Presidente. - L'ordine del giorno reca la discussione sulla dichiarazione del Vicepresidente della Commissione e Alto rappresentante dell'Unione per gli affari esteri e la politica di sicurezza sulla situazione in Iraq (2014/2716(RSP)).

  Benedetto Della Vedova, Presidente in carica del Consiglio, a nome della Vicepresidente della Commissione e Alto Rappresentante dell'Unione per gli affari esteri e la politica di sicurezza. - Signor Presidente, onorevoli deputati, la situazione in Iraq – come è noto – è molto grave. Le conclusioni del Consiglio "Affari esteri" di giugno hanno espresso la profonda preoccupazione dell'Unione europea, condannando gli attacchi perpetrati dallo Stato islamico dell'Iraq e del Levante (ISIL).

In Iraq è scoppiata una ribellione sunnita ad opera non solo dell'ISIL, ma anche di diversi altri gruppi armati sunniti, fra cui neo ba'thisti e gruppi tribali. L'ISIL, insieme con i militanti armati, oggi rappresenta una minaccia più immediata in Iraq che non in Siria. Tale organizzazione, con i combattenti stranieri che ne ingrossano le fila, costituisce un rischio reale per i vicini dell'Iraq, come il Libano e la Giordania, e anche per l'Unione europea.

L'attuale deterioramento della situazione della sicurezza in Iraq deriva da fattori sia interni che esterni. Senza dubbio, la crisi in Siria ha consentito all'ISIL di ottenere nella regione una base e un punto di partenza per la creazione del cosiddetto "Stato islamico" in territorio siriano e iracheno.

Tuttavia, le cause della recente insurrezione non si limitano all'espressione di un'ideologia terrorista. Le motivazioni della maggior parte dei militanti armati vanno ricercate nel malcontento che la comunità sunnita nutre, già da oltre dieci anni, nei confronti del governo iracheno dominato dagli sciiti. Fra i motivi di malcontento vi sono l'applicazione arbitraria, da parte del governo dell'Iraq, di politiche di "deba'thizzazione", l'inerzia nel provvedere ai bisogni di base delle comunità sunnite e le violazioni dei diritti umani perpetrate dalle forze di sicurezza.

Abbiamo visto questi problemi esacerbarsi quest'anno nelle città di Fallujah e Ramadi, nella provincia di Anbar, dove manifestazioni di protesta della locale popolazione sunnita contro le politiche del governo sono sfociate in violenti confronti fra le forze di sicurezza irachene, dominate dagli sciiti, e le tribù locali.

Questa situazione ha fornito all'ISIL un'opportunità per insediarsi sul territorio, come ha mostrato l'offensiva in piena regola condotta in territorio iracheno nel mese di giugno. La rapidità e l'efficacia di quell'offensiva hanno comunque colto la comunità internazionale assolutamente di sorpresa.

Tutti i leader politici e religiosi in Iraq condividono la responsabilità di affrontare le cause alla base di queste tensioni. Il governo iracheno, in particolare, è chiamato a svolgere un ruolo di moderazione, evitando eccessi sia nella retorica che nelle azioni.

Un tragico corollario delle condizioni di sicurezza è dato dai risvolti umanitari. Oggi, complessivamente due milioni di iracheni sono stati obbligati a fuggire dalle loro case. L'Unione europea nutre gravi preoccupazioni sull'evoluzione di questa crisi umanitaria e sul massiccio esodo interno di civili in fuga dai combattimenti.

La Commissione europea, attraverso ECHO, ha finora stanziato 12 milioni di euro per azioni di assistenza umanitaria. Si tratta di fondi destinati ai rifugiati siriani e ai cittadini iracheni sfollati all'interno del proprio paese. Inoltre, l'Unione europea sta coordinando le proprie azioni con ulteriori donatori e agenzie internazionali e vorrei encomiare gli sforzi che i servizi dell'Unione europea e le agenzie internazionali stanno prodigando in circostanze locali difficilissime dovute alla dispersione degli sfollati in tutto il territorio iracheno. L'UE si tiene costantemente aggiornata sulla situazione, adattando le azioni di soccorso all'evoluzione in loco.

Un'altra conseguenza della terribile crisi che ha colpito il territorio iracheno riguarda la regione del Kurdistan. Nelle scorse settimane il Kurdistan iracheno ha annunciato unilateralmente che intende tenere in autunno un referendum sull'indipendenza. Consentitemi di sottolineare che il Kurdistan iracheno è un modello di stabilità in tutta la regione ed è stato un interlocutore essenziale dei soggetti internazionali, in particolare in risposta alla situazione umanitaria in Iraq. Questa cooperazione merita di essere ricompensata.

Tuttavia, riteniamo che movimenti unilaterali verso l'indipendenza non aiutino a superare la situazione in Iraq e potrebbero rischiare di rappresentare un problema per il Kurdistan stesso. Abbiamo invitato tutte le parti in causa a ricercare la soluzione di questa e di altre vertenze nella Costituzione irachena, la quale, se pienamente applicata, può fornire risposte a molte delle rivendicazioni curde.

La transizione iniziata in Iraq più di dieci anni fa, che ha sempre goduto del sostegno dell'Unione europea, è un processo difficile. Nonostante le molte battute d'arresto nel corso degli anni e sebbene oggi le prospettive di un Iraq finalmente instradato su un percorso di pace e di stabilità siano minacciate, recentemente si sono osservati anche segnali positivi.

Le elezioni del 30 aprile hanno visto un'affluenza alle urne del 60% degli aventi diritto, nonostante le difficili condizioni di sicurezza. L'Unione europea ha inviato in Iraq una missione di esperti elettorali per monitorare il processo elettorale e riferire quanto osservato. Secondo le conclusioni degli esperti, nonostante alcuni problemi che non vanno nascosti, in particolare per l'esclusione di un numero significativo di votanti sunniti nella provincia di Anbar a causa di violenze, lo svolgimento delle elezioni è stato soddisfacente. Il tasso di partecipazione a queste elezioni, avvenute poche settimane prima dell'insurrezione sunnita, dimostra l'impegno dei cittadini iracheni a favore della democrazia e dell'unità dell'Iraq.

Oltre alla sicurezza, oggi la sfida più immediata in Iraq riguarda la capacità dei leader politici moderati di portare avanti il processo politico. È questo il messaggio che abbiamo inviato a quei leader nelle ultime settimane. La formazione in tempi brevi di un nuovo governo a seguito delle elezioni legislative del 30 aprile è una questione prioritaria. La nomina del presidente del nuovo Consiglio dei rappresentanti ieri 15 luglio è stato un passo nella giusta direzione. Ora dovrà essere designato un Presidente della Repubblica, per consentire di nominare un Primo ministro e di formare il governo.

Il nuovo governo dovrà cercare il dialogo con tutte le comunità che compongono l'Iraq, compresa la comunità sunnita attualmente esclusa dal processo politico nazionale che ha innescato l'insurrezione. Senza un approccio inclusivo e un dialogo effettivo, la società irachena non avanzerà sul cammino della riconciliazione.

Come l'Alto rappresentante/Vicepresidente Catherine Ashton ha più volte ribadito, l'uscita dalla crisi irachena passa in primo luogo per una soluzione politica, la quale deve porre le basi di una risposta anche sul piano della sicurezza. Invece, è assai probabile che misure di sicurezza eccessivamente dure alimentino la discordia settaria e causino nuove sofferenze alla popolazione irachena. L'Unione europea è pronta a intervenire in ogni modo ritenuto utile per facilitare il dialogo politico, a complemento delle azioni intraprese dai nostri partner internazionali.

Nonostante la gravità della situazione sul campo, l'Unione europea continua a fornire assistenza e sostegno all'Iraq ovunque possibile, in particolare nell'ambito della pianificazione e dell'attuazione dell'assistenza allo sviluppo. Questo è un segnale dell'impegno costante dell'Unione europea a favore dell'Iraq e fa parte di un congiunto di azioni volte a rendere l'Iraq più stabile promuovendo le capacità di governance e sostenendo l'erogazione dei servizi di base. Tale assistenza comprenderà un ulteriore sostegno alle misure di promozione dello Stato di diritto per dare seguito ai lavori della missione EUJUST LEX.

Alla luce della nuova situazione della sicurezza in Iraq, gli esperti dell'Unione europea stanno anche valutando possibili modalità di sostegno alle azioni antiterrorismo. Tuttavia, la lotta al terrorismo in Iraq deve rispettare i principi dei diritti umani e del diritto umanitario internazionale.

L'Unione europea respinge il punto di vista per cui le violazioni dei diritti umani sarebbero un prezzo inevitabile o necessario per la sicurezza. L'Unione europea si adopera anche per promuovere la cooperazione fra gli Stati membri sul problema dei combattenti stranieri, su loro stessa richiesta.

Infine, signor Presidente, onorevoli deputati, l'UE mantiene il proprio impegno a favore dell'accordo di partenariato e di cooperazione con l'Iraq e continuerà a stimolare tale cooperazione. Al riguardo, colgo l'occasione per invitare gli Stati membri che non lo avessero ancora fatto a completare quanto prima il processo di ratifica dell'accordo.

Vi ringrazio per la vostra attenzione.

  Arnaud Danjean, au nom du groupe PPE. – Monsieur le Président, le réveil est bien tardif et il est douloureux. Il aura fallu cette avancée fulgurante des djihadistes et l'instauration de l'État islamique après la prise de Mossoul, pour prendre la mesure du désastre politique et militaire en Iraq. Alors, on peut bien sûr rappeler en permanence – en tant que Français, ça m'est facile –, la faute grave qui a été commise en 2003 par l'invasion américaine de l'Iraq. Ceci est l'aspect historique, cela étant, ça ne fait pas beaucoup avancer le débat aujourd'hui, parce qu'il s'est passé beaucoup de choses depuis.

Depuis 2011, nous nous sommes focalisés, à plus ou moins juste titre, sur le chaos en Syrie et ceci a caché la gravité de la situation en Iraq. Il est bien simpliste aujourd'hui –comme nous le lisons ou l'entendons trop souvent, y compris dans cette assemblée –, de ne voir dans la détérioration de la situation en Iraq que la conséquence de la guerre civile en Syrie. N'oublions pas que Faloudja a été prise par ces djihadistes, il y a déjà plus de six mois. N'oublions pas que ces djihadistes, l'armée islamique, a ses racines profondes en Iraq, que ses dirigeants sont irakiens pour la plupart d'entre eux. Ces djihadistes prospèrent sur l'incurie et le sectarisme du gouvernement irakien qui a jeté dans les bras de ces groupes terroristes les tribus sunnites qui avaient été ralliées à grand-peine au gouvernement en 2006-2007. Ils prospèrent aussi sur la décomposition d'une armée irakienne pourtant équipée et soi-disant entraînée à grands frais depuis des années et dont les armements, aujourd'hui, alimentent des stocks terroristes dans la région et ailleurs.

Les Européens doivent donc s'interroger aujourd'hui sur le soutien aux autorités irakiennes. Ce soutien ne doit pas être inconditionnel, mais lié à une gouvernance qui intègre véritablement toutes les composantes de la société irakienne. Le soutien doit aller aussi à des solutions qui défendent l'unité et l'intégrité territoriale de l'Iraq, pas à son éclatement communautaire.

Il faut aussi s'interroger sur les liens plus qu'ambigus – et je suis poli – entre les groupes radicaux sunnites et certains acteurs étatiques et non étatiques dans le Golfe, car ces groupes avec lesquels nous avons eu beaucoup de mansuétude sont aujourd'hui des menaces non seulement pour la région mais pour notre propre sécurité.

N'oublions pas enfin que la tuerie du Musée juif de Bruxelles le 24 mai dernier a été perpétré par un djihadiste français, Mehdi Nemmouche, qui est passé par les rangs de l'État islamique en Iraq et au Levant et je voudrais qu'on ait une pensée pour les victimes de cette tuerie.

  Ana Gomes, em nome do Grupo S&D. – Ainda mal a recuperar de décadas de opressão e da invasão americana ilegal em 2003, o Iraque voltou a regredir a níveis insuportáveis de barbaridade, com o avanço a partir da Síria em guerra das forças terroristas ISIS que proclamaram o Estado Islâmico do Iraque e do Levante e prosseguem torturando, violando e matando civis, destruindo património e qualquer sinal de modernidade. Outros países da região, como o Líbano e a Jordânia, estão sob a ameaça do ISIS.

As políticas sectárias do Governo de Al-Maliki que contribuíram para a desintegração da unidade nacional no Iraque pela recusa de dar resposta às necessidades e reclamações legítimas da minoria sunita e de outras minorias e grupos vulneráveis, atiçando rivalidades inter-religiosas, ao ponto de os cristãos quase terem desaparecido do país. A repressão sanguinária dos protestos de populações sunitas pelas forças armadas predominantes xiitas na província de Anbar ilustra as oportunidades oferecidas aos terroristas do ISIS para ganhar terreno entre o Tigre e o Eufrates, com o apoio de líderes tribais sunitas e antigos membros do Partido Baath.

Al-Maliki perdeu credibilidade e apoios na própria população xiita, tem de se retirar e dar espaço para um novo governo de unidade nacional, tem de ouvir os apelos da comunidade internacional, sem a qual o Iraque não desenhará um caminho para a segurança. Todos os principais atores internacionais e regionais, a começar pelos Estados Unidos, pelo Irão e pela União Europeia, têm de se centrar no interesse que partilham por um Iraque estável, unido e inclusivo.

As eleições de 30 de abril podem produzir um consenso de salvação nacional que integre, com um novo governo, todos os principais grupos étnicos e proteja as minorias e faça prioridade da reconciliação nacional e assegure os serviços básicos a uma população exangue. A União Europeia, por seu lado, não pode continuar a desinvestir politicamente na região. Tem de se mobilizar para mediar conflitos no Médio Oriente e fomentar o diálogo entre todas as comunidades no Iraque, ajudando-as a criar capacidades de governação. Tem de dialogar com o Irão e com a Arábia Saudita que são atores centrais para estabilizar o Iraque e para o fim da guerra na Síria, e tem que promover a resolução do conflito entre xiitas e sunitas. Outros países estratégicos como a Turquia devem ser envolvidos no processo. E como se aponta, concordo com o colega Danjean, como se aponta na resolução do Parlamento Europeu amanhã, a União Europeia tem que advertir os países do Golfo para se absterem de continuar a sustentar, direta ou indiretamente, a economia de guerra dos grupos extremistas, sectários e terroristas, como o ISIS e outros.

A União Europeia tem que direcionar a ajuda humanitária para os milhares de refugiados e deslocados e tem que utilizar o Acordo de Parceria e Cooperação União Europeia-Iraque para incluir a cooperação na luta contra o terrorismo, garantindo que ela se faz, de facto, no respeito pelos princípios dos direitos humanos e do Estado de Direito.

Não admira que todos os iraquianos procurem refúgio no outro Iraque, o que funciona na Região do Curdistão, que, apesar de grave défice herdado em direitos e liberdades fundamentais, se tornou um exemplo de desenvolvimento, segurança e estabilidade no país. A iniciativa recentemente anunciada de organizar um referendo sobre a independência do Curdistão é compreensível, dada a desagregação do poder em Bagdad. Porém, o processo de independência unilateral, ainda que pacífico, não contribuirá para a estabilização do Iraque e pode pôr em risco o próprio Curdistão, dadas outras agudas sensibilidades na região. É ainda possível procurar soluções alternativas, constitucionais, para um Curdistão que continue a fazer parte do Iraque.

Finalmente, Sr. Presidente, a guerra na Síria, o risco de desintegração terrorista e o controlo terrorista no Iraque levam-nos a ter que fazer compreender aos nossos cidadãos que é a segurança europeia que também está em risco. Há milhares de jihadistas de extração europeia a combaterem no terreno. Temos que exigir cooperação aos nossos serviços de informação e de segurança para evitar a repetição de tragédias como a que ainda recentemente fez vítimas inocentes no Museu Judeu de Bruxelas.

(A oradora aceita responder a uma pergunta segundo o procedimento "cartão azul", nos termos do artigo 162.º, n.º 8, do Regimento)

  Aymeric Chauprade (NI), question "carton bleu". – Monsieur le Président, Mesdames et Messieurs, je voulais simplement attirer l'attention de cette Assemblée sur les paradoxes évoqués par Mme Gomes et M. Danjean qui, d'un côté, pleurent sur les conséquences des interventions en Iraq qui ont généré des conflits communautaires entre chiites et sunnites, mais oublient de rappeler qu'ils ont soutenu une intervention militaire en Libye qui produit exactement les mêmes effets, avec une tribalisation complète du pays. Donc, il faudrait se mettre en cohérence sur vos analyses.

  Ana Gomes (S&D), réponse "carton bleu". – Vous n'avez pas raison Monsieur Chauprade, il ne faut pas comparer les deux situations même s'il y a des éléments communs, en effet.

J'étais en Libye pendant la guerre, à Benghazi, et j'ai pu constater que l'intervention internationale n'a fait que soutenir le peuple de Libye qui luttait contre un oppresseur, un dictateur que l'on ignorait chez nous et avec lequel certains, chez nous, faisaient même des affaires. Ce n'est donc absolument pas la même chose.

  Charles Tannock, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, Nouri al-Maliki has presided over a government since becoming Prime Minister in 2006 and has exploited sectarian religious tensions in Iraq to the benefit of the previously marginalised majority Shi’ite population under the Ba’athist regime. His regime, which has enjoyed a parliamentary majority since the 30 April elections, has been aided – unfortunately – and abetted by Iran as part of its own wider regional hegemonic aspirations.

As part of the al-Maliki sectarian approach, Sunni Arab tribes in Iraq’s west have faced discrimination and thousands of innocent civilians have been killed, particularly in Anbar province, in the name of prosecuting a war against terrorist jihadi elements linked to ISIS. In so doing, Baghdad has driven a desperate Arab Sunni community, including secular former supporters of Saddam Hussein, into an unholy alliance by teaming up with ISIS to fight government forces.

Meanwhile, the autonomous region of Kurdistan has pursued its own destiny of democracy, secularism and prosperity. Thus we now have three increasingly divergent entities that are jeopardising the territorial integrity of Iraq and one that has offered fertile ground to jihadi terrorists spilling over from the conflict in neighbouring Syria.

ISIS, sadly, is now very well financed by Gulf States and it has captured oilfields and looted money from the central bank and is fully militarily equipped, but it must now be stopped in its tracks. It has now declared an Islamic caliphate and is imposing a barbaric form of extreme Sharia law on the local populations and minorities’ heritage, including Christians, and it is being joined by hundreds of EU, including United Kingdom, citizens as fighters who are being radicalised and brutalised by their experience and pose a serious security threat when returning to their home countries.

Finding a solution to this cannot come too soon and we must now look to both international and regional forces that can offer some support. The brave Kurdish Peshmerga, i.e. the Kurdish army, has been very successful in wrestling control of the Kirkuk oilfields previously in the hands of ISIS and securing the Kurdish region’s immediate borders and protecting the Christian minorities of the Nineveh plains.

Kurdistan has announced a referendum for independence unilaterally, which I think is very understandable and something that western powers after the First World War promised them in the Treaty of Sèvres in 1920 and may now soon become an inevitable reality.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 162(8))

  Jonathan Arnott (EFDD), blue-card question. – When the UK Government and others took action to remove Saddam Hussein we were given confusing messages. First we were told that it was about weapons of mass destruction, then terrorism, and then that it was for the Iraqi people. Do you agree that this was badly thought out by the Blair administration, and do you further agree that military intervention should never take place unless there is a clearly defined military objective?

  Charles Tannock (ECR), blue-card answer. – I would agree that the Blair government at the time was slightly economical with the truth and I would also agree that people such as myself who then supported the war might have taken a very different attitude if we had known then what we know now. But I agree that, frankly, the intervention in Iraq, which was well-meaning, which was meant to be humanitarian, but which was also in search of weapons of mass destruction, has resulted, I am afraid, a decade later in chaos and much unnecessary carnage.

  Presidente. - Onorevole Tannock, accetta un'altra domanda?

  Charles Tannock (ECR). - È la prima volta in quindici anni che la Presidenza non dice da chi viene questa domanda, perché dobbiamo sapere chi è che sta chiedendo questo.

  Presidente. - Le consiglio di guardare il regolamento. Lei accetta una domanda o no?

  Charles Tannock (ECR). - Mr President, I still believe, on a point of principle, that you are the first President who does not announce who is asking the question.

  Presidente. - Allora non accetta la domanda.

  Marietje Schaake, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Mr President, the events in Iraq and in fact the entire Middle East are very worrying but the situation does not come out of the blue. The Islamic State (IS) was able to grow in Syria’s war circumstances with the toxic help of certain Gulf State actors. The Islamic State grew in a climate of sectarian politics fed by respective Iraqi governments not doing justice to the pluralism of the country. The post-Iraq war instability and damage, and broader problems of a social, economic and political nature led into a very explosive scenario we are looking at now.

Now the illegitimate claims of the caliphate by the Islamic State, mass executions and the imposition of Sharia law are against universal human rights and they must end now. But we must also be realistic about the Islamic State, not give it more weight than is proportionate. For the entire situation in Iraq we need a political situation and the sovereignty of Iraq should be respected. The call for independence of the Kurdish region is understandable but also potentially invites a more explosive situation that will benefit no one at this point.

We know that IS has a number of European fighters and recruiters and the danger they will present too when they return to our societies should not be underestimated. We need cooperation between EU Member States and a clear strategy for safety and other appropriate measures and to prevent these misguided ideologies inviting people to participate in the violent jihad. We should also work together with Turkey, through which it is believed many people enter Syria and Iraq, and of course, for a more sustainable solution in the Middle East, there must be talks which also include the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia as they are using various proxies to defend or promote their respective dangerous interests in the region.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 162(8))

  Bill Etheridge (EFDD), blue-card question. – Thank you for having the courage to accept the question. I was very interested to hear what you had to say. Do you agree with me that the best way to stop further problems of this nature is to make sure that both the EU and the Member States no longer pursue interventionist foreign policies that damage countries in which they have no reason to be, and that the best thing is not to send our troops or people anywhere near these places unless there is a massively unforeseen reason for doing so?

  Marietje Schaake (ALDE), blue-card answer. – I am afraid, dear colleague, that the world is not black and white and that there is no one-size-fits-all for Europe, which should act as a global player – as a strong global player in my opinion – to meet the various challenges whether they are violations of human rights or whether they are other crises that we see in the Middle East, particularly now, and I do think that the EU should show more of a leadership position through diplomatic efforts, through working with partners like Turkey to curb the spread of violent extremism or the recruitment in our own societies of people who go through Turkey into countries like Iraq and Syria. So there are many steps we can take before military intervention is needed but we all know, sadly, that the world sometimes requires not only soft power, but also hard power.

  Couso Permuy, Javier, en nombre del Grupo GUE/NGL. – Señor Presidente, a los amantes de la impunidad no les gusta la memoria, pero nosotros, que tenemos memoria, sabemos que la situación actual en Irak no es una catástrofe natural. Tiene sus antecedentes en la Cumbre de las Azores, donde, con mentiras y engaños, se abrió la puerta al primer genocidio del siglo XXI. Un millón y medio de muertos lleva ya Irak.

En esa reunión, Durão Barroso, anterior Presidente de la Comisión Europea, ejerció de mayordomo. Yo no quiero que a Durão Barroso le alcance la venganza, pero sí que le alcance el Derecho internacional humanitario, que el Derecho dirima los presuntos crímenes de los impulsores de esta agresión e invasión.

Fruto de esta intervención y ocupación, tenemos actualmente un país destruido y desestabilizado, dividido en cuotas étnicas y sectarias. El ejemplo claro es el gobierno actual, un gobierno que emplea un ejército nacional como una milicia sectaria, como cuando la lanzó contra las protestas de 2011.

Debemos condenar toda injerencia: la lejana, la de los países cercanos, pero también la del terrorismo integrista, que algunos apoyan en Siria o en Libia. La Unión Europea tiene la oportunidad de iniciar una nueva política exterior, impulsando una conferencia en el marco de las Naciones Unidas, con la participación de los países árabes y vecinos, para que los iraquíes se doten de una nueva Constitución; todos los iraquíes, sin distinciones étnicas ni sectarias, para que todos puedan decidir su futuro, el del país y el de sus recursos naturales, que, recuerdo, solo les pertenecen a ellos.

Solo así se podrá conseguir la paz.

(El orador acepta responder a una pregunta formulada con arreglo al procedimiento de la «tarjeta azul» (artículo 162, apartado 8, del Reglamento))

  Ana Gomes (S&D), pregunta de tarjeta azul. – Colega Couso, ya que invoca la memoria, ¿por qué se retrotrae solamente a 2003, a un marco que yo condené en su día y que condeno también hoy?

¿Por qué no va más atrás, a la época de Sadam Husein? ¿O piensa que Sadam Husein era un demócrata y no un terrible opresor del pueblo de Irak que tiene mucho también que ver con lo que está pasando hoy, por todos los sectarismos y la violencia inducida desde el interior y no solamente desde el exterior?

  Couso Permuy, Javier (GUE/NGL), respuesta de «tarjeta azul». – Sí, el problema de usted es que tiene una memoria muy selectiva: yo no.

Mi memoria va incluso hasta el imperialismo del Imperio británico y la división: los problemas que tiene esa zona vienen de la división colonial, y lo que está sucediendo ahora en Irak es fruto de 2003, pero también fruto de lo anterior. Yo no tengo esa memoria selectiva que usted tiene para invocar ahora a Sadam Husein.

Nosotros tenemos todavía más de cien mil compatriotas tirados en las cunetas de mi país.

Un familiar mío fue asesinado en Irak. Nosotros no vamos a olvidar, aunque a ustedes no les guste.

  Alyn Smith, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Mr President, like many colleagues I feel considerable emotion in any discussion about Iraq. I remember myself marching through the streets of Glasgow protesting ‘Not in my nameʼ in advance of the illegal invasion of Iraq by the coalition of the willing.

This motion takes some account of the other lifetimes cut short or blighted since that deep act of folly. According to the UN there are just in central and northern Iraq 1.2 million internally displaced persons and 1.5 million persons in urgent need of humanitarian assistance. The scale of the tragedy is as paralysing as the complexity itself.

But in our role as a European Union, as well as remembering how we got to where we are – and there should be no corner where we do not shine that light and no person we do not hold responsible for their actions – we have surely to try to attempt to plot a way out of the nightmare. In that effort I will limit myself to three points within this discussion: the role of the Kurds, the role of Iran and the role of Saudi Arabia and the Gulf States, though I do endorse the rest of the resolution, which I think has a lot to commend it and I commend the the spirit of cross-party working across this House in its production.

On the role of the Kurds, in recital F we note the actions of the Kurdish regional government in taking control, as Mr Tannock drew our attention to, of additional territory and we stopped just short of criticism of those actions. I think that is the right form of words. I think that is as realistic as it is pragmatic.

In recital G we acknowledge the limited success that the Kurds have had, and they do deserve credit for it in providing a safe haven and the burden that the many refugees they have cared for represents. But in point 11 of the resolution we remember our own principles. Any constitutional changes must, and I quote: ‘respect and uphold an inclusive process in respect of the rights of the non-Kurdish minorities living in the province’. This process will need to be supported by outside, by ourselves.

On the role of Iran and Saudi Arabia and the Gulf States in points 8 and 9 we call – and I think this is quite crucial – on the international community, especially ourselves, to facilitate a regional dialogue on the problems facing the Middle East and to include all significant parties. Iraqʼs neighbours cannot be viewed as distinct from it; they are actors within the conflagration under way and must be part of its solution as well as part of its current problems.

We cannot escape our role in how Iraq came to be where it is. We can shoulder our burden in helping them plot a way out of the nightmare.

  James Carver, on behalf of the EFDD Group. – Mr President, Iraq bears the hallmarks and scars of the misguided intervention of Western nations. This has been nothing short of scandalous. With scant consideration for the obvious failings of the Sykes-Picot Agreement nearly 100 years ago, we poked this hornet’s nest with a very sharp stick before embarking on regime change. Most would agree that Saddam’s treatment of the Iraqi people, not least the Marsh Arabs and the Kurds, underlined his warped approach to humanity. However, I believe that the second Gulf War was fought on the premise of preparing for victory and not, as has now been proved, for life after that victory.

Yes, the senior Ba’athist elements in Iraq had to be removed, but what followed was the greatest foreign policy failing of modern times, namely the US-led decision to dismantle the Iraqi army after the fall of Saddam. At the stroke of a pen, this Sunni-led army, with vast combat experience and access to an immense arsenal, was side-lined. In a short space of time, this led to the birth of the militias and the bloody insurgency. Those militias have now become the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) or their allies.

The Iraqi Prime Minister, whose role is to unify Iraq, has achieved exactly the opposite. Nouri al-Maliki has shown himself to be completely unfit for purpose, underlining a terrible lack of character judgment on the part of Western leaders. As Iraq stands on the brink of splitting into three, al-Maliki still clearly ignores the Sunnis and the Kurds, so the world holds its breath and prays.

The British Independent newspaper reports that around 1 500 British Muslims have fought alongside ISIS. EU open borders mean that terrorists can move into Europe and make their way to any part of the continent, potentially to wage terrorist campaigns. Late last year the UK Borders Agency complained that EU rules banned them from collecting data on travellers within the European Union, data which the intelligence services could have used to spot security risks.

ISIS has looted USD 400 million from banks and financial institutions in northern Iraq, making them the world’s richest terrorist group.

This conflict could destabilise the whole region and, by extension, the world. The threat of ISIS must be a stark warning to us all. When decisions are to be made, they must be made with as much input as possible from across the Middle East, via the United Nations and by the authority of the United Nations alone.

Britain mistakenly went to war in Iraq, too, because of Tony Blair’s ‘dodgy dossier’, and the world has become a far more dangerous place as a result. One hundred and seventy-nine brave British service personnel made the ultimate sacrifice and many more have suffered both physical and mental scars which they will have to carry for the rest of their lives. I pay tribute to them now. Neither I nor my party want to see another single drop of British blood spilled in either Iraq or Syria.

  Mario Borghezio (NI). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, l'impressionante rapidità con cui questo esercito di 15.000 uomini ha conquistato buona parte dell'Iraq dovrebbe porre a tutti noi e a tutti coloro che si occupano con preoccupazione di questa situazione, che bussa alle porte dell'Europa, diversi interrogativi.

Certamente è un fallimento totale della politica obamaniana sul terrorismo, che si è concentrata erroneamente solo su e ha trascurato l'enorme capacità e potenzialità di presa che il fondamentalismo islamico più estremista ha avuto ormai su tutta una rete infinita di organizzazione difficilmente controllabili, all'interno delle quali operano attualmente anche due-tremila guerrieri di Allah nati e residenti nella nostra Europa, che molto probabilmente torneranno nelle loro case, vivranno in mezzo a noi, ce li ritroveremo e forse ce li troviamo già in mezzo a noi, pronti ad agire nel modo che abbiamo visto. Questo ci dovrebbe far tremare i polsi. Dovrebbe far tremare i polsi di questa Europa che però nelle sue risposte dimostra di essere quella che ha ben definito la grande scrittrice italiana Oriana Fallaci.

Non possiamo altresì ignorare il violento discorso ex cathedra fatto dal "califfo" al-Baghdadi che rappresenta la più spaventosa minaccia all'Europa cristiana. Un califfo nero che afferma che le sorti di Siria ed Iraq riguardano ben più che i soli popoli siriano e iracheno ma tutti i musulmani richiamati specificatamente al dovere religioso di contribuire attivamente alla jihad e addirittura con un riferimento religioso alla conquista di Roma, vista evidentemente come simbolo anche geopolitico e geografico dell'entità cristiana degli eredi delle crociate.

Un segnale molto preciso che solo un'Europa cieca e vile può fingere di non capire. Un islam radicale che non i pone più limiti territoriali ma considera tutto il mondo, e per quanto ci riguarda la nostra Europa, come territorio di conquista. Come non vedere, come non reagire, come non capire che siamo di fronte a una sfida di questo genere.

  Tunne Kelam (PPE). - Mr President, Iraq faces an existential crisis and its integrity is clearly at stake. The question is how was it possible that some groups of terrorists were able to take control of large parts of such a country within a few weeks? I think the responsibility lies with the Iraqi Government too. In the past eight years the al-Maliki government has failed to form a coalition which would encompass all sectors of Iraqi society. Instead the Sunni community has been marginalised, the Kurds have been denied meaningful participation and there has been increasing reliance on Iran’s support. As a result al-Maliki’s government has crucially weakened its support in the north of the country and weakened also the motivation to oppose the terrorists.

I think the key to the solution is to form a new government of national reconciliation which should extend the hand of cooperation to moderate Sunnis and also Kurdish leaders. The EU should use all available means and press the Iraqi political forces to achieve this end. We call also on the Commission to extend more humanitarian aid than the recently increased sum of EUR 12 million. There are almost 2 million internally displaced persons; a fresh wave of half a million refugees has left Mosul and 86% of them are in immediate need of housing and core relief items. The Kurdish authorities especially, who have to host the bulk of refugees, need assistance.

Finally, I am very much worried about the fate and future of the Christian communities in Iraq whose numbers have decreased by two thirds in nine years. More than 300 000 have been left facing continued harassment and persecution. Actually it is the Christians who do not resort to violence; who are vital in restoring dialogue, building bridges and mediating conflicts, providing healthcare and education to all people in need. In fact they perform an integrating role in a sectarian society and it is in our common interest to help them.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 162(8))

  Edouard Ferrand (NI), question "carton bleu". – Monsieur Kelam, effectivement, il n'y a pas que les sunnites et les chiites en Iraq, il y a aussi les chrétiens. Les chrétiens oubliés. Les chrétiens aujourd'hui qui ont le choix soit à la dhimmitude soit à l'exécution. Les chrétiens aujourd'hui qui ne disent rien parce qu'ils n'ont pas de lobby pour les soutenir à Bruxelles. Ma question est très simple: les chrétiens ont-ils encore, aujourd'hui, le droit d'habiter au Proche-Orient?

  Tunne Kelam (PPE), blue-card answer. – Thank you for this question but this is also my question. I think we share this worry, and the fate of Christians in the Middle East has not been decided yet.

  Richard Howitt (S&D). - Mr President, I would like to begin by expressing my own deep concern at the escalation of violence and the deterioration in the situation in Iraq. According to the United Nations OCHA there are an estimated 1.2 million internally displaced people in central and northern Iraq and we should place on record our welcome for the additional EUR 7 million that the Commission has allocated in humanitarian assistance.

Individual stories such as the brutal killing of 18-year-old Mahmoud Redha and his 44-year-old uncle Zainal by Islamic state fighters whilst on their way to work must bring home the level of violence faced by civilians on a daily basis. I join the President-in-office in calling for respect for human rights and for international humanitarian law by all sides. According to a report by Human Rights Watch on 12 July, the Iraqi security forces themselves appear to have unlawfully executed at least 255 prisoners over the past month in apparent revenge killings. These deaths must stop.

Europe itself cannot advocate our agreement to promote democracy, human rights and good governance in Iraq and then fail to act when these objectives are put under grave threat, not least because of the real problems of foreign competence, as well as the threats posed by failed states within the region. Much time can be spent debating the cause of this crisis but what is certain is that the Sunni minority in Iraq have felt unrepresented. I hope today’s appointment of Salim al-Jabouri as the new Sunni Speaker of the Iraqi Parliament will help to address the disenfranchisement felt by Sunnis and to ease the tension.

On the Kurdish issue we cannot fail to also draw attention to the tension between Baghdad and Erbil which worsened on 11 July when Kurdish ministers announced a boycott of the Iraqi Government after Prime Minister al-Maliki made comments that Kurdistan was harbouring terrorists and suspended flights to Erbil.

The conflict in northern Iraq has led hundreds of thousands of civilians to flee to neighbouring Kurdish areas administered by the Kurdistan Regional Government, but recently the KRG has restricted access to the areas under its control to non-Kurdish Iraqis fleeing the violence.

Within Amnesty International and as someone who has consistently acknowledged Kurdish political and civil rights, I call on the KRG to allow access to those fleeing the conflict and to engage in dialogue with the Iraqi Government.

Moving forward, the Iraqi people in their millions chose their own leader in al-Maliki but the delay in forming a government has been a disaster and poses a real danger for the future of Iraq. It is right that Parliament now calls for the Iraqi Government to focus on unity and we urge all political leaders, especially the Prime Minister, to make sure that an inclusive government representing the diversity of the Iraqi population is formed as a factor of urgency.

Finally, noting the clear link between the rise of IS and the Syrian civil war, I call for the regional dialogue to address the problems facing the Middle East, including Iran and Saudi Arabia, and in those discussions to make a reality the EU’s offer of assistance to help promote democracy, human rights and the rule of law.

PRÉSIDENCE DE MME Sylvie GUILLAUME
Vice-présidente

  Bas Belder (ECR). - Opmerkelijk is dat in de voorliggende resolutie met geen woord wordt gerept over de rol van kandidaat-lidstaat Turkije in de turbulente ontwikkelingen in Irak. In dat verband zou ik graag een reactie van de Raad willen horen op de ernstige beschuldiging dat Turkije het recent uitgeroepen kalifaat van ISIS medefinanciert door de afname van diens olieproductie.

Ernstiger nog acht ik de verovering door ISIS van de grootste Iraakse opslagplaats voor chemische wapens in al-Muthanna op 12 juni. Medici uit Syrisch Koerdistan beschuldigen vandaag de dag ISIS van de inzet van chemisch wapentuig tegen de Koerden.

Is de Raad op de hoogte van deze ontstellende berichtgeving en zo ja, hoe schat de Raad dit nieuws in? In elk geval zijn voorliggende rapporten over resterende chemische arsenalen in al-Muthanna (bijvoorbeeld raketten met plusminus 15.000 liter sarin) notabene in ISIS-handen zeer verontrustend. Zijn Brussel en Bagdad daarover in gesprek?

Dankbaar ben ik tenslotte dat de voorliggende resolutie concreet aandacht vraagt voor de dramatisch geslonken christelijke minderheid in Irak. Ik roep de EU dringend op zich ten volle in te zetten voor een blijvende presentie van christenen in het Tweestromenland. Ik verneem dan ook graag welke Europese initiatieven reeds daarvoor zijn genomen of op stapel staan. Daden, geen woorden!

  Javier Nart (ALDE). - Señora Presidenta, hay que preguntarse por qué el Estado Islámico de Irak y el Levante (EIIL) fue capaz de conquistar en días casi la mitad de Irak, como también habría que ver por qué los talibanes fueron capaces de eliminar de un plumazo a los muyahidines. Eso significa contar con el apoyo de la población civil, nos guste o no, y esto lo que significa es que tenemos un gobierno sectario, que es el Gobierno de Nuri al-Maliki.

Franklin Roosevelt, hace bastantes años, dijo refiriéndose a Somoza, en Nicaragua: «sí, sí, reconozco que Somoza es un bastardo, pero es nuestro bastardo». El problema que tenemos es que el riesgo de balcanización en el área es de tal calibre que puede convertir Irak en un auténtico laberinto, como todo Oriente Medio.

Lo que tenemos que hacer no es mirar hacia el pasado y ver los pecados, que son existentes y que son ciertos, sino hacia el futuro y exigir, no a través de una mera pregunta parlamentaria o de una petición de democracia, un consenso nacional. En Irak, por Dios, dejémonos de hablar de elecciones democráticas, que es un oxímoron, es una contradicción en los términos. Lo que hay que hacer para poder seguir apoyando la ficción que es el Gobierno de Nuri al-Maliki es exigir que exista un consenso nacional.

  Bruno Gollnisch (NI). - Madame la Présidente, comme il y a très exactement quarante ans, en Indochine, nous vivons les épigones de la brillante politique américaine, cette fois au Moyen-Orient. Bien sûr, en parlant de brillante politique, j'exprime une ironie amère. Cette politique au Moyen-Orient et au Proche-Orient a consisté à détruire méthodiquement et férocement la seule force politique qui était en mesure de s'opposer à l'islamisme le plus radical et le plus conquérant, à savoir le nationalisme arabe.

Chacun devrait avoir en mémoire les mensonges d'État, comme la prétendue implication de l'Iraq dans les attentats du 11 septembre où l'Iraq n'avait aucune responsabilité; comme les armes de destruction massive. M. Danjean a eu raison de dire que la mémoire ne suffisait pas mais la mémoire est quand même utile pour ne pas reproduire les mêmes erreurs, je dirais même les mêmes crimes.

Chacun se souvient des mensonges de M. Bush, de M. Colin Powell agitant à la tribune de l'ONU une fiole censée contenir une arme chimique mortelle et qui, en réalité, ne contenait que de l'eau colorée. Chacun se souvient de l'assassinat judiciaire de Saddam Hussein, qui n'était sans doute pas un démocrate au sens où nous l'entendons, mais qui était certainement le protecteur des différentes communautés, y compris des chrétiens aujourd'hui en voie de disparition. Le résultat, c'est l'éclatement du pays entre Sunnites, Kurdes, Chiites et l'émergence d'une force encore plus radicale qu'Al-Qaïda, dont on s'est aperçu qu'avec quelques milliers de combattants, elle mettait en déroute la brillante nouvelle armée iraquienne, armée entraînée par les Américains.

Le paradoxe de l'histoire, c'est que la seule façon qu'il y ait, provisoirement au moins, de contenir cela, c'est de s'appuyer sur les Chiites et, par conséquent, de discuter avec les Iraniens avec lesquels les Américains ne veulent toujours pas discuter. C'est une politique de gribouille.

  Esther de Lange (PPE). - Met schaamte moet ik vaststellen dat er eigenlijk weer een aanslag bij ons in de achtertuin nodig is geweest om ons wakker te schudden over wat er gebeurt in Irak. Een aanslag op het Joods museum in Brussel.

Ik deel dus ook de analyse van de Hoge vertegenwoordiger niet, die zei dat de internationale gemeenschap hoogst verrast was over de ontwikkelingen in Irak. Kom op zeg, wij hebben het de laatste jaren zien gebeuren: de christelijke minderheden maakten tien jaar geleden 5% van de bevolking uit, nu 1%! Structureel het land uitgepest. Geradicaliseerde groepen pleegden aanslagen. Het kan niet als een verrassing komen wat er nu gebeurt. Maar blijkbaar was die aanslag in Brussel nodig om ons wakker te schudden.

Ik ben het met u eens, de eerste reactie moet er een zijn van humanitaire steun. Ook ik verwelkom - en wij doen het in de resolutie - de vijf miljoen extra die het totaal aan steun dit jaar op 12 miljoen brengt.

Ten tweede moeten wij als Europa heel snel de veiligheidsconsequenties van de radicalisering in Syrië, in Irak, het optreden van ISIS, in kaart brengen en de risico's beperken. De verantwoordelijke ministers hebben daar vorige week een begin mee gemaakt, maar dat begin is veel te vrijblijvend. Er moet bijvoorbeeld een register komen bij Europol dat structureel alle terugkerende Jihadstrijders in Europa in kaart brengt. Dat register moet niet vrijwillig zijn, maar verplicht. Dus daar moeten veel verdere stappen gezet worden.

Ten derde moeten wij de redelijke krachten in dat land ondersteunen. Constructieve politieke partijen, ethnische groepen, maar ook voor rede vatbare religieuze gemeenschappen. Neem de christenen, ongeveer de enigen die het land niet willen opdelen. Zij zijn artsen, zij hebben scholen, zij hebben ziekenhuizen. Dat zijn plekken waar mensen met verschillende achtergrond bij elkaar komen. Wil het land een kans hebben, dan moeten wij dit soort ontmoetingen verder stimuleren en ook financieel ondersteunen.

In Noord-Ierland heeft Europa dat jarenlang gedaan, het ondersteunen van dit soort ontmoetingen van de verschillende gemeenschappen. Alstublieft, doet u dat ook in Irak, wil dat land een kans maken!

  Gilles Pargneaux (S&D). - Madame la Présidente, chers collègues, il y a urgence absolue en Irak: violences, rigorisme religieux absolu, intolérance confessionnelle. Voilà la réalité que nous connaissons sur près de 50 % du territoire iraquien après la prise de pouvoir de l'État islamique.

Nous devons certes apporter notre soutien humanitaire et financier à l'Iraq, mais il faut aussi avoir du courage politique. De plus, il faut une politique diplomatique de la part de l'Union européenne qui soit claire et nette. Il faut que ce courage politique puisse nous permettre de dire – et il faut l'inscrire dans notre résolution –, qu'il faut trouver en urgence une solution politique pour qu'un gouvernement d'union nationale, sans l'actuel premier ministre, soit une nécessité pour assurer l'intégrité territoriale du pays.

Il est très important que ce point figure dans notre résolution, car sinon c'est à un bain de sang entre chiites et sunnites, auquel nous allons malheureusement assister.

  Geoffrey Van Orden (ECR). - Madam President, I wonder first of all what point there is in parliamentarians here spending time debating this topic when there is nothing new on the table to be discussed. The fact is that parliamentarians here are going to have little effect on the situation and the Commission is not even here to listen to what we have to say, and they, after all, have their hands on the money pot of humanitarian aid and all of those things.

We are discussing the situation at a time when Syria is still in flames, when Hamas is once again flexing its terrorist muscles from Gaza, terrorist anarchy reigns in Libya and Iran continues with its nuclear and missile programmes.

Of course it is very much in the interest of our democracies that peace, stability and security should reign in Iraq. We have spent massive sums, including a billion from the European Union, on Iraq but a quarter of Iraq’s population still lives on two dollars a day, or less. The water supply, sewerage systems, power systems are all broken in spite of enormous international spending. Of course we do not want to see the re-emergence of another terrorist host state in the region and now we have this murderous ISIS army threatening Baghdad itself.

The last international conference on Iraq was in 2003. Do you not think it is time for the United Nations to call a fresh conference in order to stabilise the political and economic situation in Iraq before it spirals out of control, and can we have a close look at what our money has been spent on?

  Izaskun Bilbao Barandica (ALDE). - Señora Presidenta, en Irak hay, para empezar, un problema profundo de justicia social y de libertades que arruina las expectativas vitales de la mayor parte de iraquíes.

Irak es hoy una fábrica de desesperación que permite que florezcan todo tipo de extremismos; los intereses económicos y estratégicos que se concentran en la zona hacen el resto, porque convierten la región en un polvorín.

Los asesinatos sectarios, los atentados, los combates permiten presentar esta crisis como una simple cuestión militar y de seguridad, pero es mucho más; y solo aplicando medidas integrales, que aborden la raíz del problema, habrá soluciones.

La libertad, el desarrollo, la igualdad y los derechos básicos de las personas son lo más importante, y la integridad de los Estados, especialmente cuando estos no ofrecen esas respuestas a su ciudadanía, son palabras vacías.

Por eso, coincido con la necesidad de promover y apoyar una solución integral —política, social y económica— al problema de Irak.

Apoyo el anuncio del Gobierno del Kurdistán de celebrar un referéndum de independencia con respeto a las minorías, tal y como lo recoge la Resolución suscrita entre los cinco grupos. Esperamos —y espero— que formen rápidamente un gobierno estable para poder explorar soluciones sobre la base del diálogo regional y, mientras tanto, debemos seguir apoyándoles con ayuda diplomática y humanitaria.

  Andrzej Grzyb (PPE). - Pani Przewodnicząca! Sytuacja jest poważna – stwierdził przedstawiciel Wysokiej Przedstawiciel, mówiąc, że państwo islamskie jest celem bojowników, którzy w tej chwili walczą o państwo islamskie na terenie Iraku i nie tylko. Łamane są dodatkowo prawa człowieka. Jeszcze trudniejsza jest sytuacja humanitarna i oczywiście ta sytuacja powinna nas niepokoić, ponieważ ostatnią debatę na temat Iraku prowadziliśmy na tej sali w miesiącu lutym, w poprzedniej kadencji. Wtedy to mówiłem również o pogarszającej się sytuacji wewnętrznej i również o zagrożonym bezpieczeństwie ludzi, a w szczególności mniejszości, w tym również mniejszości religijnych, mniejszości chrześcijańskich i wszystkich uchodźców.

Od tego czasu sytuacja ta uległa wielokrotnemu pogorszeniu. Jednocześnie nadwerężone zostały relacje pomiędzy rządem centralnym a Autonomią Kurdyjską. To sprawia, że możemy być za chwilę świadkami, może nie „de iure”, ale „de facto”, powstania nowego państwa, jakim będzie Kurdystan iracki. Oczywiście tego byśmy nie chcieli, dlatego te wezwania prowadzące do wspierania tego procesu odrodzenia Iraku, adresowane do Autonomii Kurdyjskiej, są jak najbardziej na miejscu. Istnieją napięcia między większością szyicką, która ma silne przywództwo duchowe, a sunnicką, która takiego silnego przywództwa nie posiada. Na to nałożona jest oczywiście jeszcze dysproporcja, dysproporcja w populacji tychże społeczności. Istnieje właśnie realne zagrożenie wielkiego kryzysu, który może doprowadzić do wielkiej konfrontacji. Sygnalizują to między innymi iraccy biskupi chrześcijańscy, którzy mówią, że starają się być takim mostem pomiędzy tymi dwoma społecznościami islamskimi, żeby nie doprowadziło to do wielkiego kryzysu humanitarnego, nie doprowadziło, broń Boże, do jakiegoś ludobójstwa, bo to jest wielce realne w tym wielce napiętym miejscu, jakim jest Irak.

  Janusz Władysław Zemke (S&D). - Ta dyskusja dzisiaj toczy się absolutnie w momencie przełomowym dla Iraku. Irak po prostu się rozpada. Trwa w nim twarda wojna plemienna i religijna. Na jego terytorium powstaje z jednej strony kalifat muzułmański, z drugiej strony – co coraz bardziej widać – własne państwo tworzą Kurdowie. Mimo tej całej dramaturgii uważam, że Unia nie powinna ingerować w te konflikty w wojskowy sposób. Nie powinna także, jeśli chodzi o wojskowe instrumenty, wspierać żadnej ze stron tego konfliktu. Powinniśmy natomiast naciskać znacznie bardziej twardo niż do tej pory na władze Iraku, by budowały nową strukturę tego państwa. Chodzi bowiem o to, żeby te władze państwa brały pod uwagę nie tylko interesy szyitów, ale także sunnitów i Kurdów. Wtedy, myślę, byłaby większa szansa na pokojowe rozwiązanie tego konfliktu.

  Ryszard Czarnecki (ECR). - Madam President, the main problem in Iraq today is Prime Minster al-Maliki, who is acting as a dictator. He has created the current crisis through his repressive polices against the Iraqi people, especially against the Sunnis, as well as the Christians and the Kurds. The solution is therefore to remove al-Maliki, who has been a puppet of the Iranian regime, and to form a national unity government.

We should stop Tehran’s interference, because the Iranian regime is the real source of problems in the whole region. I should emphasise that the majority of those involved in the Iraqi uprising are local tribes, young Sunnis and foreign military officers, and not the extremists of ISIS, as has been portrayed. We should support the Iraqi people’s demand for change and an inclusive government. If we allow al-Maliki to continue his repression it will only lead to more extremism in this country.

  Francisco José Millán Mon (PPE). - Señora Presidenta, Irak vive una gravísima crisis, aunque la elección, precisamente ayer, del nuevo Presidente del Consejo de Representantes es una buena noticia. Sin embargo, como se ha reiterado aquí esta tarde, no cabe olvidar el riesgo serio de descomposición que vive el país por la intervención armada del grupo llamado Estado Islámico y las tensiones territoriales de los últimos tiempos.

Finalmente ayer, como antes decía, el Consejo de Representantes alcanzó un acuerdo para designar a un nuevo Presidente. Es un primer modesto paso para poner fin al impasse, al bloqueo político que vive Irak desde las elecciones del 30 de abril. Espero que cuanto antes se forme un gobierno inclusivo, de amplia base, representativo de las distintas comunidades del país. Precisamente esta extrema división política a quienes sirve es a quienes quieren desestabilizar Irak y acabar con la esperanza de paz y prosperidad del país.

La Unión Europea ha de seguir alentando un proceso de inclusividad política nacional y continuar apoyando la unidad, integridad territorial e independencia de Irak, como expresó el Consejo de Ministros precisamente en su reunión del pasado 23 de junio. No queremos la fragmentación del país.

El auge de ese grupo armado llamado Estado Islámico, y su implantación tanto en Siria, como ahora en Irak, amenaza con agudizar la descomposición de este país —y también de la región— en diversos territorios controlados por diferentes grupos armados. Y este grupo, el antiguo EII, no solo es un grupo terrorista, es ya un auténtico ejército terrorista que supone una amenaza de dimensión regional y también global.

Debemos trabajar con todos los países de la región para que contribuyan a apoyar la estabilidad interna y la unidad del país. Además, a ninguno de ellos debe de favorecer que los territorios adyacentes a la frontera entre Irak y Siria se conviertan en lo que fue el Afganistán de los años 90.

Finalmente, Presidenta, quisiera destacar la difícil crisis humanitaria que vive el país, en particular la trágica situación de los cientos de miles de civiles desplazados por la inseguridad, y, entre ellos —como antes señalaba mi colega Tunne Kelam—, la comunidad cristiana, que en los últimos años ha reducido drásticamente su presencia en Irak. La Unión Europea debe continuar esa ayuda humanitaria.

(El orador acepta responder a una pregunta formulada con arreglo al procedimiento de la «tarjeta azul» (artículo 162, apartado 8, del Reglamento))

  Ernest Urtasun (Verts/ALE), pregunta de tarjeta azul. – Señor Millán, dos preguntas muy rápidas.

La primera, me gustaría saber qué grado de responsabilidad le atribuye usted al señor José María Aznar con respecto a la situación actual en Irak

Y, la segunda, ¿sigue pensando el Partido Popular que la intervención en 2003 fue una decisión acertada?

  Francisco José Millán Mon (PPE), respuesta de «tarjeta azul». – Señor Urtasun, yo creo que las causas de los hechos históricos son múltiples: unas remotas y otras más próximas.

Y yo creo que la intervención en Irak se basó en unas premisas, en unos datos, que luego se revelaron, desgraciadamente, como no auténticos.

  Δημήτρης Παπαδάκης (S&D). - Κυρία Πρόεδρε, η κατάσταση στο Ιράκ δεν είναι απλώς επικίνδυνη αλλά είναι τραγικά επικίνδυνη. Και δεν αφορά μόνο το Ιράκ, αφορά τη Συρία, αφορά την Αίγυπτο, αφορά τη Λιβύη. Αποδεικνύεται ότι οι πολιτικές που ακολουθήθηκαν ήταν πέρα για πέρα λανθασμένες. Δεν είναι τυχαίο ότι μόνο η Τυνησία οδηγήθηκε στην ομαλότητα στην περιοχή. Αυτή τη στιγμή υπάρχει ένα καθεστώς αποσταθεροποίησης και δυστυχώς βλέπουμε ότι η Αραβική Άνοιξη έχει μετατραπεί σε ένα βαθύ αραβικό χειμώνα. Είχαμε πολύ περισσότερες απώλειες ζωών το τελευταίο διάστημα και πολύ χειρότερες μορφές καταπίεσης και καταπάτησης των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων.

Η απάντηση πρέπει να είναι ολοκληρωμένη από την πλευρά της Ευρώπης. Πρέπει να υπάρχει κοινή ευρωπαϊκή εξωτερική πολιτική, η οποία να στηρίζεται σε πραγματικά δεδομένα και όχι σε ευσεβοποθισμούς.

  Ангел Джамбазки (ECR). - Уважаема г-жо Председател, ИДИЛ обяви „Халифат” – ислямска държава на територията на половин Европа, и нейният „Халиф” призова за кръстоносен поход в името на исляма.

Радикалният ислямизъм днес е най-голямата политическа и военна заплаха за Европа и нашата цивилизация. ИДИЛ ни обяви джихад, свещена война, и заплахата е сериозна. Това ще е битка за ценности – нашите ценности. ИДИЛ днес се цели в Западните Балкани поради наличието на големи мюсюлмански общности там.

Ние живеем в мир с нашите братя българи мюсюлмани и не желаем терористи от ИДИЛ да веят знамето на „Халифата“ нито на наша територия, нито другаде в Европа. Миналата седмица това знаме се вееше при сблъсъци в Скопие, което ние възприемаме като заплаха за живота, здравето и правата на огромната българска общност в Македония.

ИДИЛ днес набира своите борци в Кардиф. Боя се, че това се случва и в други европейски държави. Отделно ужасяващите престъпления срещу човечеството, извършвани от ИДИЛ в Ирак и Сирия, ще предизвикат нова бежанска вълна, която е непосилно бреме за българската икономика.

Настоявам Парламентът да приеме резолюцията, предложена от ЕКР и подписана от мен. Настоявам Комисията и Съветът по линия на Фронтекс да подпомогнат Гърция, Италия, Испания и България да се справят с новата бежанска вълна от Ирак и съседните територии.

  Lars Adaktusson (PPE). - Fru talman! Jag vill börja med att uttrycka mitt stöd för det förslag till resolution som parlamentet har att ta ställning till idag.

En av de platser som nämns i resolutionen är den assyriska staden Karakosh, där kyrkklockorna ringde in till gudstjänst redan ett halvt årtusende innan kristendomen kom till mitt land, Sverige. Kyrkklockornas klang i staden den 25 juni i år signalerade dock något helt annat än gudstjänst. Nu handlade det om en desperat varning till befolkningen och bara någon dag senare var staden tömd på sin befolkning.

De släkter och familjer som levt i generationer i staden tvingades lämna allt – att stanna kvar var inte något alternativ när avrättningspatrullerna från Isis ryckte fram. I grannstaden Mosul ringde inte kyrkklockorna överhuvudtaget söndagen därpå. För första gången på 1 600 år firades inte någon söndagsgudstjänst i staden.

Fru talman, rapporterna om blodiga självmordsattentat mot kyrkor eller kristna som mördas av fanatiska jihadister blir allt fler. Inför en sådan situation kan omvärlden inte stå passiv. På kort sikt måste Isis framfart stoppas och en nationell samlingsregering upprättas.

När en irakisk delegation av kyrkoledare besökte oss här i Europaparlamentet för en vecka sedan framhöll de vikten av stöd till demokratiutveckling och säkerhet. Här måste EU och EU:s medlemsländer bistå. Situationen kräver att vi hjälps åt över partilinjerna. Den resolution som vi har att ta ställning till idag är ett steg i rätt riktning, men det räcker inte med ett fördömande i Europaparlamentet. Hela den Europeiska unionen, inklusive rådet och den höge representanten för utrikesfrågor, måste nu sätta den här frågan högst upp på dagordningen.

  Eugen Freund (S&D). - Lawlessness and an incompetent, corrupt government with no respect for the rights of minorities; all this has led to the present situation in Iraq. It has been reported by The New York Times that the government of Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki has harassed Sunni Arabs with baseless arrests, and for Sunni militants caught by the security forces summary execution has become increasingly common. For years, the international community has even half-heartedly put pressure on the Shi’ite-dominated government to be more inclusive, but to no avail.

There is, however, a sliver of hope that has been mentioned before with the announcement yesterday that a Sunni has been appointed Speaker of the Iraqi Parliament. This will probably do little to those Sunni fighters who have proclaimed an Islamic state within the state. We are now witnessing an attempt at re-drawing the map of the Middle East that could have a multitude of consequences. All will eventually spill into Europe. As usual, the United States, which is not of course altogether blameless for this situation, was the first to intervene. As with the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians, decisive diplomatic action by the European Union is urgently needed.

  Anna Elżbieta Fotyga (ECR). - Pani Przewodnicząca! Irak stoi na krawędzi wojny domowej i rozpadu. ISIS, krwawa rebelia dżihadystów, rozszerza swoje wpływy aż po Bagdad. Sytuację pogarsza niekompetentny, dzielący naród rząd premiera Nuriego al-Malikiego. Ta sytuacja powoduje niebywałe cierpienia ludności cywilnej, w tym chrześcijan. Potrzebna jest skoordynowana akcja społeczności międzynarodowej wspierająca dialog polityczny wszystkich grup społeczeństwa irackiego prowadzący do wyłonienia rządu porozumienia narodowego. Potrzebna jest pilna akcja humanitarna.

  Mariya Gabriel (PPE). - Madame la Présidente, la situation en Iraq – je ne dis pas une nouveauté – est particulièrement préoccupante. Il y a de facto occupation d'une partie du territoire de l'Iraq par un groupe terroriste. J'insisterai sur trois points.

S'agissant du premier point, je crois encore qu'il faut souligner la responsabilité d'une solution politique, qui est celle des hommes politiques, notamment ceux qui ont été élus en avril, à la Chambre des représentants. Ils doivent prendre leurs responsabilités face à l'avenir de cet État et de ses citoyens. Il est clair aujourd'hui que l'Iraq ne peut pas se relever sans un véritable dialogue politique et interreligieux.

Quant à mon deuxième point, l'engagement de l'Union européenne doit continuer à être celui de porter assistance à plus d'1 million de personnes déplacées et à 1,5 million de personnes ayant besoin d'aide humanitaire. Aujourd'hui, cela doit se faire en bonne coordination, notamment avec l'ONU, mais surtout en veillant à promouvoir le dialogue politique dans la région.

Enfin, j'en viens à mon troisième point sur lequel j'insisterai le plus. Nous ne devons pas nous limiter à réagir seulement à la situation humanitaire. La dynamique régionale de la situation en Iraq doit avoir toute notre attention. L'agenda expansionniste du groupe terroriste de l'État islamique, s'il est poursuivi et réalisé, est une menace non pas seulement pour l'Iraq, la Syrie, mais aussi pour toute la région jusqu'à la Jordanie. Il faut aussi avoir pleinement à l'esprit le conflit régional qui nous guette, y compris la possible superposition des tensions entre chiites, sunnites, arabes et Kurdes. Soyons bien conscients des conséquences gravissimes qu'aurait une telle évolution de la situation dans la région, aux portes de l'Europe.

Donc, aujourd'hui, il est plus que nécessaire d'agir vite par des efforts diplomatiques – pourquoi pas une conférence de haut niveau – afin d'éviter de se retrouver dans une situation où nous aurons les pieds et les poings liés.

  Kati Piri (S&D). - De ontwikkelingen in Irak zijn zeer zorgwekkend en vragen om een internationale aanpak. Het aanhoudend geweld heeft ervoor gezorgd dat inmiddels 1,2 miljoen mensen op de vlucht zijn geslagen. Een humanitaire crisis, waar ook de EU niet voor kan en mag wegkijken. De beelden die wij te zien krijgen van massaexecuties door de Jihadistische beweging Islamitische staat zijn verschrikkelijk en de ontstane situatie is zeer gevaarlijk voor de hele regio.

Het is dan ook van belang dat de Iraakse regering samen met de verschillende bevolkingsgroepen werk gaat maken van de nationale verzoeningsagenda. Een eerste positieve stap is genomen door een Soenniet tot nieuwe voorzitter van het parlement te kiezen.

Tenslotte heeft de crisis ook rechtstreeks gevolgen voor de situatie in Europese landen. De aantrekkingskracht van de Islamitische staat, ook op jonge Europese Jihadisten, lijkt toe te nemen. Betere Europese samenwerking om radicalisering te bestrijden en gezamenlijk de terugkerende Jihadstrijders nauwlettend in de gaten te houden is dan ook cruciaal.

  Ramona Nicole Mănescu (PPE). - Doamnă președinte, în ultima perioadă am asistat la o înrăutățire semnificativă a situației din Irak, cu atacuri violente asupra cetățenilor irakieni, cu refugiați, morți și răniți, victime ale actelor de terorism. În mod regretabil, guvernul irakian s-a dovedit incapabil să își apere propriii cetățeni împotriva ofensivei teroriste, astfel că orice acțiune de sprijin care poate veni din partea aliaților externi, fie că vorbim de Uniunea Europeană, de Statele Unite sau statele vecine Irakului, va avea cu adevărat impact numai dacă liderii irakieni se vor implica în mod responsabil în procesul de stabilizare a țării.

În acest moment, este greu să trecem cu vederea faptul că adevărata problemă o reprezintă guvernul central, condus de premierul Maliki și susținut de Teheran, care continuă o politică dezastruoasă de antagonizare a diferitelor grupuri etnice și religioase, politică ce duce în mod evident la conflict și violență. Uniunea Europeană este determinată să contribuie substanțial la efortul umanitar, să sprijine Irakul în democratizarea și stabilizarea țării; este important să arătăm solidaritate cu cetățenii irakieni și să sprijinim Irakul, fără însă a uita că istoria ne-a demonstrat că intervenționismul militar și nu numai a cauzat, de multe ori, mai multe probleme decât a rezolvat.

Asistăm la un moment important pentru Irak și pentru regine, moment în care este necesar ca liderii irakieni să înțeleagă nevoia de a depăși diferențele etnice și religioase care îi despart și să se unească într-un efort comun pentru viitorul Irakului. Doar unitatea națională poate aduce pace și stabilitate, un guvern capabil să așeze la aceeași masă lideri sunniți și shia, lideri ai tuturor minorităților etnice, cu toții irakieni, care prin dialog pot construi un stat puternic în Irak. Irakul are nevoie în acest moment de un guvern nou, un guvern condus de un premier nou și un guvern care să reprezinte cu adevărat interesele legitime ale tuturor irakienilor, indiferent de etnie și religie.

Interventions à la demande

  Christos Stylianides (PPE). - Madam President, allow me to bring something different but greatly related to our discussion. The alarming situation in Iraq and the Middle East would imply tremendous geopolitical changes including even changes to borders. The EU and the international community have been unable to engage in the wider region in a constructive manner. All these events could further hamper the European Union’s security in general and its energy security in particular.

It is high time the European Union’s energy supply was rethought. It is time to seek safer energy routes from stable countries and partners. I recall in this sense the vast energy forces in the eastern Mediterranean. Swift exploration of these resources would clearly benefit our continent and the EU could and should be at the forefront of this effort.

  João Ferreira (GUE/NGL). - Há oito anos, o coronel Peters publicou na revista das forças armadas norte-americanas um mapa peculiar e algo estranho à época. Era chamado o mapa do novo Médio Oriente e, olhando agora em retrospetiva os anos que passaram, os acontecimentos, mesmo os mais recentes, ganham particular sentido à luz do mapa do coronel Peters.

A balcanização é uma velha técnica de dominação imperial. A fragilização de Estados soberanos, a divisão de povos são seus instrumentos, assim como a utilização de bandos de mercenários criminosos.

O exército do autoproclamado Estado islâmico do Iraque e do Levante combate com armas e com financiamentos cedidos pelas potências da NATO aos bandos mercenários que espalharam o caos na Síria.

A fragmentação em curso no Médio Oriente visa todos os Estados que, nas últimas décadas, se revelaram, de uma forma ou de outra, empecilhos aos projetos de dominação imperialista da região. Iraque, Síria e a abrir caminho para o Irão – um rasto de milhões de vítimas, de persistentes dramas humanitários.

O caos no Iraque, o caos no Médio Oriente não são obra do acaso.

  Miroslav Mikolášik (PPE). - Rád by som sa vyjadril aj ja k tejto strašnej situácii, ktorá je v Iraku výbušná a pri ktorej sme svedkami hrubého porušovania ľudských práv. V severnom Iraku vznikol nový štátny útvar kalifát, na čele ktorého je kalif, ktorý sa riadi zákonom šarie a riadi sa vlastne nenávistným zabíjaním tzv. neveriacich. Je pre mňa šokujúce, že – a to sú dve skutočnosti, že najprv sa pustil do zabíjania vlastných, povedal by som, bratov Mohamedánov, ktorí sú ale iného vierovyznania: jedni sú suniti, druhí sú šíiti a navzájom sa neznášajú. Je ale veľmi alarmujúce, že táto situácia útočí aj na postavenie kresťanov, ktorí žijú v regióne a v Iraku predsa vyše 1700 rokov a nechcú nikam odísť. A je našou povinnosťou Európskej únie aj tohto Parlamentu zastať sa a efektívne pomáhať aj kresťanom, ktorí žijú na mieste. A je škandalózne, že Rada je tu s nami, ale Komisia toto rokovanie odignorovala.

  Bill Etheridge (EFDD). - Madam President, I just wish to urge great caution. I know the first instinct of this place is to interfere, to try to do things and often for the good, I understand that, but for many decades the situation in the Middle East has been made worse and worse by Western interference and involvement. My own country was brought into great shame by the dreadful lies of Tony Blair who brought our great country into disrepute with his evil lies. He has blood on his hands and he is one of the main reasons for the situation we find ourselves in now.

Please learn from this; learn that we cannot cure all the world’s ills. We cannot be the world’s police. Yes, let us help; let us aid where we can. But please, in the interests of peace, do not always seek to interfere; always seek to put your hand in. Sometimes it is better to respect national independence and let the people there make their own choices.

  Γεώργιος Κύρτσος (PPE). - Κυρία Πρόεδρε, νομίζω ότι το Ιράκ έχει μπει στην τελική φάση της διάλυσης. Και έχει καλυφθεί μια τεράστια απόσταση (με την αρνητική έννοια του όρου). Να θυμίσουμε ότι υπήρχε η φιλοδοξία για το λεγόμενο «Nation building», να δημιουργηθεί δηλαδή εκεί μια σύγχρονη δημοκρατία, και τώρα έχουμε ένα αιματηρό χάος.

Πιστεύω ότι, αν είχαμε περισσότερη Ευρώπη, θα είχαν διαπραχθεί λιγότερα λάθη στην περίπτωση του Ιράκ. Εάν δεν διστάζαμε να αποκτήσουμε κοινή εξωτερική πολιτική, εάν δεν διστάζαμε να αποκτήσουμε κοινή αμυντική πολιτική, θα είχαμε παρεμβάσεις προς τη σωστή κατεύθυνση. Μας φοβίζει το κόστος, αλλά τελικά δεν μπορούμε να το αποφύγουμε, διότι η κατάρρευση του Ιράκ μπορεί να οδηγήσει σε ενεργειακή κρίση που θα έχει τεράστιο κόστος, μπορεί να οδηγήσει στην ενίσχυση του Ιράν και στην κλιμάκωση της αντιπαράθεσης με το Ισραήλ, που και αυτό θα έχει συνέπειες, μπορεί να οδηγήσει σε ένα νέο κύμα προσφύγων που θα είναι εξαιρετικά δαπανηρό, μπορεί να οδηγήσει ακόμα και στην ενίσχυση των φανατικών ισλαμιστών και την αποσταθεροποίηση των κυβερνήσεων στον αραβικό κόσμο.

Επομένως, ό,τι και να κάνουμε, έχουμε έναν λογαριασμό μπροστά μας: η περισσότερη Ευρώπη είναι η οικονομικότερη προοπτική.

  Εμμανουήλ Γλέζος (GUE/NGL). - Κυρία Πρόεδρε, πριν από 71 χρόνια συνήλθαν στην Γιάλτα οι λεγόμενοι τρεις «μεγάλοι», ο Ρούσβελτ, ο Τσώρτσιλ και ο Στάλιν, και ανακοίνωσαν, εκφράζοντας τις επιθυμίες των λαών, ότι μετά τη λήξη του πολέμου θα καταργηθεί η αποικιοκρατία, θα υπάρξει αυτοδιάθεση των λαών, σεβασμός των μειονοτήτων, προστασία των ατομικών δικαιωμάτων. Ας μη στρουθοκαμηλίζουμε. Σήμερα αυτά τα εξαγγελθέντα από τους τρεις δεν υπάρχουν στην πραγματικότητα. Υπάρχει πρόβλημα αυτοδιάθεσης λαών, υπάρχει πρόβλημα αυτοδιάθεσης των Κούρδων, υπάρχει η Ιρλανδία που δεν έχει αποκτήσει ολόκληρη την ανεξαρτησία της, υπάρχουν οι Βάσκοι, υπάρχουν οι Καταλανοί, υπάρχουν οι Βορειοηπειρώτες.

Επιτέλους θα αντιμετωπίσουμε τα προβλήματα; Ναι ή όχι;

(Fin des interventions à la demande)

  Benedetto Della Vedova, Presidente in carica del Consiglio, a nome della Vicepresidente della Commissione e Alto Rappresentante dell'Unione per gli affari esteri e la politica di sicurezza. - Signora Presidente, onorevoli deputati, ringrazio tutti i parlamentari che sono intervenuti per la discussione franca e approfondita che c'è stata. L'Unione europea presta l'attenzione che credo che voi avete giustamente richiesto al tema. Di Iraq si è discusso nel Consiglio "Affari esteri" del 24 giugno, con una conclusione, e una nuova discussione è prevista sul punto dell'Iraq la prossima settimana nel Consiglio "Affari esteri" del 22 luglio.

Tra i temi che voi avete sollevato, che credo siano di impegno comune, c'è quello dell'unità e dell'integrità territoriale dell'Iraq come elementi essenziali per costruire una prosperità che vada a vantaggio di tutti i cittadini e promuovere la stabilità nella regione. Non sfuggono a nessuno, naturalmente, la gravità e la drammaticità della situazione.

Negli interventi iniziali dell'onorevole Arnaud e dell'onorevole Gomez vi sono il richiamo all'idea di un sostegno vincolato e il punto di una governance inclusiva e unitaria dentro questa Costituzione o comunque una governance che consenta di riprendere le fila di una transizione verso la democrazia.

Il tema dei diritti umani, richiamato in più interventi, è un tema che storicamente, ma anche in questo caso, sta a cuore nell'attenzione dell'Unione europea, ivi compreso il punto richiamato da più interventi della libertà dei fedeli cristiani nell'area. Anche per questo serve un nuovo governo iracheno inclusivo e legittimato e su questo tema e su questo piano noi come Unione europea ci muoviamo.

Volevo anche rispondere a due sollecitazioni puntuali che sono state fatte riguardo alla questione delle armi chimiche. Le fonti di intelligence confermano che non si tratta di armi utilizzabili. La situazione è certo inquietante nel caos attuale, però è anche necessario mantenersi ai dati di fatto conosciuti.

Per quanto riguarda le accuse, che sono state evocate, alla Turchia in quanto paese per i finanziamenti all'ISIL, riteniamo che si debba mantenere necessariamente una differenza e una distinzione netta tra sospetti, voci e fatti e tra finanziamenti eventualmente arrivati da fonti private radicali e il governo, in questo caso della Turchia. È una distinzione che va mantenuta in modo netto. L'Unione europea sta lavorando con i paesi del Golfo per identificare e bloccare le fonti di finanziamento dell’ISIL e di altri gruppi terroristici.

In conclusione, vorrei esprimere il mio apprezzamento, credo condiviso anche da voi, per l'eccellente lavoro svolto dalla nostra delegazione a Baghdad. I nostri colleghi in Iraq continuano a prestare un servizio prezioso in condizioni estremamente difficili.

  La Présidente. - Les propositions de résolution à déposer conformément à l'article 123, paragraphe 2, du règlement, seront annoncées ultérieurement.

Le débat est clos.

Le vote aura lieu ce jeudi 17 juillet 2014, à 11 heures.

Déclarations écrites (article 162, paragraphe 12, du règlement)

  Franz Obermayr (NI), schriftlich. – Circa 500.000 Tote gab es im Irak seit 2003 – das sind mehr als Frankreich an Toten im 2. Weltkrieg zu beklagen hatten. Die USA haben in der Region ein Chaos sonders gleichen angerichtet. Dabei wurde auch die Assad-Opposition um jeden Preis und trotz aller Warnungen unterstützt - inoffiziell auch durch Waffen und Ausbildung. Nun sind die Waffen in den Händen einer „ISIS“. Man muss sich mittlerweile wirklich fragen: Ist das alles Absicht? 1. Provoziere einen Bürgerkrieg, 2. Löse das Problem mit militärischer Invasion und bringe die Demokratie mit Bomben. 3. Rechtfertige so die anhaltende militärische Präsenz dort Erneut ruft hier der Brandstifter selbst nach der Feuerwehr – und bietet sich dafür wieder selbst an. Und so kann mit dem Krieg auch gleich vielfach verdient werden: Waffenverkäufe an alle und Manipulation der Ölpreise durch induzierte Krisen. Es geht scheinbar nur noch um Ressourcen. Terror wird unterstützt und finanziert, um ihn danach zu ächten und zu bekämpfen – und bei uns die Bürgerrechte zu beschneiden.

  Емил Радев (PPE), в писмена форма. – През последните пет години Ирак сякаш излизаше от спиралата на насилие и нестабилност и се беше насочил към крехка, но прохождаща демокрация. За съжаление обаче, продължаващата война в Сирия, бедността и съществуващото религиозно и етническо разделение в иракското общество доведоха много бързо до нова гражданска война.

Случващото се в Ирак показва, че никой конфликт не е капсулиран в границите на една държава. Също така се доказва максимата, че никой лидер не може да управлява стабилно без широка обществена подкрепа. Не на последно място, Европа има моралното задължение да продължи подкрепата си за иракското общество. Основният извод е, че мирът в Ирак неминуемо минава през мир в Сирия.

Поради това призовавам ЕС, в тясно сътрудничество с международната общност и особено арабските държави, да работи активно за прекратяване на насилието в Сирия. Европейската подкрепа за иракските сили за сигурност също трябва да продължи, за да могат да гарантират стабилност в страната. Едновременно с това, иракското правителството трябва да обединява, а не разделя, обществото. Не твърдя, че това са лесно постижими цели, но тяхното постигане е необходимо, за да не изпадне Ирак в постоянен хаос и най-вече за да не бъде откраднато бъдещето на поколения иракчани.

  Inês Cristina Zuber (GUE/NGL), por escrito. – A balcanização é uma velha técnica de dominação imperial. A fragilização de Estados soberanos e a divisão dos povos são seus instrumentos, assim como a utilização de bandos de mercenários criminosos.

O exército do autoproclamado Estado Islâmico do Iraque e do Levante combate com armas e financiamento cedidos pelas potências da NATO aos bandos mercenários que espalharam o caos na Síria. O caos no Iraque, o caos no Médio Oriente não é obra do acaso, mas sim o resultado das operações de desestabilização e ingerência protagonizadas pela NATO, pelos EUA e pela UE. Estes são os maiores responsáveis.