President. − The next item is the debate on six motions for resolution on Sudan: situation in Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile State⁽¹⁾.

  Charles Tannock, author. − Mr President, despite South Sudan’s independence, there remains some unresolved disputes and tensions between the north and the south, centring on three areas: Blue Nile State and Kordofan and the troubled region of Abyei. These areas possess, perhaps unsurprisingly, significant oil reserves and large water supplies. There is a complex ethnic and tribal mix inhabiting these key regions, with different allegiances towards Juba and Khartoum, so the 2005 CPA gave specific provisions for a popular referendum in Blue Nile State and South Kordofan, enabling residents of these districts to determine their own future. Regrettably, the pro-Khartoum Governor in Kordofan suspended the planned referendum, causing skirmishes between the SPLA and the Sudanese army, the SAF, which then invaded, causing 6 000 people to become internally displaced.

The security situation in Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile State has deteriorated alarmingly in recent weeks and there is targeting of the ethnic Nuba group which is pro South Sudan. The ECR Group condemns without reserve the SAF cross-border invasion into Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile State. The International Criminal Court indicted war criminal President Bashir, and his regime should, without delay, now declare a unilateral two-week ceasefire to prevent further bloodshed. Khartoum must also honour its legal obligations by adhering to all the provisions set out in the CPA of 2005.

The EU has been taking a leading role in the current crisis. The High Representative has joined the UN Secretary-General and the President of this House in condemning the downward spiral of violence. These festering, unresolved territorial disputes and tribal conflicts risk undoing all the good work of the international community and risk a return to all-out war between the north and the south.

  Rui Tavares, Autor. − Senhor Presidente, o Sudão do Sul ou o Sul-Sudão declarou a sua independência recentemente. Porém, o nascimento deste país é já um nascimento doloroso e muito bem descrito aqui pelo colega Tannock, até nas incertezas em relação às suas fronteiras e ao conflito que continua a lavrar com o Sudão. Continua na região do Nilo Azul, no Cordofão do Sul. Evidentemente que temos ali o tipo de violações reiteradas dos direitos humanos a que, infelizmente, o regime de Omar al-Bashir já nos habituou. E, do outro lado, temos um país, o Sudão do Sul, um país recente, um dos mais pobres do mundo, com um dos piores registos em termos de saúde, em termos de mortalidade, que se está a desgastar em gente e em recursos numa guerra com o seu vizinho do Norte.

É um país que ainda agora nasceu, ainda agora recentemente os sul-sudaneses comemoraram a sua independência, e a questão que nós devemos colocar é se eles sabem que, em boa parte, já não têm país.

A terra neste momento no Sudão do Sul custa 3 cêntimos o hectare. Há companhias estrangeiras que estão a comprar milhares de hectares no Sudão do Sul, com acesso às suas riquezas subterrâneas, aos seus recursos naturais, sem que os sul-sudaneses saibam. Precisamente porque o Governo, envolvido neste conflito com o Sudão, com o seu vizinho maior, precisa de recursos para a guerra e, por outro lado, não dá atenção suficiente ao seu próprio território e aos seus recursos.

Eu creio que isto nos deve fazer pensar sobre a maneira como nós, na União Europeia, discutimos este tipo de questão de direitos humanos. Nós temos muitas vezes uma posição que é reactiva, que é no máximo preventiva, quando as violações dos direitos humanos já estão a ocorrer. Mas nós temos muito pouco uma visão sistémica e uma visão continuada. Damos agora atenção a estes países quando as violações de direitos humanos estão a ocorrer, mas, por exemplo, não damos atenção a este tipo de independências precisamente na altura em que, quando um país é jovem ainda, é frágil, precisa de ser, por exemplo, protegido de atitudes absolutamente predadoras, não só na sua região, mas também fora. As empresas que compram o território sul-sudanês são americanas, são europeias, são chinesas, e estão neste momento a garantir que este país não vá ter hipóteses de futuro.

Isto convida-nos, desde logo, ao nosso representante – e com isto termino –, ao nosso representante permanente no Sudão do Sul, a fazer esforços para que a nossa visão, o nosso acompanhamento desde o nascimento deste país seja sistemático e não só reactivo, como estamos aqui a ter.

  Marie-Christine Vergiat, auteure. − Monsieur le Président, le référendum d'autodétermination du 9 janvier et l'accès à l'indépendance du Soudan du Sud, en juillet dernier, pouvaient faire espérer une accalmie des tensions dans cette région du monde.

Pourtant, ceux qui connaissent bien cette région savent que c'est loin d'être le cas et que cela ne pourra l'être tant que la question des frontières entre les deux États ne sera pas véritablement réglée, ce qui n'est pas simple au vu de l'importance économique et stratégique de cette zone pétrolifère.

Dans cette zone, l'indépendance a sans doute aggravé les tensions, et ce sont les populations civiles qui, une nouvelle fois, en font les frais, victimes de frappes aériennes particulièrement scandaleuses, d'autant plus que les ONG sont empêchées d'intervenir.

Comme l'a dénoncé Amnesty International, les principaux fournisseurs d'armes des belligérants sont tantôt la Russie, la Biélorussie et la Chine, tantôt les États-Unis et l'Ukraine, selon les cas.

Agir aussi sur ce plan pourrait sans doute favoriser les négociations diplomatiques et faciliter la tâche difficile des émissaires de l'ONU. Espérons que le retrait des troupes annoncé par les belligérants sera effectivement suivi d'effet.

  Véronique De Keyser, auteure. − Monsieur le Président, cette résolution est vraiment une résolution très politique.

En fait, ce qui se cache derrière les éclats, le conflit actuel, c'est ce qui n'a pas été résolu dans le cadre de l'accord de paix global de 2005. Cet accord prévoyait l'organisation d'élections générales dans le sud du Soudan avant le passage à l'indépendance – elles ont eu lieu en avril 2010 –, ainsi que celle d'un référendum – il a eu lieu en janvier 2011 –, mais elle prévoyait aussi qu'avant cela, bien d'autres problèmes devaient être résolus.

Je ne parle pas du partage du pétrole, de la monnaie, des droits des gens du nord qui sont au sud et de ceux du sud qui sont au nord, ce qu'on appelle la citoyenneté; il fallait que les frontières soient définies, mais rien de tout cela n'a été résolu. En fin de compte, l'ONU – et elle a eu raison – a reconnu le Soudan du Sud en tant qu'État et a reconnu son indépendance, mais tout est resté en friche parce qu'il n'y a pas eu d'accord.

Je pense qu'on ne pourra pas avancer sur ces questions sans organiser le référendum dans la région d'Abyei ni les deux consultations populaires qu'il fallait organiser dans celles du Nil bleu et du Kordofan-Méridional. Il faut donc une pression politique de la communauté internationale pour résoudre ces problèmes. Du reste, les armées sont sur le terrain, des armées très peu contrôlables, y compris d'ailleurs, hélas, l'armée du sud, le SPLA, qui n'est pas encore tout à fait structurée.

Je ne reviendrai pas sur le mandat d'arrêt de la Cour pénale internationale visant le président Bachir. Bien entendu, nous avons demandé que ce mandat prenne effet et que M. Bachir comparaisse devant le tribunal de La Haye. Mais cette question politique est encore en suspens.

  Kristiina Ojuland, author. − Mr President, the fighting between the Sudanese armed forces and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement in Blue Nile State has by now led to the displacement of an estimated 200 000 people. The situation is complicated by the fact that the humanitarian agencies have been refused authorisation to work there.

I have to remind you that during the second Sudanese Civil War from 1983 to 2005 it is estimated that up to 2.5 million people – mostly civilians – lost their lives, primarily due to starvation and drought. The repetition of such a large-scale humanitarian crisis must, and should, be prevented. I therefore fully support the call for an immediate ceasefire, resumption of negotiations on reaching a political solution to the conflict, and allowing humanitarian access to affected populations in Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile State.

  Cristian Dan Preda, Autor. − Aşa cum poate observa oricine, veştile bune din Sudan sunt foarte rare şi asta ne şi obligă să luăm poziţie în mod repetat. În urmă cu câteva săptămâni, independenţa Sudanului de Sud a fost pusă într-o oarecare umbră de violenţele din Kordofanul de Sud, care s-au petrecut în luna iunie. Şi de-abia ce s-a încheiat un acord pe 8 septembrie, în privinţa regiunii Abyei, pentru ca, între timp, o nouă izbucnire de violenţă în Kordofan şi Nilul Albastru să se producă. Situaţia pare să semene, de aceea, cu celebra formulă „un pas înainte, doi înapoi” şi, din nefericire, personajele politice din regiune nu sunt credibile. Mă alătur colegilor mei care au cerut ca preşedintele al-Bashir să se prezinte în faţa Curţii Penale Internaţionale.

Referinţa fundamentală pentru noi este acordul-cadru de la Addis Abeba din 28 iunie. Calea armelor este exclusă, de aceea am fost foarte mirat să văd că Parlamentul sudanez a decis să îmbrăţişeze opţiunea militară. Este exact ceea ce nu poate rezolva conflictul.

  Sari Essayah, PPE-ryhmän puolesta. – Arvoisa puhemies, hyvä komission jäsen, avustusjärjestöjen mukaan tuhannet ihmiset ovat paenneet taisteluja Sudanin Sinisen Niilin osavaltiosta naapurimaahan Etiopiaan.

Osavaltiossa puhkesi viime viikolla taisteluja Sudanin armeijan ja vasta itsenäistyneen Etelä-Sudanin SPLM-puoluetta tukevien joukkojen välillä. Armeijan mukaan taisteluja käydään yhä ainakin yhdellä alueella. Näiden arvioiden mukaan Etiopiaan on tähän mennessä saapunut noin 20 000 ihmistä, jotka ovat paenneet taisteluja. Heillä on pulaa ruoasta, vedestä ja suojasta.

YK:n ihmisoikeusviranomaiset ovat vaatineet Sudanin hallitusta lopettamaan välittömästi siviileihin kohdistetut ilmaiskut, jotka ovat jatkuneet taukoamatta myös Etelä-Kordofanissa. YK:n ihmisoikeusvaltuutetun toimisto totesi elokuun raportissaan, että siviileihin kohdistetut iskut saattavat nousta sotarikoksiksi tai jopa rikoksiksi ihmisyyttä vastaan. YK on pyytänyt Sudanin hallitukselta perusteellista tulkintaa ja tutkintaa alueen tapahtumista. Mikäli hallitus ei tähän kykene, sen on sallittava kansainvälinen tutkinta meneillään olevista tapahtumista.

  Ana Gomes, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Mr President, having observed the elections in Khartoum in 2010 on behalf of this Parliament and visited Juba prior to the independence referendum, I regret to say that I am not surprised at the escalation of conflict in South Kordofan and the Blue Nile State triggering an invasion by the Sudan armed forces.

Those in the international community – namely in the US, the African Union and the European Union – who turn a blind eye to the crimes for which President Omar Hassan al-Bashir has been indicted by the ICC, and contribute to his impunity by failing to work to render him to The Hague, must accept some responsibility for these developments, including the horrific loss of life and the outrageous denial of access for all those in need to humanitarian agencies.

Most of what the European Parliament resolution recommends makes sense, but I doubt whether we can expect any meaningful progress towards the resolution of what is, as my colleague Véronique De Keyser has said, a political conflict between the North and the South. If we continue to put faith in mediation by pathetic personalities such as Mr Thabo Mbeki, I fear we will not make any progress.

  Jaroslav Paška, za skupinu EFD – Myslím si, že nikto z tých, ktorí už dlhší čas vnímajú správanie sa sudánskeho prezidenta Umara al-Bašíra, si nerobil žiadne ilúzie o tom, že po rozdelení Sudánu na dva štáty zavládne v tomto regióne mier a pokoj. Nedoriešené štatúty pohraničných oblastí Abjíi a Južného Kordofánu, dávajú dôvod na to, aby al-Bašír uplatnil jeho svojrázny spôsob starostlivosti o miestny ľud a súčasné udalosti v Južnom Kordofane, Modrom Níle a Abjíi nám potvrdzujú, že hra s ohňom a zbraňami je pre sudánskeho prezidenta tou najobľúbenejšou zábavou. Osudy a životy obyvateľstva jeho krajiny sú mu pritom zjavne ľahostajné: terčom prenasledovania, zatýkania, mučenia, ale aj popráv bez súdov sa stávajú všetci, ktorí neprejavujú náležitú lojalitu k sudánskemu vládcovi, či nebodaj sympatizujú so Sudánskym ľudovým oslobodeneckým hnutím. Preto musíme spoločne s Africkou úniou, Organizáciou Spojených národov, ale aj s partnermi zo Spojených štátov pokračovať v ekonomickom a diplomatickom tlaku na al-Bašírovu administratívu, aby plnila záväzky a zastavila porušovanie medzištátnych dohôd a umožnila pokojný život obyvateľstvu v Južnom Kordofáne, Modrom Níle a Abjíi.

  Franz Obermayr (NI). - Herr Präsident! Anfang September rief die sudanesische Regierung im Bundesstaat Blauer Nil den Notstand aus. Ausgehend von der Hauptstadt kam es zu blutigen Kämpfen zwischen der Armee und den Truppen des Gouverneurs Malik Agar. In der Folge flohen dann 16 000 Einwohner der Stadt Kurmuk – was in Wirklichkeit der gesamten Bevölkerung der Garnisonsstadt entspricht – vor den Gefechten in Richtung Äthiopien. Umso wichtiger ist es daher, dass die Afrikanische Union endlich ihre Zusammenarbeit mit dem Internationalen Strafgerichtshof verstärkt.

Das Bewusstsein für die Menschenrechte muss in ganz Afrika gefördert und deren Achtung auch gewährleistet werden. Wir brauchen dringend ein Ende der Straflosigkeit für alle während des Krieges im Sudan verübten Verbrechen. Der Prozess in Den Haag gegen Präsident Umar al-Baschir ist erst ein Anfang im Sinne der Rechtsstaatlichkeit, aber auch im Sinne der Gerechtigkeit für die Opfer. Ohne Rechtsstaatlichkeit wird es in dieser Region immer nur alte und neue so genannte Failed States geben, die letztlich am Tropf der westlichen und östlichen Industrienationen hängen.

  Seán Kelly (PPE). - Mr President, Amnesty International’s senior crisis response adviser, Donatella Rovera, has been quoted as saying: ‘the Sudanese Government is literally getting away with murder and trying to keep the outside world from finding out. The international community, and particularly the UN Security Council, must stop looking the other way and act to address the situation.’ At least we are doing that here today.

On 9 July, Southern Sudan became the world’s newest state but, as often happens, peace does not follow in such situations. The great Irish patriot, Michael Collins, observed this in 1921 when he said ‘border land is trouble and always will be’. He himself was killed in the subsequent civil war that occurred over border land.

The fact that Southern Kordofan has 80% of Sudanese oil reserves means that the stakes are pretty high here, and the issue will be difficult to resolve. Nevertheless, we have to try to get a peace and put an end to the aerial bombardment so that people can sow their crops and get on with their lives.

  Joanna Senyszyn (S&D). - Panie Przewodniczący! W kontekście tej rezolucji szczególnie ważne są dwie kwestie: niezbędne jest zapewnienie ochrony ludności cywilnej – masowe bombardowania są wyniszczające, tysiące osób opuszczają zrujnowane domy, żyją w niewyobrażalnie ciężkich warunkach, brakuje im schronienia, leków, kończy się żywność. To jest zbrodnia przeciwko ludzkości, której należy położyć natychmiastowy kres.

Południowy Kordofan pilnie potrzebuje pomocy humanitarnej. Musimy wesprzeć agencje międzynarodowe i organizacje pozarządowe w dialogu z władzami Sudanu w sprawie zniesienia restrykcji uniemożliwiających im dostarczanie pomocy, w tym także żywności. Szacuje się, że pilnej pomocy potrzebuje około 200 tysięcy osób, w tym 70 tysięcy kobiet i dzieci. Agencje humanitarne powinny mieć nieograniczone możliwości udzielania takiej pomocy. Należy też zapewnić obecność niezależnych obserwatorów przestrzegania praw człowieka w Południowym Kordofanie. Dziękuję za uwagę!

  Albert Deß (PPE). - Herr Präsident! Seit vielen Jahren reden wir im Parlament hier über die Situation im Südsudan. Im Südsudan gibt es eine überwiegend christliche Bevölkerung. Was die Menschen im Südsudan seit Jahrzehnten erleiden mussten, ist unbeschreiblich! Arabisch-muslimische Reitermilizen – und dafür ist Präsident al-Baschir mitverantwortlich – haben dort im Grunde genommen einen Völkermord begangen, haben Tod, Vergewaltigung, Vertreibung und Hunger in das Land gebracht.

Deshalb war es für mich unverantwortlich, was der türkische Präsident Erdogan vor einiger Zeit sinngemäß gesagt hat, nämlich dass er im Gegensatz zum Gazastreifen im Südsudan keinen Völkermord erkennen kann. Wer solche Äußerungen macht, handelt unverantwortlich und ist nicht geeignet, in die Europäische Union aufgenommen zu werden!

Wir als Europäisches Parlament sollten die Menschen im Südsudan unterstützen, und die Europäische Union sollte diesem jungen Staat helfen, damit diese Menschen auch in eine gesicherte Zukunft gehen können.

  Lidia Joanna Geringer de Oedenberg (S&D). - Mr President, I wish to express my deep concern over the fighting in Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile State which broke out on 1 September between the Sudanese armed forces and forces of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement. These clashes have already proven to be extremely brutal. They have resulted in the loss of too many innocent lives and in the displacement of many people.

This spread of violence highlights an urgent need to supply humanitarian aid to those affected by the violence. It further highlights a need to establish, as soon as possible, negotiations between the fighting sides to ensure peace and stability. A political settlement is now absolutely vital for the country, therefore it must be insisted upon.

As a Member of this House, I appeal to both sides to cease hostilities by stopping all acts of violence. Moreover, I call on both sides and on the international community to take all appropriate measure to ensure that all Sudanese citizens are protected.

  Corina Creţu (S&D). - Din păcate, naşterea la 9 iulie a unui nou stat pe harta Africii nu a însemnat şi debutul unei noi epoci de pace în regiune. Ciocnirile soldate cu mii de morţi şi peste 200 000 de refugiaţi indică o escaladare gravă a violenţei. Accesul lucrătorilor umanitari în Kordofanul de Sud şi în regiunea Nilul Albastru este practic interzis. Aşa cum se arată în raportul din 15 august al Înaltului Comisariat ONU pentru Drepturile Omului, forţele regimului de la Khartoum nu au respectat nici convenţiile internaţionale şi acordurile directe, nici statutul Misiunii Naţiunilor Unite în Sudan, al cărei personal a fost victima violenţelor. Astfel de încălcări ale dreptului internaţional nu pot rămâne la nesfârşit nepedepsite, mai ales când confruntările din zonă pot fi considerate crime de război şi crime împotriva umanităţii.

Consider că prioritatea o reprezintă încetarea luptelor şi asigurarea ajutorului necesar civililor. Acordul de retragere a trupelor din regiunea Abyei, mediat zilele trecute la Addis Abeba de preşedintele sud-african în numele Uniunii Africane, dă şanse unei soluţii paşnice, cu condiţia unei implicări internaţionale adecvate.

  Bogusław Sonik (PPE). - Panie Przewodniczący! W czasie kolejnego już konfliktu, a raczej agresji rządu Chartumu na Południowy Sudan uwaga Parlamentu powinna skupić się szczególnie na znajdującej się w niezwykle dramatycznym położeniu ludności cywilnej.

Odmawia się jej dostępu do napływającej pomocy humanitarnej, której dystrybucją zajmują się podmioty będące pod kontrolą władz. Sytuację dodatkowo pogarsza fakt, iż organizacje odpowiedzialne za niesienie pomocy mają utrudniony dostęp do najbardziej potrzebujących, a zapasy podstawowych środków są już na wyczerpaniu. Wspólnota międzynarodowa musi podjąć konkretne działania w odpowiedzi na tę sytuację. Ludność cywilna nie jest przecież w stanie sama bronić się przed bombardowaniami. Strony odpowiedzialne za eskalację konfliktu powinny jak najszybciej doprowadzić do pokoju i bezpieczeństwa na spornym terenie, a rolą Unii Europejskiej w tej sytuacji winna być skuteczna mediacja w sporze oraz niesienie dalszej zwiększonej pomocy humanitarnej.

  Mitro Repo (S&D). - Arvoisa puhemies, maailman nuorimman valtion Etelä-Sudanin itsenäistyminen Sudanista ei ole tuonut rauhaa maiden raja-alueelle. Siviiliasutuksen ja siviilien summittaiset pommittamiset, jalkaväkimiinojen käyttö ja hätäavun pääsyn estäminen osoittavat, että Sudanin presidentti al-Bashir ei todellakaan halua kestävää ratkaisua.

Humanitäärisen oikeuden ja ihmisoikeuksien ehdoton kunnioitus on kuitenkin valtiovelvollisuus myös aseellisen konfliktin aikana. Sen tähden Euroopan ulkosuhdehallinnon on pyrittävä vaikuttamaan kaikin tavoin tulitauon aikaansaamiseksi ja osoitettava, että vain poliittinen ratkaisu on kestävä keino saada rauha Sudaniin.

  George Sabin Cutaş (S&D). - După cum era previzibil, proclamarea independenţei în Sudanul de Sud nu a asigurat o stabilitate politică, ci a dat naştere unor conflicte civile, care ameninţă pacea şi securitatea în regiune. Un nou stat african înseamnă şi noi provocări, care ar putea conduce la un efect de domino, de scindare a statelor aparţinând continentului african. Mai mult, tensiunile regionale nu fac decât să îngreuneze rolul Uniunii Africane în gestionarea crizei.

Dincolo de aceste aspecte, rămâne însă problematica ajutorului umanitar. Conflictul din Sudan agravează insecuritatea alimentară din regiune. Agenţiile umanitare nu au obţinut autorizaţia de a-şi desfăşura activitatea, în timp ce forţele de securitate din Sudanul de Sud au fost acuzate că împiedică munca organizaţiilor umanitare internaţionale, inclusiv cea a ONU. De aceea, consider că Înaltul Reprezentant trebuie să sprijine, prin iniţierea unui dialog cu părţile implicate în conflict, accesul imediat al agenţiilor umanitare, pentru a evita creşterea numărului de victime civile.

(Vorbitorul a acceptat să răspundă la o întrebare adresată conform procedurii „cartonaşului albastru” (articolul 149 alineatul (8) din Regulamentul de procedură).)

  Bernd Posselt (PPE). - Ich wollte den Kollegen Cutaș nur fragen, ob er es für klug hält, den Südsudan jetzt schon für gescheitert zu erklären, statt ihm einmal eine Chance zu geben und ihn zu unterstützen.

  George Sabin Cutaş (S&D). - Eu nu am spus aşa ceva şi în niciun caz nu cred că a reieşit aşa ceva din discursul meu. Deci, eu sunt pentru a da o şansă Sudanului de Sud.

  Cecilia Malmström, Member of the Commission. − Mr President, I certainly hope we are giving South Sudan a chance. I would like to thank honourable Members for bringing the human rights situation in Sudan, especially in Kordofan and Blue Nile State, to the fore, even if the debate has tended to focus on Sudan. We must demonstrate that a war without images is not a forgotten war.

The Government of Sudan is restricting humanitarian access to Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile State. Fifty thousand civilians have fled their homes in Blue Nile State and 200 000 have been affected by the conflict in Kordofan. Access restrictions are making it very difficult to know what is happening on the ground and to bring assistance to the population in need. A few weeks ago, Commissioner Georgieva called for increased humanitarian access and for the United Nations to be able to carry out its work in South Kordofan. The same call now applies to Blue Nile State.

Despite the constraints that we have had, some assistance is being provided, in particular due to prior pre-positioning of relief items in both areas, to which the EU has largely contributed. The humanitarian budget for both Sudan and South Sudan is EUR 100 million, and it has been topped up with an additional EUR 40 million from the emergency aid reserve. This reinforcement will help to maintain relief efforts in both Sudans while humanitarian needs are increasing, including in South Kordofan and Blue Nile State.

Severe human rights violations are taking place. There are reports of aerial bombardments of civilian targets by the Sudan armed forces, abductions of security forces, arbitrary arrests and detentions, and targeted and extra-judicial killings. These are very worrying reports. Additional reports are coming in of mass graves, systematic destruction of dwellings and extensive looting. The situation is generally characterised as a disproportionate use of force and a lack of distinction between civilian and military targets. In many instances, people are targeted because of their ethnic affiliation.

We are trying to defuse the situation. The EU has made a statement and declaration on the ongoing violence and urged the parties to work out a peaceful solution. The EU Special Representative to Sudan, Dame Rosalind Marsden, is calling on numerous interlocutors in Khartoum to pass on the same message. We are also coordinating with key partners such as the African Union, the United Nations and the United States to ensure a common approach. We support mediation efforts carried out by President Mbeki and Prime Minister Meles.

For the European Union, security and stability in the border area between Sudan and South Sudan is a prerequisite for a peaceful and good neighbourly relationship between the two Sudans, but of course neither stability nor security can be achieved without respect for human rights and democracy.

(Applause)

  President. − The debate is closed.

The vote will take place shortly.

Written statements (Rule 149)

  Tadeusz Zwiefka (PPE), na piśmie. – Wydawać by się mogło, że proklamacja nowego państwa – Republiki Sudanu Południowego, zakończy trwający ponad 50 lat krwawy konflikt między północną i południową częścią tego afrykańskiego państwa. W aktach przemocy i terroru zginęło dotychczas ponad 2 miliony ludzi, a dwa razy tyle zostało zmuszonych do opuszczenia swych domostw.

Jednakże walki pomiędzy sudańską armią a rebeliantami z prowincji Nilu Błękitnego wciąż trwają. Dlatego też już miesiąc temu Organizacja Narodów Zjednoczonych domagała się dokładnego dochodzenia w sprawie naruszeń praw i zbrodni przeciwko ludzkości. Polska Akcja Humanitarna, prowadząca od sierpnia 2006 roku misję w Sudanie Południowym, zwraca uwagę na szereg problemów, wynikających także z braku stałego dostępu międzynarodowych organizacji do zagrożonych zamieszkami regionów.

Służba zdrowia w Sudanie Południowym jest w opłakanym stanie. 75% ludności nie ma dostępu do podstawowej opieki medycznej. Praktycznie nie istnieje system edukacji, zniszczony w latach 90-tych przez wcielanie nauczycieli i uczniów do wojska. Nie ma powszechnego dostępu do wody pitnej i nie są zapewnione podstawowe warunki sanitarne. W wyniku kolejnych aktów terroru pogłębia się także problem migracji ludności Sudanu Południowego. Wieloletnie walki i wciąż trwające konflikty na tle etnicznym pogłębiają tragiczną sytuację ludności cywilnej. Powinniśmy nawoływać władze sąsiadujących ze sobą państw, by wspólnie próbowały rozwiązać spory natury społecznej, politycznej i gospodarczej.