated post-2020 EU Forest Strategy, to put the legislation in line with renewed climate and biodiversity ambitions. However, as the Commission knows, each Member States has its specificities. During the last plenary debate on the protection of forests, Romanian illegal logging was discussed. I call on the Commission to explain all the concrete initiatives which might be taken in order to protect Romanian forests and its biodiversity.

 
  
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  Robert Biedroń (S&D), na piśmie. – Zakazy używania plastikowych słomek nam już nie pomogą – potrzebna jest pełna transformacja naszego systemu gospodarczego. Stoimy przed „koniecznością wykroczenia poza ramy stopniowej poprawy efektywności i zwiększenia poziomu wdrożenia polityki ochrony środowiska”. To tylko część raportu opublikowanego w minioną środę przez Europejską Agencję Środowiska (EEA) na temat oceny efektywności środowiskowej Europy. Po wszystkich apelach środowisk naukowych z radością przyjmuję obietnicę o przygotowaniu projektu „Nowego Zielonego Ładu” w pierwszych 100 dniach urzędowania Komisji. Jego propozycje muszą jednak wykraczać daleko poza znane nam już „zazielenienie” wzrostu gospodarczego. Konieczność ograniczenia emisji jest niepodważalna. Podobnie jak chociażby odejście od węgla na rzecz OZE (Odnawialne Źródła Energii).

„Nowy Zielony Ład” musi proponować nowy fundusz na sprawiedliwą transformację – taką, na której nie ucierpią tysiące górników w Polsce, a regiony postgórnicze będą mogły w sposób sprawiedliwy zachować swoją tożsamość kulturową. Potrzebujemy teraz kroków radykalnych, żeby za 10 lat móc spojrzeć w oczy naszym dzieciom. Muszą to być kroki bardzo wyważone, tak aby na transformacji zyskali wszyscy.

 
  
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  Vilija Blinkevičiūtė (S&D), raštu. – Komisija šiandien pristatė naują Europos Sąjungos augimo modelį. Itin ambicinga Žaliojo kurso iniciatyva turėtų padėti sukurti teisingesnę, saugesnę, tvaresnę, labiau socialiai atsakingą ir klestinčią visuomenę, kuri atitiktų mūsų žmonių lūkesčius. Tačiau Europos Sąjungos laukiantys iššūkiai klimato kaitos srityje, perėjimo prie neutralios energetikos, švaraus transporto ir daug kitų įvardytų pristatytoje iniciatyvoje galės būti sėkmingai įgyvendinti tik tuomet, jei juos paversime galimybėmis. Šiame į ateitį orientuotame procese negalime pamiršti ir šiandienos žmonių problemų bei privalome gebėti į juos tinkamai reaguoti. Ir tam turime sutelkti politinę valią visose institucijose, ypač kalbant apie teisingą ir pakankamą finansavimą, ypač socialinės politikos sritims kitoje finansinė perspektyvoje. Bus labai sunku įtikinti mūsų piliečius prisidėti prie naujo ekonomikos modelio įgyvendinimo, jei jie nesijaus socialiai saugūs. Todėl labai tikiuosi, kad įgyvendinant Žaliojo kurso iniciatyvą bus išlaikoma stipri socialinė dimensija ir kad socialinio poveikio vertinimas bus užtikrintas visose politikos srityse.

 
  
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  Dominique Bilde (ID), par écrit. –On ne répétera jamais assez, et le président Trump a eu raison de le faire, quoique sa décision de retirer les États-Unis de l’accord de Paris ne soit pas exempte de critiques, que l’Occident, et en particulier l’Europe, ne pourra porter seul le poids et la responsabilité du changement climatique et, partant, de la réduction des émissions de gaz à effet de serre. C’est pourtant la perspective qui s’esquisse au travers des engagements internationaux pris en la matière, lesquels laissent trop souvent la part belle à l’Inde ou à la Chine. Du reste, l’intransigeance environnementale enferme l’Union européenne dans ses propres contradictions. Contradictions d’abord entre ses ambitieux objectifs et la réalité d’un territoire contrasté, où certains États comme la Pologne dépendent encore fortement du charbon. Contradiction ensuite entre ces mêmes aspirations et un modèle de développement fondé sur le primat du libre-échange contre les États et des grands groupes internationaux contre les petits producteurs. De la résolution de ces dilemmes fondamentaux dépend l’avenir environnemental de l’Europe ainsi que celui du monde.

 
  
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  Milan Brglez (S&D), pisno. – Evropski parlament kot edino neposredno izvoljeno telo EU bo v okviru Zelenega dogovora moral zavzeti odločno držo v svojih zakonodajnih, nadzornih ter proračunskih pristojnostih, saj neposredno odgovarja več kot 500 milijonom evropskih volivcev in državljanov ter še zlasti bodoči generaciji volilnih upravičencev, ki je v zadnjem letu na ulicah evropskih mest jasno izrazila svoje zahteve glede podnebnih ukrepov.

Evropski zeleni dogovor, še zlasti v luči doseganja podnebnih ciljev do 2050, ni izbira, temveč je nujnost. Izbiralo se bo lahko le med najbolj optimalnimi ukrepi za uresničitev politik, ki so konstitutivni del tega dogovora.

Ta proces iskanja kompromisov pa ne sme nikakor biti v škodo najbolj ranljivih, tako skupnosti kot tudi posameznikov, v državah, ki jim objektivni dejavniki onemogočajo enakovreden položaj v tej »tekmi« za brezogljično prihodnost.

Ne samo politika in gospodarstvo, temveč tudi sleherni državljan EU ima pred seboj zahteven izziv. Vloga ozaveščenega posameznika predvsem kot potrošnika in hkrati, ne pozabimo, nosilca vseh človekovih pravic, je sicer drobec v mozaiku Zelenega dogovora, vendar ima lahko bistven in predvsem trajnosten učinek pri uspešnem uresničevanju le-tega. Ve se, katere pravice je mogoče omejevati ali začasno odpraviti v izrednem stanju, ki smo ga razglasili v Evropskem parlamentu.

 
  
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  Josianne Cutajar (S&D), in writing. – I welcome the presentation of the European Green Deal. We have a historic opportunity ahead and I hope the European Union will be up to the challenge. The European Green Deal will aim to make Europe the first climate—neutral continent by 2050. It is indeed very ambitious, but we cannot ignore this strong need for change. I believe that the green transition will require a common effort. EU institutions, Member States, local authorities, civil society, citizens, businesses: everybody is called to play their part. If we want the European Green Deal to deliver its ambitious results, we need to fight for adequate resources to finance it. Research and innovation will be paramount in order to make sure that citizens and enterprises keep up with technological process and will be able to meet the targets the Green Deal is going to set. The expectations of the upcoming Just Transition Fund are incredibly high. If we want it to succeed, we need to make sure that not only the coal regions of our Union, but also its energy—intensive areas, including islands, can benefit from it. The transition to a clean planet for all must leave no one behind.

 
  
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  João Ferreira (GUE/NGL), por escrito. – Descontando a muita propaganda verde, deste pacto pouco sobra. Do que sobra, muita coisa não é boa. Querem alargar o mercado do carbono, o negócio que alguns fazem comprando e vendendo licenças para poluir. Querem insistir nas políticas neoliberais que, além das injustiças sociais e da desigualdade económica, criam muitos dos desequilíbrios ecológicos que enfrentamos. Não é por dizerem mil vezes a palavra “verde” que mudam a natureza das políticas que nos trouxeram aqui. É necessário diminuir a dependência dos combustíveis fósseis. Certamente. Mas se o queremos fazer com justiça social e sustentabilidade ambiental, exige-se o controlo público do sector energético, que não pode estar nas mãos das multinacionais que o controlam. Uma sociedade assente no consumismo desenfreado - pintem-na como quiserem - não é sustentável. Onde estão medidas de combate à obsolescência programada? Onde estão medidas que promovam o transporte público de qualidade e gratuito em alternativa ao automóvel? Também por detrás deste biombo verde está o velho e sempre atual confronto entre capital e trabalho.

 
  
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  András Gyürk (PPE), írásban. – Az európai zöld megállapodás nem kevesebbet tűz ki mint a gazdasági versenyképesség és a társadalmi igazságosság fenntartása mellett a klímasemlegesség elérését 2050-re. Nagy feladat ez, amihez csak felelősen, a kihívás összetettségét szem előtt tartva lehet közelíteni. Az Európai Unió mottója: „Egyesülve a sokféleségben”. Az európai zöld megállapodás sem állhat más elvi alapon. Ezért a tagállamok sokféleségét, különböző természeti adottságait és eltérő kiindulási helyzetét a klímasemlegesség felé vezető úton kellőképpen tiszteletben kell tartani. Ennek egyik pillére a technológiasemlegesség elve.

A klímavészhelyzetben ugyanis nem rendelkezünk azzal a luxussal, hogy bizonyos technológiákat előnyben részesítsünk, másokat pedig megbélyegezzünk. A sikeres átmenethez kivétel nélkül az összes alacsony szén-dioxid-kibocsátású megoldásra szükségünk van. Végül az egységet a sokféleségben az igazságosság kell, hogy jelentse. Bízom benne, hogy a szép szavak mellett ez egy szükséges méretű, méltányos átállást támogató alapban és mechanizmusban is meg fog testesülni. Ugyanis ha az igazságosság elve sérül, hamarosan társadalmi és gazdasági vészhelyzettel szembesülhetünk, ami számomra elfogadhatatlan.

 
  
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  Łukasz Kohut (S&D), na piśmie. – Bardzo dziękuję Komisji za przedstawienie propozycji Nowego Zielonego Ładu dla Europy. Niewątpliwie to już najwyższy czas, abyśmy kwestię zmian klimatycznych potraktowali nie tylko jak sprawę pilną, ale jako stan najwyższej konieczności. Jest to nasze najważniejsze działanie w tej kadencji Parlamentu Europejskiego, tego chcą od nas młodzi ludzie biorący udział w strajkach klimatycznych. To właśnie im i przyszłym pokoleniom musimy zapewnić świat możliwy do życia. I musimy to zrobić mądrze.

Transformacja energetyczna jest koniecznością, i koniecznością jest przeprowadzenie jej jak najszybciej. Koniecznością jest również przeprowadzenie jej w sposób bezpieczny społecznie i kulturowo. Szczególnie regiony górnicze, takie jak Śląsk, stoją przed ogromnym wyzwaniem i wszystkie mechanizmy transformacji na poziomie UE i na poziomie krajowym muszą im pozwolić temu wyzwaniu sprostać. Potrzebujemy mądrych decyzji, pieniędzy, działań osłonowych i – przede wszystkim – wytłumaczenia konieczności zmian naszym obywatelom, tak by to oni czuli się autorami sukcesu transformacji.

To z Europy pochodzić powinno najlepsze prawodawstwo oraz technologie, które wspólnie pozwolą na osiągnięcie neutralności klimatycznej Europy do roku 2050. Możliwości wynikające z transformacji ekologicznej przyniosą największe korzyści tym, którzy działają najwcześniej i najszybciej. Jako europoseł ze Śląska, regionu górniczego w procesie transformacji, będę bardzo aktywnie pracował nad wdrażaniem Nowego Zielonego Ładu dla Europy.

 
  
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  Ева Майдел (PPE), в писмена форма. – Днес говорим за Европейския зелен курс, път който трябва да бъде извървян от нашите граждани, региони, индустрия и енергетика.

Амбицията за въглеродна неутралност през 2050 г. и целите за 2030 г. трябва да ни накарат да имаме прагматичен подход и ясна оценка за предизвикателствата и решенията, които трябва да вземем.

Ние трябва да запазим и развием своята глобална конкурентоспособност и да увеличим своята енергийна сигурност като не изключваме работещите решения.

Иновациите, човешкият потенциал и научните ни достижения са инструментите, гарантиращи на всеки един гражданин, регион и икономически сектор в Европа, че ще извърви успешно своя зелен път.

Промените в климата и опазването на околната среда, глобалната технологична надпревара и ограниченият достъп до ресурси са ясен отговор защо ни е нужен Зеленият курс, но трябва да имаме конкретна предварителна оценка за всяка една цел и как това запазва ролята ни на глобален модел за мирно човешко развитие.

Нека не забравяме, че все още 50 млн. европейци са енергийно бедни, а редица сектори, в т.ч. и енергийният, срещат предизвикателства в своя цифров преход.

Всяка промяна има своя цена и гражданите на Европа го знаят. Развитие, Сигурност и Лидерство е това, което те очакват да получат в замяна на своя труд и усилия!

 
  
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  Leszek Miller (S&D), na piśmie. – Uważam, że wdrożenie Europejskiego Zielonego Ładu słusznie jest podstawowym priorytetem politycznym nowej Komisji, bo nie da się przejść obojętnie obok negatywnych skutków degradacji naszego środowiska. Sukces tego projektu leży w przekonaniu społeczeństw, zwłaszcza państw Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej, w tym Polski, że jest to projekt dla dobra ludzi, a nie przeciwko ludziom. Antagoniści Zielonego Ładu będą z pewnością utożsamiali go ze skrajną ideologią lub skokiem na pieniądze. Już teraz łatwo przewidzieć, że będzie to główna narracja przeciwników zmian w Europie. Jestem przekonany, że Komisja Europejska powinna poprzedzić wdrażanie Zielonego Ładu bardzo szeroko zakrojoną akcją edukacyjną i informacyjną, która pozwoli zrozumieć obywatelom Unii, jaka jest istota tego projektu. Że nie ma on na celu zrobienia z obywateli Europy niewolników nowych zielonych korporacji, lecz jedynie ma służyć dobru nas wszystkich i przyszłych pokoleń.

 
  
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  Janina Ochojska (PPE), na piśmie. – Europejski Zielony Ład to nowa strategia, której celem jest poprawa zdrowia, jakości życia i środowiska naturalnego poprzez transformację europejskiego modelu gospodarczego. Zakłada także plan działań na rzecz gospodarki o obiegu zamkniętym, w tym redukcję odpadów plastikowych. Przeciwdziałanie zmianom klimatycznym jest jednak wyzwaniem globalnym, wymaga więc międzynarodowych, a przede wszystkim skoordynowanych działań zewnętrznych.

Osiągnięcie celów klimatycznych, w tym neutralności klimatycznej, zaprezentowanych przez Ursulę von der Leyen będzie miało realne przełożenie na zatrzymanie postępującej degradacji środowiska tylko wtedy, gdy w proces transformacji zaangażujemy się wszyscy. Każdy jest odpowiedzialny za przyszłość naszej planety: i my – posłowie, i najmłodsi – uczniowie.

UE powinna stać się liderem w kwestii działań na rzecz ochrony środowiska poprzez promowanie swoich celów jako wzoru dla porozumień ogólnoświatowych dotyczących przede wszystkim redukcji emisji gazów cieplarnianych i bioróżnorodności. W marcu przyszłego roku ma zostać przedstawiony projekt pierwszego na świecie prawa klimatycznego, które na stałe wpisze do różnych przepisów cel neutralności klimatycznej do 2050 r. Tym bardziej powinniśmy wzmocnić nasze działania mające na celu zwiększenie spójności polityk na rzecz rozwoju i klimatu. Chodzi tutaj o prowadzenie zrównoważonego handlu z innymi częściami świata, jak również budowanie partnerstw z krajami rozwijającymi się, aby pomagać im w ich własnej transformacji w kierunku bardziej ekologicznie efektywnych gospodarek.

 
  
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  Rovana Plumb (S&D), in writing. – I welcome The European Green Deal (EGD) launched today, this roadmap to action, as no one left behind! EGD stresses the importance of making infrastructure climate-resilient and it recognises the challenges and opportunities that lay ahead for sectors, cities, communities and regions in this transition and of creating decent work and quality jobs. The implementation of the UN 2030 Agenda (17 SDGs) and the Paris Agreement means to adapt and build resilience to climate change should ensure stability, recovery and a better balance between inclusive societies and prosperous economies. The climate emergency imposes more action in order to achieve the Paris Agreement goals with a significant share of the investments for combating climate change should be realised by the private sector, further to the public funding. A just and fair transition policy framework and an investment plan with a visible positive impact on employment will create the conditions to better align EU climate targets for 2030 and 2050. Having people at heard of transition is the responsible way forward to a net-zero greenhouse gas economy. It is about people and their daily lives, about the way Europeans work, transport themselves and live together.

 
  
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  Bogdan Rzońca (ECR), na piśmie. – Nowy Zielony Ład będzie dla wielu państw, ale przede wszystkim społeczeństw, nierównomiernym wyzwaniem, szczególnie biorąc pod uwagę różne punkty startowe. Choć cała inicjatywa zrodziła się ze szczytnych założeń, jeśli zostanie zideologizowana, może mieć dotkliwe i dogłębne skutki uboczne, o których wielu z was boi się dzisiaj rozmawiać.

Proces stanowienia prawa musi być oparty o rzetelne analizy i zdanie wszystkich włączonych w transformację stron. Zarówno koledzy w Komisji, jak i w Parlamencie będą musieli brać pod uwagę zdanie osób, z którymi na co dzień się nie zgadzają, i uzbroić się w wyjątkową wrażliwość. Inaczej skończymy tak, jak podczas ostatnich negocjacji o zrównoważonych finansach, tak zwanej taksonomii wpisującej się w Nowy Zielony Ład, gdzie przewodniczący negocjacji z grupy Renew, sprawozdawcy oraz część zespołu negocjacyjnego, wliczając w to przedstawiciela Komisji, schowali się na ponad 4,5 godziny na „prywatnym” trilogu i skrycie ustalili warunki porozumienia, zaburzając przy tym przejrzystość procesu. Czy chcemy nowego Zielonego Ładu za zamkniętymi drzwiami, narzuconego siłą obywatelom, którzy byli w mniejszości?

Co do różnych spraw możemy się nie zgadzać, ale Państwa obowiązkiem jest słuchać wszystkich Europejczyków i upewnić się, że nie czują się wykluczeni z kluczowych decyzji. Inaczej nie ma co marzyć o sukcesie tej inicjatywy.

 
  
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  Susana Solís Pérez (Renew), in writing. – We are faced with two major global challenges: climate change and digitalisation. The EU is set to be the first continent to achieve climate neutrality by 2050 and this requires a transformation, an environmental transformation and a digital transformation. At the same time, we are at the forefront of an industrial revolution, Industry 4.0. To achieve the transition in a just and social way, a Just Transition Mechanism can help regions transform towards a less carbon dependent economy that leaves no one behind. The Green Deal puts forward a growth strategy for the EU with the aim of reaching our climate commitments, while creating business opportunities for the European industry and our SMEs, as well as quality jobs. Digital technologies, such as AI and 5G, are uniquely positioned to provide effective tools for the shift towards a circular and lean economy and decrease the carbon footprint across many industries, but at the same time the digital sector needs to become sustainable. And in the transition towards a sustainable economy, we need a smart future-looking strategy that places innovation at its heart and ensures leadership for the EU, while safeguarding our industrial, digital and strategic sovereignty.

 
  
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  Sylwia Spurek (S&D), in writing. – The European Green Deal presented by Commission to the MEPs in an extraordinary plenary session in Brussels today lacks necessary measures to tackle some key factors behind the climate crisis. One area that has not been addressed properly is industrial farming – a practice that is growing and intensifying in Europe. Factory farms produce staggering quantities of waste, pollute our land, air and water, and massively contribute to climate change. It is widely known that factory farming is an unsustainable method of raising animals – and one that is not compatible with the safe and wholesome food supply that the European Green Deal promised. Limiting the over-consumption of meat and dairy products is also essential to ward off climate crisis. Therefore, the absence of policies to stop industrial farming or to promote a shift towards plant-based diets is alarming. When designing a fair, healthy and environmentally friendly food system, the EU must tackle the over-consumption of meat and dairy products and factory farms. We need a change in dietary patterns and farming practices. Without such change, the headline objective behind the new environmental law cannot be achieved. We need concrete plan and actions to stop this destructive, wasteful, inefficient and cruel system.

 
  
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  Carlos Zorrinho (S&D), por escrito. – A comunicação da Comissão Europeia que lança o Pacto Ecológico Europeu reforça a coerência e a aderência ao terreno de uma agenda progressista, inclusiva e sustentável, para fazer face à emergência climática e para dar à União Europeia um papel de liderança na transição energética e na concretização da Agenda 2030.

O mecanismo de transição justa a apresentar no inicio de 2020 deverá permitir que nenhuma região, território ou sector fique para trás na concretização dos objetivos. Destaco também a importância do compromisso de apresentação, durante o primeiro semestre de 2020, de uma nova estratégia industrial e de uma “lei do clima”, que tornará mais ambiciosa a meta de redução das emissões. A opção de aplicar uma taxa de carbono no quadro das regras da OMC é um sinal de que a alavancagem financeira do pacto não colocará em causa o financiamento das políticas de coesão e de convergência.

A União Europeia não pode hesitar numa prática que seja também inspiradora para o resto do mundo. É preciso mobilizar os decisores políticos e também a sociedade civil. Neste quadro, a decisão da Comissão Europeia de apresentar o Pacto Ecológico, em primeiro lugar, ao Parlamento Europeu tem um significado político relevante.

 
Letzte Aktualisierung: 28. Januar 2020Rechtlicher Hinweis