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Procedūra : 2006/2598(RSP)
Dokumenta lietošanas cikls sēdē
Dokumentu lietošanas cikli :

Iesniegtie teksti :

B6-0415/2006

Debates :

PV 06/07/2006 - 13.1
CRE 06/07/2006 - 13.1

Balsojumi :

PV 06/07/2006 - 14.1
CRE 06/07/2006 - 14.1

Pieņemtie teksti :

P6_TA(2006)0322

Debates
Ceturtdien, 2006. gada 6. jūlijs - Strasbūra Pārskatītā redakcija

13.1. Somālija (debates)
PV
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  Le Président. – L'ordre du jour appelle le débat sur six propositions de résolution concernant la Somalie(1).

 
  
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  Alyn Smith (Verts/ALE), author. – Mr President, I am pleased to start off this debate, which I am sure will, as usual, meet with considerable agreement from all sides of this House. I dare say we will also have considerable agreement from the Commissioner, though I would point out that the Commission usually does agree with us and that is encouraging.

As a fellow native of the British Isles – although I come from the Scottish European rather than the Anglo-Saxon political tradition – I would ask Commissioner Mandelson to engage in some discussion with us today, unlike his Commissioner colleagues. Would he outline in particular what the Commission thinks of paragraphs 8 and 6 of this motion for a resolution and, crucially, what the Commission is going to do about them?

It is difficult to look at Somalia and feel anything but sadness and frustration. It presents us with a fundamental dilemma. If the locals, left to their own devices, get it wrong, in our eyes at least, what, short of stepping in and running their country, can we actually do?

Military engagement is not our way. We do not have the stomach or the appetite for it, or indeed the wherewithal for such action. So what can we do? As a Scot, I look with admiration at the role that Sweden and Norway, small independent Northern European countries, have played in promoting dialogue within Somalia and the parties there. As a humanitarian, I look with pride at the humanitarian aid we have given. The discussions in the newly formed international Somalia Contact Group are going to be crucial to the strategy which this motion sets out. The discussions in that group are the only way forward in terms of finding a solution. Continued engagement in dialogue, sweetened by aid to those most in need, is the European way, and in the long term that is far and away the most successful.

Right now Somalia has taken a turn for the worse. Hopefully Parliament, together with the Commission and the Council, can help to bring it back on track. I look forward to hearing from our Commissioner as to how the Commission will spearhead those efforts, and I assure him of this House’s support.

 
  
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  Tobias Pflüger (GUE/NGL), Verfasser. – Herr Präsident! Ich glaube es lohnt sich, im Fall Somalias etwas in die Geschichte zurückzublicken. Der Westen hat sich in Bezug auf Somalia alle möglichen schlimmen Politiken geleistet. Wir erinnern uns an die Intervention von 1993, die in einem Fiasko endete. Deutschland hatte dort Truppen stationiert, die Unterstützungstruppen für indische Truppen sein sollten, die aber nie eintrafen. Wir müssen uns damit auseinandersetzen, dass, sobald das Militär abgezogen wurde, kaum mehr Interesse an Somalia vorhanden war.

Jetzt gibt es in Somalia eine neue Konstellation. Die Koalition, deren Mitglieder als Islamisten bezeichnet werden, hat sich Stück für Stück militärisch durchgesetzt, und diejenigen Truppen, die laut Presseberichten von den USA unterstützt wurden, nämlich die Allianz der Warlords, wurden immer weiter zurückgedrängt. Offensichtlich ist es so, dass insbesondere die US-Regierung hier auf das falsche Pferd gesetzt hat und jetzt quasi vor den Scherben ihrer eigenen Politik steht. Jetzt stellt sich die Frage: Was kann die Europäische Union in dieser Konstellation tun? Es wäre völlig falsch, jetzt einen der Konfliktgegner vor Ort zu unterstützen. Vor allem muss man darauf hinweisen, dass im Moment besonders Äthiopien und Eritrea offensichtlich ein enormes Interesse daran haben, ihren Konflikt auf dem Gebiet von Somalia auszufechten. Daher ist es sehr wichtig, dass die Europäische Union Eritrea und Äthiopien diplomatisch ganz klar zu verstehen gibt: Das darf nicht der Fall sein.

Ich sehe im Moment überhaupt keinen Sinn darin, dass dort ausländische Militärinterventionen stattfinden. Es gibt bestimmte Regionen innerhalb von Somalia, die stabil sind, wie z. B. Somaliland. Deshalb: keine Truppenentsendung und keine Unterstützung von Truppenentsendungen, sonst haben wir wieder das Phänomen, das es ja schon häufig gegeben hat, nämlich das Frankenstein-Prinzip. Man hat irgendeine Gruppe unterstützt, die dann genau das getan hat, was man vermeiden wollte. Insofern der Appell an die Europäische Union, hier diplomatisch tätig zu werden.

 
  
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  Simon Coveney (PPE-DE), author. – Mr President, Somalia has not had effective government for more than 15 years now. Instead we have seen bitter and tragic civil war between warring factions, Islamic militia and factions controlled by rival war lords.

On 4 June 2006, to the surprise of many, the Islamic Courts militia took control of much of southern Somalia, including the capital Mogadishu – partially destroyed by now – when they drove out the powerful faction leaders who had controlled Mogadishu since 1991, when the central administration was toppled. That has dramatically changed the political landscape in the region and the power shift has left the outside world in an unsure position as to with whom it should or could negotiate and develop a relationship.

What is required from the EU is to recognise what has happened and to support the work to date of the Arab League, for example, which initiated a dialogue in Khartoum on 22 June between the Transitional Federal Government institutions and the Union of Islamic Courts, which controls the south. They have agreed for now not to fight each other and to engage in dialogue for peace and reconciliation.

We must also support the efforts of the African Union to monitor and, if necessary, enforce peace to protect civilians.

The truth is that serious concern exists on a number of levels. The first concern is what to make of the Union of Islamic Courts. Is it a body that can be trusted and a partner for peaceful discussion? I know that the US has recently opened a dialogue with various parties about prospects for confidence-building measures. The other, and more real, concern is that in an effort to achieve stability and an end to violence, strict and fundamentalist Islamic law will be enforced on large populations. That is very worrying and the concern is well founded.

Yesterday’s media reports of a cinema crackdown in Somalia’s Galgadud region, where two people were shot after protests following the closure of a cinema there, are of great concern. Also yesterday, the Islamic Courts vowed to practice Sharia Law throughout the country and, in particular, in Mogadishu.

Sheikh Abdullah, one of the co-founders of the Union, said yesterday: ‘He who does not perform prayer will be considered an infidel and our Sharia Law orders that person to be killed’. That kind of language is inflammatory and dangerous. The EU needs to monitor what is happening carefully and be careful which sides it supports.

 
  
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  Marios Matsakis (ALDE), author. – Mr President, Commissioner, for many years now the people of Somalia have been suffering the plague of civil war and this House, gravely concerned especially about the violation of human rights, has previously passed a number of resolutions on that country.

The long-term lack of an effective government in that country has led to an anarchistic vacuum as far as central power is concerned. As a consequence, Islamic Courts militias and various radical factions are fighting for control of parts of Somalia, at the expense, as is inevitable in such circumstances, of the safety and well-being of innocent civilians.

Especially worrisome and worthy of condemnation has been the recent fighting in and around Mogadishu and in the Jowhar region. While expressing support for the initiatives by the UN, the African Union, the Arab League and IGAD in bringing peace and reconciliation to Somalia, this joint motion for a resolution calls upon all parties involved in the cancerous internal war in that nation to strive to pursue the path of dialogue and peace and offer the necessary cooperation to the transitional federal government and Parliament as the legitimate central authorities in Somalia, governed by the framework of the Transitional Federal Charter. At the same time, it urges the international community and the EU to increase their help, especially through humanitarian aid to Somalia.

One hopes that eventually this poor developing country will gradually begin to find a decisive way to much-needed peace and prosperity, for the benefit of all its citizens.

 
  
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  Ana Maria Gomes (PSE), author. – Mr President, the Horn of Africa is plagued by disastrous political failures, not just of the making of local powers, but also compounded by a series of misguided international actions and mostly inactions.

The failed state of Somalia is just the most glaring example. The procrastination of the Ethiopian regime in solving the border question with Eritrea and the awful human rights, democracy and development records of the regimes in both Asmara and Addis Ababa are another sad example of international neglect of the region. So it is no wonder that international terrorists are taking advantage of so much conflict in such a lawless region. It looks as though they are getting more of what they want for their murderous purposes.

Rumours are spreading that the government of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi is dragging IGAD into violating the arms embargo imposed by the UN Security Council in Somalia. He is sending hundreds of thousands of troops into Baidoa. Last week I was in Washington and New York and I got confirmation from important sources within the administration and the UN that preparations by the Ethiopian army to march even further towards Mogadishu are under way. They are backed and blessed by the US in a very misguided policy. It is as if the lesson has not been drawn from the latest fiasco that drove the Islamic Courts into power in Mogadishu.

This will provide even more grounds for the terrorist actions of al-Qa’ida. There could be a reignition of the Eritrean-Ethiopian border conflict not just in Somalia but in the region as a whole. There could be more rebellions inside Ethiopia, leading to disintegration. The EU has to take a stand on that, and I would urge the Council and the Commission to warn against this interference and to ensure that the Somalia Contact Group be given all the support it needs to work towards a political solution that does not fail, as the previous 14 attempts have done.

 
  
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  Cristiana Muscardini (UEN), Autore. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, l'Europa non ha sostenuto con sufficiente convinzione gli sforzi di ristabilimento della pace e della struttura democratica delle istituzioni nate dalla Conferenza di riconciliazione nazionale del settembre 2003 a Nairobi. Conferenza che ha adottato la Carta costituzionale federale di transizione.

L'insediamento del parlamento federale, l'elezione del presidente del parlamento e dei sui vice, l'elezione del presidente della repubblica da parte del parlamento, avvenuta il 10 ottobre del 2004, nella persona di Abdullah Yusuf Ahmed e la nomina del primo Ministro del governo federale, sono stati passaggi importanti; ma gli aiuti e gli appoggi dell'Unione sono stati troppo blandi, e la mancanza di interventi tempestivi a favore della popolazione ha lasciato campo libero alla rinascita di un radicalismo integralista, sempre più pericoloso perché alleato al terrorismo.

Dal '91 la guerra civile insanguina Mogadiscio e le aree limitrofe, con effetti devastanti per la popolazione. In passato il terrorismo globale e regionale, con basi di addestramento in Somalia, ha prodotto gli attentati di Nairobi, Dar es Salaam e Mombasa, e nei giorni scorsi a Mogadiscio, l'unione delle corti islamiche ha portato alla morte almeno trecentocinquanta civili.

Da molti anni in questo Parlamento continuiamo a sottolineare la necessità di una maggiore attenzione dell'Europa verso i problemi della Somalia e la sua aspirazione a tornare ad essere uno Stato democratico. Il parlamento federale ha in questi giorni approvato a grande maggioranza l'intervento in Somalia delle forze di pace internazionali nell'ambito del piano per la sicurezza nazionale. Questo per rispondere alle corti islamiche.

Dobbiamo essere consci della pericolosità del piano di destabilizzazione politica messo in atto dalla galassia dell'integralismo internazionale in tutta l'Africa, e della pericolosità del messaggio di Osama Bin Laden, a sostegno del consiglio supremo delle corti islamiche somale e contro il legittimo presidente della repubblica. L'Unione e la comunità internazionale devono sostenere e tutelare il ruolo che il presidente Abdullah Yusuf Ahmed svolge nel suo paese attraverso il costante dialogo tra istituzioni e società civile, per dare vita ad un federalismo somalo, nel rispetto delle identità e dei diritti delle minoranze.

Chiediamo che il Consiglio di sicurezza rimuova parzialmente l'embargo sulle armi in Somalia per permettere il legittimo potenziamento delle forze di sicurezza nazionale e che la comunità internazionale consolidi l'iniziativa contro il terrorismo dei presidenti dell'East Africa, creata nel 2003. Bisogna rendere efficaci le misure per sventare il pericoloso effetto domino del terrorismo in tutto il Corno d'Africa.

L'Unione deve nominare un inviato speciale per il Corno d'Africa e formalizzare l'apertura di una rappresentanza diplomatica somala a Bruxelles. E' urgente accelerare il sostegno alla presidenza, al parlamento, al governo, al settore giudiziario, alle forze di sicurezza e in difesa della salute e della vita dei cittadini somali.

 
  
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  Józef Pinior, w imieniu grupy PSE. – Panie Przewodniczący! W Południowej Somalii została ustanowiona władza Związku Sądów Szariackich. Od początku lipca bieżącego roku coraz większe wpływy uzyskują, na terytorium kontrolowanym przez Związek, nurty radykalne. Nowym przywódcą Rady Sądów Szariackich został szejk Hassan Dahir Awejs, sześćdziesięcioletni radykalny duchowny muzułmański. Awejsa jest podejrzewany o współpracę z Al-Kaidą. Po 11 września 2001 roku Stany Zjednoczone wpisały szejka Awejsa na czarną listę międzynarodowych terrorystów.

Szejk Awejs nie uznaje popieranego przez ONZ rządu somalijskiego, z którym pierwszy przywódca Rady Sądów Szariackich, uważany za względnie umiarkowanego - Szarif Szejk Ahmed, zawarł pokój po przejęciu władzy w Mogadiszu. Oddziały islamistyczne ogłosiły zamiar przejęcia władzy na całym terytorium Somalii i istnieje niebezpieczeństwo, że Związek Sądów Szariackich zaatakuje północ kraju, do tej pory uważany za region stosunkowo spokojny. Znajdują się tam prowincje podzielone na autonomiczne regiony: Somaliland i Puntland ze strategicznymi portami na wybrzeżu. Takie działania oznaczałyby przeistoczenie się Somalii w drugi Afganistan rządzony przez Talibów.

Tragiczna sytuacja na terytorium pod kontrolą Związku Sądów Szariackich powstała w dziedzinie praw człowieka. W zeszłym tygodniu na wiecu zwolenników szejka Awejsa, został zamordowany szwedzki, niezależny dziennikarz Martin Adler. Jednym z pierwszych dekretów radykałów islamskich w Mogadiszu był nakaz zamknięcia kin i sal, w których zamierzano oglądać piłkarskie Mistrzostwa Świata. Agencje prasowe donoszą, że oddziały milicji islamskich zastrzeliły dwie osoby i zraniły cztery w czasie meczu Niemcy - Włochy. Zastrzelone osoby, właściciel kina i młoda kobieta zginęli w następstwie ostrzelania kina, w którym transmitowano mecz.

 
  
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  Luca Romagnoli (NI). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, se si vuole evitare la radicalizzazione dello scontro in Somalia è utile che le Corti islamiche partecipino all'interno delle istituzioni federali transitorie del paese. E' indispensabile rafforzare le istituzioni somale riconoscendo che le Corti hanno, almeno ad oggi, sostituito il sistema di soprusi dei cosiddetti signori della guerra, tollerati e poi supportati dai governi degli Stati Uniti.

L'Unione europea dovrebbe riprendere un ruolo di guida in Africa, così come l'Italia in Somalia e in tutto il Corno d'Africa per i suoi storici precedenti. Ad esempio andrebbe rimosso il blocco dell'immigrazione somala in Italia, a suo tempo voluto da Dini. Esso ha solo indebolito le buone relazioni italo-somale e ha fatto sì che i somali si siano dispersi in tutta Europa tranne che in Italia, ove affinità e responsabilità storiche consiglierebbero. L'Italia ospita immigranti da tanti paesi con i quali non condivide né responsabilità storiche coloniali né affinità culturali, mentre ignora la Somalia.

Avrebbe molto più senso che ciascun paese europeo si facesse carico delle necessità delle rispettive ex colonie, e ovviamente a ciascun paese andrebbe pure affidato un mandato internazionale di protettorato su questi paesi.

 
  
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  Marek Aleksander Czarnecki (NI). – Panie Przewodniczący! Chciałbym wyrazić moje głębokie zaniepokojenie przedłużającym się stanem wojny domowej w Somalii.

Od ponad 15 lat Somalia nie ma skutecznego rządu krajowego. Sytuacja taka jest ogromnym zagrożeniem dla procesu pokojowego i pojednania w tym kraju, jak również dla bezpieczeństwa i stabilizacji w całym regionie Półwyspu Somalijskiego. Musimy zdecydowanie potępić ostatnie walki toczące się w Mogadiszu, wydarzenia w Johwar, ale także w innych częściach kraju, w wyniku których zginęło wielu Somalijczyków. Jednocześnie musimy apelować o niepodejmowanie żadnych działań, które mogłyby doprowadzić do eskalacji napięcia, o kontynuowanie dialogu oraz o włączenie do współpracy tymczasowego rządu federalnego i parlamentu sprawujących centralnie władzę centralną w Somalii na mocy tymczasowego aktu federalnego.

Nie możemy jednocześnie zapominać o tym, aby udzielić Somalijczykom pomocy humanitarnej, skierowanej do przesiedleńców i społeczności znajdujących się w potrzebie. W związku z tym należałoby wesprzeć wszelkie działania zmierzające do poszanowania Międzynarodowego Prawa Humanitarnego oraz do zagwarantowania dostępu agencji pomocy humanitarnej do społeczności potrzebujących pomocy, jak również do zapewnienia ochrony pracowników organizacji humanitarnych.

 
  
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  Peter Mandelson, Member of the Commission. Mr President, this Parliament and the Commission are certainly joined in seeking a peaceful and democratic existence for the people of Somalia. That has been brought out in the debate this afternoon, following Mr Smith’s original introduction of this subject. I hope I shall be able to respond to paragraphs 6 and 8 in particular, concerning governance and institution-building in Somalia and protection of humanitarian relief and humanitarian relief workers, as he asked me to do.

The discussion today on Somalia is timely, as the situation of the country and the region as a whole remains very fragile. The Commission is very much concerned about the risk of Somalia returning to war and to chaos.

Ever since the establishment of the Transitional Institutions in 2004, the Commission has been spearheading the international community’s efforts to support the Somali Transitional Federal Institutions. My colleague, Mr Michel, follows the situation very closely and is in regular contact with President Yusuf and Prime Minister Ghedi of Somalia, as well as with leaders of the region.

I should like to focus my speech on three main aspects: firstly, the current state of play in the dialogue between the Transitional Federal Institutions and the Council of Islamic Courts; secondly, the regional dimension of the crisis in Somalia; and, thirdly, the extent of the Commission’s support for the peace process as the most valuable way to promote respect for democratic principles, human rights and the rule of law.

Concerning the first – the current state of play in the dialogue between the institutions and the Islamic Courts – on 22 June the Transitional Federal Government and representatives of the Union of Islamic Courts met in Khartoum and reached an agreement of principle to engage in dialogue, to mutually recognise each other and to convene for further substantive talks on 15 July, again in Khartoum. This agreement was welcomed by High Representative Solana and by the Commission. The Commission takes the view that there is a window of opportunity for an inter-Somali political dialogue and it is crucial to engage the Islamic Courts with a view to reaching a political solution within the framework of the Transitional Federal Institutions.

Confronting the Islamic Courts is not the solution: it would not only radicalise the positions of all involved but also offer an opening to the extremists to further their agenda to create an Islamic state, to introduce Sharia Law and provide a safe haven for al-Qaida cells.

Secondly, the regional dimension of the crisis in Somalia is crucial. It is essential that all regional partners show unity of purpose and engage constructively in the Somali peace process. Destabilising interventions in Somali affairs by other countries in the region must be rejected and condemned.

We are committed to work closely and support the initiatives of IGAD, the African Union and the League of Arab States in finding a political solution to the crisis, as Mr Coveney was asking us to do. The Commission intends to anchor Somalia in a broader regional strategy for peace, security and development for the Horn of Africa. The outline of that strategy was presented by Commissioner Michel to the IGAD Heads of State last February.

Finally, the Commission is the main donor for Somalia, with an ongoing overall aid programme of EUR 300 million. We have supported the Somali National Reconciliation Conference and the establishment of the Transitional Federal Institutions and are now committed to further enhancing the functioning of the Transitional Institutions.

On 28 May 2006, President Barroso and Commissioner Michel signed a Memorandum of Understanding with the Transitional Federal Government. I can confirm that the Commission intends to make EUR 22 million available immediately to support the short-term governance and capacity-building priorities set out by the Transitional Federal Government.

We remain unequivocally committed to supporting the peace process. The Commission’s humanitarian arm, ECHO, is also providing direct relief assistance to the civilian population affected by the fighting, as well as by the consequences of drought. Everyone has a responsibility for ensuring the safe delivery of that humanitarian assistance and providing the safe custody and security of the humanitarian workers, all of whom are involved in this very valuable work.

 
  
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  Le Président. – Le débat est clos.

Le vote aura lieu à l'issue des débats de cet après-midi.

 
  

(1) Voir procès-verbal.

Pēdējā atjaunošana - 2006. gada 18. jūlijsJuridisks paziņojums