Presidente. L'ordine del giorno reca la discussione su sei proposte di risoluzione sullo Sri Lanka(1).

  Jean Lambert (Verts/ALE), author. – Mr President, I welcome the opportunity to speak this afternoon, but regret the need to do so because it seems not very long ago that this Parliament adopted a resolution on the situation in Sri Lanka. Since then, we have seen a return to, or a continuation of, the destruction, the deaths, the displacement of people, and indeed the recurrence of bloodshed in a way that all of us in this House would have hoped would have ceased by now.

I am sure that every one of us in this Chamber wants an end to the bloodshed and that we want a peaceful settlement in Sri Lanka. We may disagree about the path we should take, but we are united on that goal as this resolution makes clear. As our resolution says, the fact that there is no peace settlement is due to intransigents on both sides who trample on the aspirations of the majority and who are so concerned with their own role, their own future, their own vision of Sri Lanka that they are unwilling to let forces wanting peace work to that end.

The European Union now has to find its own way forward. For some of us, placing the LTTE on the terrorist list has led to a totally predictable reaction and the SLMM is no longer able to operate at full force or as effectively as we would want. Nevertheless, we still have to move forward. We have to look for the resumption of peace negotiations. We have to participate in those as fully as we are able and with all the contacts that we have in order to find a way forward, so that we can get on with distributing the tsunami aid properly and look to a peaceful future for all.

  Marcin Libicki (UEN), autor. – Panie Przewodniczący! Nie po raz pierwszy zajmujemy się tym tematem i wiemy, że Sri Lanka była wielokrotnie przedmiotem naszego zainteresowania w tej izbie.

Mówiliśmy już o sprawach historycznych, ja w każdym razie już mówiłem ostatnio o tych problemach, jakie stwarza przed nami konieczność zajęcia stanowiska w sytuacji różnych stron sporu. Bo jedna sprawa to są bieżące krzywdy tych wszystkich, którzy padają ofiara tych konfliktów, ale z drugiej strony jednak nie możemy zapominać, że jest pewna przeszłość, która ciąży na dniu dzisiejszym, i nie możemy automatycznie przyjmować od razu, że to są tylko pokrzywdzeni i ślepy los, który się przeciwko nim przysiągł.

Istnieje konieczność zajęcia pewnego stanowiska określenia, kto jest w Sri Lance - nie chce użyć takiego ryzykownego określenia, ale powiedzmy - pierwotnym gospodarzem, a kto jest tam tym gościem, który rozepchnął się i którego aktywność powoduje krzywdę tych, do których oni przybyli. Ja nie chcę wymieniać nazw, nie chcę mówić o żadnych stronach i partiach, ale chcę zwrócić na to uwagę, że nigdy osąd dnia dzisiejszego nie może być pozbawiony pewnej analizy i osądu tego, co się działo dawniej i pewnego podziału na agresora i ofiary. Bo to nie jest prosty podział, że każdy cierpiący jest niewinny, a każdy kto jest, górą, w tym momencie jest winny. Chociaż oczywiście my, jako organizacja międzynarodowa, przede wszystkim powinniśmy zająć się tym, żeby jak najprędzej ustały krzywdy zwykłych ludzi, ale nie może być to pozbawione pewnej analizy historycznej, pewnego pojęcia katów i ofiar. Wydaje mi się, że aktywność naszego Parlamentu powinna być znacznie większa, niż była dotychczas.

  Erik Meijer (GUE/NGL), Auteur. – Voorzitter, na tientallen jaren oorlog en intensieve Noorse bemiddeling hebben achtereenvolgende regeringen van Sri Lanka verklaard dat ze met de opstandige Tamil-tijgers overeenstemming willen bereiken. Daarbij zou het zelfs kunnen gaan om een confederatie waarbij de centrale regering niet kan ingrijpen in het democratisch gekozen bestuur van het autonome noordoosten rond Javna. Helaas is die goede toezegging inzet geworden van politieke strijd binnen de Singalese bevolkingsgroep, waarvan een deel vindt dat de Tamil-opstandelingen met minder genoegen moeten nemen. Die verdeeldheid binnen de meerderheidsgroep ondermijnt binnen de minderheid het vertrouwen in een vreedzame oplossing.

Zolang de Tamil-minderheid nog niet zeker is van politieke overeenstemming binnen de Singalese meerderheidsgroep of van eerdere beloften, mogen wij er niet op rekenen dat zij in goed vertrouwen een aanbod zal afwachten. Inmiddels hebben beide partijen het geweld hervat. Europa moet consequent geen partij kiezen, maar alles doen om vrede en overeenstemming te bevorderen.

De opstandige organisatie LTTE is binnen Sri Lanka niet verboden, maar staat binnen de Europese Unie sinds mei 2006 helaas wel op de lijst van terroristische organisaties. Dat bemoeilijkt onderhandelingen en nodigt uit tot eindeloze voortzetting van het geweld. Wie een organisatie op de terroristenlijst zet, bedoelt daarmee dat met die organisatie niet onderhandeld mag worden en dat alle aandacht wordt toegespitst op vernietiging ervan.

Van deze organisatie weten we al vele jaren dat die niet vernietigd en uitgeschakeld kan worden, zelfs als we dat zouden willen. Daarom wordt er al vele jaren mee gepraat. We hebben de LTTE nodig om overeenstemming en vrede te bereiken. Daarom moeten we alles doen om een eind te maken aan de wanhoop die haar opnieuw tot het gebruik van gewelddadige middelen heeft gedreven.

  Neena Gill (PSE), author. – Mr President, I should like to condemn strongly the recent spate of violence in Sri Lanka. At the weekend government patrol boats engaged Tamil Tiger rebels in the northern seas. This marks yet another outbreak of violence between government forces and the rebel movement but, as we know, violence is not the way to resolve complex and sensitive conflicts.

Ever since the Tamil Tigers were classified as terrorists by the Council, the situation in Sri Lanka has worsened. The labelling of this group has undoubtedly driven that movement further away from the negotiating table. My approach as chairwoman of Parliament's Delegation for relations with the countries of South Asia and the South Asia Association for Regional Cooperation is that both parties should be brought together and both held equally responsible for the recent violence. Neither side can be immune from blame, and both must accept responsibility.

The Sri Lankan Government has failed to adopt a measured approach to the rebel threat. It must be careful not to adopt the terrorist approaches currently associated with the rebel movement it so violently pursues.

The targeting of schools and hospitals in northern Sri Lanka is not the action of a responsible, democratic and peace-seeking government. As we all know from other terrorist flashpoints in the world, the root causes of any conflict need to be analysed closely. We need to deal with the causes of the conflict. The heavy-handed approach adopted by the government does not help address these root causes.

Let us not forget that many people have lost their lives, including 17 EU nationals working as aid monitors. No longer can we tolerate violence against innocent people, aid agencies, NGOs and monitors in the region. It is time for good sense and negotiation to prevail in Sri Lanka.

  Geoffrey Van Orden (PPE-DE), Author. – Mr President, Sri Lanka is a beautiful country, located at a key economic crossroads, with an enterprising and industrious people. What a terrible shame that the hopes and ambitions of a generation of Sri Lankans have been blighted by terrorism. Sri Lanka has made progress in recent years; how much more could have been achieved in terms of rapid economic and social development if there had been stability and security?

I do not want to underestimate the strength of feeling among many Tamil citizens, in particular, that they were not getting a fair deal, but we can be certain that terrorism has not improved their opportunities one iota. The Tamil-speaking population is very mixed. Of a population of four million, one quarter or so are so-called hill Tamils, who have never been associated with the LTTE, while a further quarter are Muslims, who certainly find little attraction in the LTTE. Most of the Tamil peoples of Sri Lanka live in the centre and south of the island, outside areas that have been under LTTE control. Those living in those areas have little opportunity to express their true feelings about the terrorist masters who dominate their lives.

I have no doubt that over the years there have been abuses of Tamils and that on occasion security forces have acted with insufficient regard for ordinary Tamil people in the areas of conflict. I therefore congratulate the Sri Lankan Government on the commitment it has made to investigate atrocities and serious human rights violations and to bring the perpetrators to justice. Of course, the greatest human rights violators are the terrorists.

Successive Sri Lankan Governments have sought to improve the situation of the Tamils and have offered various devolutionary proposals that would give the Tamil population considerable autonomy, while preserving the unity of the country. Each of those proposals has been rejected by that same intransigent leadership at the LTTE.

In our resolution today, we are calling upon all parties to the conflict and troubles in Sri Lanka to pull back from the brink. We are calling for an immediate, comprehensive and verifiable end to hostilities, respect for human rights, unhindered access throughout the country for humanitarian workers, and for the Government and opposition in Sri Lanka to come forward with a bold gesture of reconciliation, including constitutional revision, as a matter of urgency.

Meanwhile, the Council, Commission and Member States must redouble their efforts to help bring a stable and just peace to Sri Lanka and restore security and prosperity, and that includes bearing down hard on the agents of terrorism.

  Elizabeth Lynne (ALDE), author. – Mr President, the end to the violence seems to be further away than ever. One of the reasons for this was the failure to have a second round of the Geneva peace talks, with the LTTE pulling out. Hopes of further talks have been damaged by the Council proscribing the LTTE as a terrorist organisation on 29 May 2006. I am personally pleased that an amendment has been tabled to that effect and I am sorry that it is not in the resolution. The banning of the LTTE only leads to further isolation. They are not permitted to travel, so another Geneva conference is impossible.

We should be realistic here. However much we condemn the terrorist acts by the LTTE – and we do – the government is certainly not blameless. We just have to look at the 17 French aid workers who were killed on 4 August 2006. Evidence points to the government security forces being responsible – we do not know as yet. This incident and all the others perpetrated by the LTTE and the government need further investigation by an independent human rights expert. What I find so reprehensible is that neither the government security forces nor the Tamil Tigers do enough to protect civilians. Persistent uncertainty about what has actually occurred and who is responsible for alleged war crimes and other violations of international law is fuelling fear and panic among the civilian population. We must have a strong, effective monitoring operation, but it must have the support of the government, the LTTE, the United Nations and its members.

  Thomas Mann, im Namen der PPE-DE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Die seit 2002 bestehende Waffenruhe in Sri Lanka wurde immer wieder gebrochen. Beim schwersten Anschlag Mitte Juni gab es 60 Tote. Die Regierung machte die LTTE dafür verantwortlich. Anfang August wurden Tsunami-Helfer der französischen Organisation „Aktion gegen den Hunger“ ermordet, Mitte August gab es über 100 Verletzte und 61 Tote, alles Kinder und Jugendliche — ein Massaker, vermutlich verübt von staatlichen Sicherheitskräften.

Das Jahr 2006 erinnert mich an das Jahr 2001. Wir waren mit der SARC-Delegation in Jaffna und sahen die Auswirkungen des Bürgerkrieges: zerstörte Dörfer, verbranntes Land, Zehntausende von ratlosen und hoffnungslosen Flüchtlingen. Bei Gesprächen mit Regierung und Opposition, Menschenrechtlern, Buddhisten und Moslems haben wir immer die Friedensinitiative der Norweger unterstützt. Sie versuchten auch in diesem Jahr zu vermitteln — und scheiterten.

Es ist nicht hinnehmbar, wenn Fakten geschönt werden. Die LTTE trägt die Verantwortung für die Bombenattentate gegen Zivilisten, für monatelange Blockaden von Trinkwasseranlagen und für die Weigerung, auf die Rekrutierung von Kindersoldaten zu verzichten.

Es gibt aber auch Positives: Zwei Tamilenparteien haben sich entschlossen, der Regierungskoalition beizutreten. Der Staatspräsident ist bereit, Menschenrechtsverletzungen durch Armee und Polizei untersuchen zu lassen. Und bei vielen politisch Verantwortlichen nimmt die Erkenntnis zu, dass die tamilische Bevölkerung aus ihrer empfundenen Zweitklassigkeit herausgeführt werden muss. Mögen diese erfreulichen Meldungen zunehmen und die vielen bisherigen Horrormeldungen abnehmen. Sri Lanka, eine der ältesten Demokratien in Asien, hat eine solche Entwicklung verdient!

  Robert Evans, on behalf of the PSE Group. – Mr President, this item on the agenda, as we know, is about debates on breaches of human rights, democracy and the rule of law. The situation in Sri Lanka at the moment is tragic, and there have indeed been many breaches of human rights. This motion refers to the work of the Sri Lankan Monitoring Mission. That independent body has blamed the LTTE for the attack on 15 June and, as Mrs Lynne has said, it has blamed the Sri Lankan Government for the murder of the 17 aid workers in Muttur at the beginning of August.

This shows the seriousness of the situation. Regrettably though, some people involved in the debate – not just the one this afternoon, but also others – are trying to assign all the blame to one side or the other. We have to accept that in any conflict situation there is grave fault on both sides, and that the military responses have in many cases been disproportionate. What started out as a little local dispute over water supply has cost hundreds of lives, displaced thousands of people and brought the country to the brink of civil war.

All sides – the LTTE, Colonel Karuna and the Sri Lankan Government – must realise that there can be no military solution and that peace negotiations without preconditions are the only way forward. It is in this spirit that Amendment 5 seeks to keep the negotiations open. Everyone accepts that the LTTE is a player, and yet the EU has effectively washed its hands of negotiations through its proscriptions.

Let me make something clear. Just because I am saying this, and because Mrs Lynne said something similar, as did Mrs Lambert and Mr Meijer, that does not make us terrorists or apologists for terrorism, which we condemn. It just means that we need to keep negotiations open. Equally, we need to do everything we can, as mirrored in Amendment 4, to help the ordinary people of Sri Lanka, who have suffered for so long and need a peaceful solution.

  Marios Matsakis, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Mr President, tragically the incidents of bloodshed in Sri Lanka continue to occur and the responsibility lies with both Government and Tamil forces. Evidence from the SLMM shows that: Government forces have killed 17 aid workers; the LTTE have bombed a bus, killing 64 civilians; and the Sri Lankan Air Force has bombed a campsite in the north, killing 51 young people.

Whilst in the short term there is an urgent need for an independent commission to investigate the recent disappearances, abductions and extra-judicial executions, in the long term we must repeat the call made by this House in the last resolution for a wide-ranging human rights agreement between the parties involved in the civil war and its facilitation by an effective independent international monitoring mission. The lessons learned from the weaknesses of the SLMM demonstrate that for human rights to be a fundamental building block of a just and enduring resolution of the conflict, that body must have real enforcement mechanisms and unhindered access to both Government- and LTTE-controlled areas.

Let us hope that a political solution that would be acceptable to Sri Lanka’s minority communities will soon be found and that lasting peace and prosperity will replace violence and poverty.

  Bernd Posselt (PPE-DE). – Herr Präsident! In Sri Lanka bzw. Ceylon leben Singhalesen und Tamilen seit über 2000 Jahren zusammen. Es gab dort schon singhalesische Königreiche vor dem Aufstieg Roms, vor Cäsar, vor Christi Geburt, und es gab auch Ableger tamilischer südindischer Reiche. Deshalb ist es umso tragischer, dass in unserem 21. Jahrhundert dort eine solch explosive Situation herrscht, wobei wir schon sagen müssen, dass wir selbst als Europäer in der Kolonialzeit dazu beigetragen haben, dass sich die Situation verschärft hat durch Siedlungspolitik, durch Plantagenbesitzerinteressen und durch vieles andere.

Heute sollten wir dazu beitragen — und das ist der entscheidende Punkt —, dass es zu einer friedlichen Lösung kommt. Und zu einer friedlichen Lösung kann es nur kommen, wenn man zwischen dem Anliegen und den Terroristen unterscheidet. Die Terroristen wollen keine Lösung. Die Machthaber und Extremisten wollen keine Lösung, weil ihre persönliche Macht auf dem ethnischen Konflikt aufgebaut ist. Der ethnische Konflikt ließe sich durchaus lösen.

Ich möchte die Gelegenheit nutzen, dass wir hier unter einem italienischen Präsidenten tagen: Es ist doch ein phantastisches Modell, das zwischen Italienern und Südtirolern geschaffen wurde, und es hat sich herausgestellt, dass beide Seiten davon profitieren. Nicht nur die Minderheit, sondern auch die Mehrheit profitiert von einem solchen Autonomiemodell.

Ich glaube, es ist höchste Zeit, dass wir ein solches Autonomiemodell auch für Sri Lanka mit seiner gefährlichen Situation anstreben. Deshalb begrüße ich die vorliegende, sehr ausgewogene Entschließung und unterstütze natürlich die Änderungsanträge unserer Fraktion. Ich bedauere aber, dass wir uns hier zwischen den Fraktionen zum Teil einen ideologischen Krieg liefern, statt dass wir uns einigen und in dieser sensiblen politischen Frage als Parlament geschlossen auftreten, was unser Gewicht gegenüber den Bürgerkriegsparteien in Sri Lanka wesentlich erhöhen würde.

  Lidia Joanna Geringer de Oedenberg (PSE). – Panie Przewodniczący! W ostatnich tygodniach na Sri Lance ponownie dochodzi do gwałtownych walk między partyzantami tamilskimi a siłami rządowymi. Efektem brutalnych aktów przemocy, tylko od początku roku, jest już ponad 800 ofiar śmiertelnych. Słaby system wymiaru sprawiedliwości na Sri Lance nie reaguje na nagminne przypadki łamania praw człowieka, zabójstwa przedstawicieli organizacji humanitarnych czy rekrutację dzieci do działań wojennych.

Obie strony: rząd w Kolombo i Tamilskie Tygrysy, obarczają się wzajemnie odpowiedzialnością za złamanie porozumienia. Coraz bardziej przybierające na sile starcia grożą wybuchem wojny domowej. Przedstawiciele misji pokojowej ONZ ze względu na brak bezpieczeństwa ze strony Tamilskich Tygrysów zostali zmuszeni, pierwszego września, do wycofania się z kraju. Szczególnie niepokojące jest również to, iż narastający konflikt hamuje rozwój ekonomiczny wyspy blokując pomoc dla poszkodowanych przez tsunami.

Należy zatem szczególnie wesprzeć realizację planu pomocy humanitarnej ONZ, będącą dodatkowym elementem dla przyznanych już wcześniej środków. W obliczu tak nabrzmiałego konfliktu wspólnota międzynarodowa musi apelować do obu stron o zawieszenie broni i podjęcie rozmów w sprawie rozejmu. Nie można dłużej tolerować agresji, której ofiarami codziennie padają niewinni cywile.

  Marianne Mikko (PSE). – Kallid kolleegid, minu kui meie parlamendi Lõuna-Aasia maade delegatsiooni liikme jaoks on Sri Lankal juba saavutatu kaotsi minek halvaendeline elamus. Tamili Tiigrite poolt 15. juunil toime pandud terroriakt on väga kahetsusväärne, samuti ka abiorganisatsiooni kaastööliste maha laskmine valitsusvägede poolt Muturis.

Et olla usaldusväärsed partnerid peavad pooled suutma ära hoida taolised intsidendid. Inimõiguste austamine ja elanikkonna heaolu seadmine esikohale on ainus väljapääs ummikust. Relvarahu taastamine on praegu tungivaim ülesanne, kuid konflikti külmutamine üksi ei ole lahendus. Parlamendi Moldova delegatsiooni juhina tunnetan seda iga päev. Külmutatud konflikt, pean silmas ebaseadusliku Transnistria režiimi, on teinud Moldovast Euroopa vaesema maa.

Euroopa Liit ei tohi tagasilöökidest hoolimata pikaajalisi eesmärke silmist lasta. LTTE lisamine terroriorganisatsioonide nimekirja oli formaalselt õiglane, sisuliselt aga vale samm. Selle tagajärjel kaotas SLMM suurema osa oma teovõimest. Euroopa Liit peab tegema kõik temast oleneva, et Sri Lankal ei kõneleks kuulid, vaid sõnad. See on meie kätes. Peab olema.

  Franco Frattini, Vice-President of the Commission. The European Commission is deeply concerned at the growing violence which is seriously unravelling the ceasefire agreement and peace process in Sri Lanka. The intensification of hostilities between the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam and the Sri Lankan army that has taken place over the last months is a matter of great concern. A full-scale war has to be avoided at all costs and parties must recommit to respecting the ceasefire agreement.

The Commission has repeatedly called on both parties to make the utmost effort to prevent a further escalation of violence and loss of life. The Commission and the co-chairs of the Tokyo Donor Conference on Sri Lanka have stated many times that violence is not the way to resolve the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka. The suffering inflicted on innocent civilians is intolerable.

The European Commission is very concerned about the deteriorating human rights situation there. We share the concerns expressed in the draft resolution in relation to the recent violations and we are concerned about the climate of impunity and non-respect of human rights by both sides.

The Commission has been particularly shocked by the atrocious killing of 17 aid workers from the NGO 'Action Contre la Faim' and has urged the authorities in Sri Lanka to investigate these killings immediately and thoroughly and to give assurances that they will do everything possible to ensure a safe humanitarian space in the country. The recent call by President Rajapakse for an international independent commission – which we support – is a positive step which will have to be followed up by concrete action.

We continue to follow the situation in Sri Lanka very closely and welcome the interest shown by Parliament in this draft resolution with a view to encouraging both parties to ensure full respect for human rights.

These new developments are important for the European Union in its role as a co-chair of the Tokyo Donor Conference. A co-chairs' meeting will take place in Brussels on 12 September and the European Commission will take an active part in ensuring that a strong message is put across to both parties, urging them to commit to a peaceful negotiated resolution of the conflict and full respect for human rights.

  Presidente. La discussione è chiusa.

La votazione si svolgerà al termine della discussione.