Przewodniczący. Kolejnym punktem porządku dziennego jest oświadczenie Rady i Komisji w sprawie sytuacji humanitarnej w strefie Gazy.

  Manuel Lobo Antunes, Presidente em exercício do Conselho Senhor Presidente, Senhora Comissária, Senhoras e Senhores Deputados, estamos perante uma conjuntura regional e internacional na qual se perspectiva uma dinâmica de paz para a resolução do conflito israelo-palestiniano e para a criação de um Estado Palestiniano, oportunidade que a Comunidade internacional não pode desperdiçar.

Assistimos a um momento-chave, o qual poderá permitir avanços significativos do processo de paz no Médio-Oriente. O diálogo político bilateral em curso entre o Primeiro-Ministro Olmert e o Presidente Abbas e a recém constituição das equipas de negociação de ambas as partes são passos corajosos e encorajadores que apoiamos e que incentivamos e que esperamos possam conduzir a resultados concretos a serem submetidos à reunião internacional no Outono, reunião que é promovida pelos Estados Unidos da América.

Esperamos que a actual dinâmica, na qual se destaca igualmente o empenho dos países árabes, permita progredir na via conducente a um Estado Palestiniano independente, viável e democrático, que coexista lado a lado com Israel, em paz e em segurança.

Neste processo, a União Europeia, dentro e fora do Quarteto, tem-se afirmado como parceiro de confiança, imparcial e comprometido no sucesso do diálogo entre as partes. Assim, permanecemos empenhados no processo político, na missão de criar as bases para um Estado Palestiniano e no apoio ao desenvolvimento económico dos territórios palestinianos.

A realização das reuniões do Quarteto e da ministerial do Ad Hoc Liaison Committee em Nova Iorque, a 23 e 24 de Setembro, respectivamente, sublinham mais uma vez o apoio da comunidade internacional aos esforços diplomáticos em curso. No comunicado final da reunião do Quarteto, a União e os seus parceiros do Quarteto manifestaram a sua preocupação com as condições na faixa da Gaza e sublinharam a importância da continuação da assistência humanitária e de emergência, bem como a prestação de serviços básicos à população palestiniana.

Também o representante do Quarteto, Tony Blair, alertou para a urgência da necessidade de se desenvolver a economia palestiniana e respectivas instituições, condições determinantes para o adequado funcionamento do futuro Estado Palestiniano. Foi sublinhada a importância do representante do Quarteto de desenvolver uma agenda plurianual visando o desenvolvimento institucional e económico dos territórios palestinianos. Esta preocupação, bem como a necessidade de mobilizar o apoio financeiro e técnico da comunidade internacional para estes esforços foi também sublinhada pelos doadores internacionais, reunidos a nível ministerial na reunião do Ad Hoc Liaison Committee.

Vários relatórios internacionais dão conta da deterioração das condições humanitárias da população naquele território, situação que alimenta a pobreza e a violência, que propicia radicalismos e extremismos, ciclo que é urgente interromper. A decisão israelita de declarar Gaza território hostil, a 19 de Setembro, e a prevista possibilidade de alargamento do escopo das sanções aplicadas a Gaza serão, se forem aplicadas, potencialmente agravantes da situação actual. Embora a União Europeia reconheça o direito de legítima defesa de Israel, também sublinha a necessidade de as autoridades israelitas ponderarem cuidadosamente as implicações e as consequências das suas decisões na vida da população de Gaza.

A União Europeia tem consistentemente reafirmado o seu total empenho na continuação da assistência humanitária a Gaza. A União é o maior doador. Em 2006, o montante global concedido pela União, pela Comissão e pelos Estados-Membros ascendeu a 688 milhões de euros. Em 2007, a Comissão já disponibilizou mais de 425 milhões de euros, repartidos pelas áreas da ajuda humanitária e da ajuda social, do apoio estratégico à construção do Estado e do aconselhamento sobre reformas económicas. O Temporary International Mechanism prorrogado por mais três meses até ao final do ano tem sido um meio privilegiado para canalizar as ajudas dos doadores face à complexa situação que se vive no terreno. Para além disso, a Comissão pretende reformatar a ajuda ao Governo Abbas/Fayad de forma a torná-la mais eficaz e produtiva.

Consideramos, no entanto, que não deve ser apenas a União Europeia a suportar este encargo financeiro, pelo que seria desejável que outros parceiros, designadamente os Estados árabes, possam contribuir para este esforço, bem como a suportar os custos do estabelecimento do Estado Palestiniano. A UE tem sublinhado a importância da reabertura dos postos de entrada e saída em Gaza, tendo em vista assegurar os fluxos humanitários e comerciais em conformidade com o acordo de acesso e movimento.

O apoio europeu visa ainda o auxílio ao sector privado, motor do desenvolvimento económico a longo prazo, designadamente através da concessão de apoio ao Governo palestiniano para saldar as suas dívidas para com o sector privado. Soluções de curto prazo que não deverão fazer perder de vista o objectivo de longo prazo de desenvolvimento da economia e das finanças palestinianas. Com efeito, a perspectiva do longo prazo deve ser valorizada, de forma a se passar progressivamente da actual fase de ajuda de emergência para uma fase de apoio ao desenvolvimento económico, ou seja, a passagem do hate para o trade.

  Benita Ferrero-Waldner, Member of the Commission. Mr President, two weeks ago I was in New York where there were many meetings of the international community on the question of Palestine. There was an important meeting of the Quartet, of which I am a permanent member as part of the EU delegation, and an Ad Hoc Liaison Committee meeting of the major donors to the Palestinians, in preparation for a pledging conference that will probably take place at the end of December, after the international meeting that is now being prepared.

The main conclusion for all of us, as the President-in-Office has already said, is that there is indeed a crucial opportunity for regional and international partners effectively to support the peace process. I must say that, knowing how difficult this is, I am at least cautiously optimistic about the prospects of a serious and substantive meeting being hosted by the US this November. I wish to thank those who have mentioned the contributions we have made, but let me also say that I have spoken out very clearly to our Arab partners, because it is those partners that have not yet contributed in the same way as we have. I have called on them emphatically to do the same for their Arab friends. We also stand ready to play our part in the future, and indeed we hope that this international meeting on the Middle East will be a next step towards having more ongoing, positive talks and hopefully, at the right moment, a Palestinian state living side-by-side with Israel within secure borders.

I am well aware, of course, that the delivery of humanitarian aid to the Gaza Strip has become much more difficult. For instance, two projects in the sector of water and sanitation, financed by the Commission’s humanitarian office, have had to be suspended. The partners implementing those operations did not succeed in importing the necessary materials, because the importing of items such as spare parts for hospitals and water pumps has been banned.

The European Commission has not been idle in responding to this situation. On the contrary, humanitarian and emergency aid to the occupied Palestinian territory, including Gaza, has reached unprecedented levels. We also continue our support for the precious work of UNRWA in Gaza. Commissioner Michel has recently deployed new support through the World Food Programme in order to respond to the basic needs of the most vulnerable Palestinians. Our direct emergency support to low income and social hardship cases continues through the payment of social allowances. In September we disbursed allowances to 35 000 poor families in the West Bank and Gaza. This demonstrates the added value of the temporary international mechanism, which is able to operate efficiently throughout the occupied Palestinian territory. By September our fuel provision to the Gaza Strip had surpassed 90 million litres. That fuel provides 25%, or one quarter, of the electricity needs of the local population.

For those reasons, I requested the Quartet, at the latest meeting in New York, to extend this financial mechanism until December. Also in New York, at several meetings and with different interlocutors, I yet again pleaded on several occasions for progress on the access and movement agenda. We are very happy that Tony Blair is awarding close attention to this, as he wants there to be an economic possibility of development. This, of course, is not possible without freedom of movement and access, notwithstanding the justified security concerns of the Israeli Government. I believe that much more could and should be done, but that will require more political will than we have witnessed so far.

I also agree with Parliament that the closure of the Gaza crossings has dire implications for the livelihood of an already impoverished population, as well as for the required humanitarian response. The Karni crossing point has been closed for almost four months now, so our aid has to pass through Karem Shalom and Sufa. We only see this as a temporary arrangement, firstly because the facilities at those crossings are inadequate and result in extra handling costs – up to 40% of the cost of aid supplies – and secondly because restrictions on the equipment we want to get into Gaza create problems for our project work.

Having said that, our actions must also take into account the illegal takeover of the Gaza Strip. Our policy is consistent with the Quartet’s line and the position of the legitimate government of the Palestinian Authority, and we of course support President Mahmoud Abbas. On 23 September, we and other Quartet partners made our position quite clear. We expressed great concern over the continued closure of major crossing points. We agreed on the importance of continued emergency and humanitarian assistance without obstruction, and we called for the continued provision of essential services.

Allow me also to refer finally to the situation within the West Bank, which should not be forgotten. Despite recent announcements made by the Israeli authorities about the reduction of checkpoints, the reality on the ground is, unfortunately, quite different: things are getting worse. It is not only that the settlement policy and construction of the security barrier continue, but also that 48 new checkpoints have been installed, according to a recent report by OTCHA.

It is essential that we see progress in the access and movement agenda. Otherwise, the chances of a future sustainable Palestinian state are being undermined. Let me just add that already, with a view to the next Foreign Affairs Council, the preparations for the draft Council conclusions emphasise very clearly the dire situation in Gaza and underline the importance of uninterrupted emergency and humanitarian assistance without obstruction.

  Jana Hybášková, on behalf of the PPE-DE Group. – Mr President, once again we stand here and we repeat: the situation in Gaza is appalling. Once again we all agree: something must be done. Therefore, it is my honour, on behalf of the PPE-DE Group, to table this resolution, and I welcome Article 5 fully supporting the Maryland Convention. But, frankly speaking, can I be positive, knowing that we urged you, and I called on you in this place before summer started, to be ready for a humanitarian crisis operation and for contingency planning?

Many of you thought I was asking for foreign intervention. No! I simply knew that being ready for a humanitarian operation would help us to react in a fast manner when the inevitable situation comes. It is October, and we are not very much farther.

Of course people in Gaza deserve our help: our immediate, short-term quick fix. But for many years of our collaboration in the Middle East, we all know well that quick fixes do not count. What we really need here is to solve the causes of suffering of Palestinians.

Many here think – and I strongly disagree – that Israel is the only cause of suffering. I was in Gaza for the first time in 1990. I also saw Hodeida, Tanta, Benghazi, Ismailia, to name just a few other places in the Middle East which look very much the same: no occupation, no military intervention. Mismanagement, corruption, nepotism, police regimes – these are the Pudelskern. We have to name them; we have to focus on how we can help those who suffer from both.

We have to have patience to see the truth, to analyse properly and objectively, to design help, to prepare tailored projects, to invest money, to teach and to lead. And to be unforgiving. To be sharp, to be responsible.

In Gaza, Ottomans, the British, Egyptians, Israelis, Americans and Europeans are all part of the problem. But the main part is Palestinians themselves. We can only help them. They have to stop any use of threats, abuse, violence, terrorism and killing. They have to stop corruption. They have to stop nepotism and pashaliks.

(The President cut off the speaker)

  Thijs Berman, namens de PSE-Fractie. – Voorzitter, sinds half juli, toen Hamas de macht greep in Gaza, zijn anderhalf miljoen mensen opgesloten in wat de inwoners zelf een getto noemen, een veehouderij. Zelfs kankerpatiënten mogen het gebied niet uit. Ze wonen volgens Israël in een vijandige entiteit. Er komt alleen voedsel binnen, medicijnen, een paar humanitaire goederen. Maar mensen leven van meer dan meel, linzen en medicijnen.

De Israëlische definitie van humanitaire goederen is absurd restrictief. Onderdelen voor medische apparatuur mogen niet worden ingevoerd, de waterleiding kan niet worden gerepareerd. Er is een voortdurende dreiging dat de energietoevoer door Israël wordt onderbroken. De economie van Gaza is ineengestort, de bevolking is werkeloos en wanhopig, er is geen geld meer. Ondervoeding begint de kop op te steken. Deze blokkade kweekt wanhoop, woede en haat, geen vrede. In Gaza heerst een onaanvaardbare humanitaire crisis.

De vraag naar hulp groeit en de kosten van hulp stijgen bovendien door de blokkade. Er moet daarom door de lidstaten meer financiële steun aan de UNHRA en de andere organisaties ter plekke gegeven worden. De Europese Commissie zette die stap al en sommige lidstaten ook. Ook het Europees Parlement stemde gisteren voor verhoging van de hulp. Mijn fractie vraagt dringend aan de Raad om dat besluit te steunen.

Maar hulp alleen is niet genoeg. Het voorzitterschap blijft hier vanavond bedeesd, voorzichtig. Maar de Europese Unie kan niet langer de morele verantwoordelijkheid nemen om wel hulp te geven, maar geen politieke stappen te ondernemen tegen de blokkade. Uit naam van mijn fractie verzoek ik daarom het voorzitterschap, de Raad en de Europese Commissie om Israël krachtig op te roepen de blokkade onmiddellijk te stoppen. In Gaza wordt een bevolking collectief gestraft. Dat is illegaal volgens artikel 33 van de vierde Conventie van Genève. Bovendien is deze methode Israël onwaardig. Dat hoort de Europese Unie aan Israël te zeggen in plaats van passief te blijven, juist omdat de Unie een bondgenoot is. Dit geeft de associatieovereenkomst met Israël betekenis. Alleen door op te treden tegen de blokkade neemt de EU de mensenrechtenparagraaf daarin serieus.

  Chris Davies, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Mr President, I speak not on behalf of my group, but as a Member who has seen things he did not wish to see.

I hope the Minister does not believe the sanctimonious claptrap he read this House. To suggest for one moment that the policies of this European Union are impartial is just ridiculous. Everyone knows that we pursue a policy of double standards. We expect and demand the Palestinians to obey every requirement. We merely request that the Israelis meet our wishes.

Those double standards reek. Commissioner, do you remember standing here just a few months ago, after the Palestinian delegation had returned from meeting Mr Haniyeh in Gaza, before the breakdown of the Palestinian Unity Government, saying to this House that you wanted to do everything you could to support that Government? Within a fortnight, of course, it had fallen! It had fallen partly because we had refused to talk to the elected representatives. We had refused to talk to Mr Haniyeh and, not surprisingly, having undermined the democratic forces, the forces of violence took over.

We never seem to learn the lessons of history. We have to stop ignoring the wishes of the Palestinian people. We have to start paying some respect to the forces of democracy, and we have to recognise that you cannot make peace without talking to your enemy.

(Applause).

The continuing refusal to deal with some of those elements in Hamas who want to take a step towards us just makes promotion of peace in the Middle East impossible to attain.

One question about the motion for a resolution before us: why are we even thinking about giving money to Gaza? What has it got to do with the European Union? Gaza is an Israeli prison camp! It is nothing to do with us. It is the Israelis who should be responsible for keeping one and a half million people alive. They are the ones who keep them in misery. It is not our responsibility to be providing our taxpayers’ money to meet Israeli responsibilities.

Finally, again on this question of impartiality, we have heard within the last couple of weeks that the Israeli defence force has ordered the confiscation of more Palestinian land to build the roads to enable the building of the E1 settlement – the further expansion of Jewish settlements in East Jerusalem – against every commitment we have requested the Israelis to make, and against every hope there could be for a genuine outcome from the forthcoming peace talks.

As the Palestinians see all hopes of a viable, independent Palestinian state disappearing before their eyes, what is the European Union going to do about it? You know very well that it is going to do nothing except mouth a few words and take no tangible action!

  Ryszard Czarnecki, w imieniu grupy UEN. – Panie Przewodniczący! Byłem członkiem pięcioosobowej delegacji Parlamentu Europejskiego, która parę ważnych dni spędziła w Autonomii Palestyńskiej. Stanowczo podkreślam, że nasza misja miała charakter humanitarny a nie polityczny. Mówię o tym, bo nie chciałbym, aby nasza debata przekształciła się w debatę bardzo polityczną, aby Parlament Europejski występował w roli prokuratora, który występuje przeciwko komuś. Chciałbym, abyśmy ponad podziałami politycznym zastanowili się jak pomóc cywilnej Palestynie.

Powiedzmy jednak wprost – wydaje się, że podniesienie poziomu życia w Strefie Gazy, normalna praca szpitali i szkół, pełny dostęp do wody pitnej, jedzenia i elektryczności, możliwość normalnej pracy w rolnictwie spowodują raczej zmniejszenie napięcia w relacjach palestyńsko-izraelskich oraz zapewnią osłabienie potencjału wrogości wobec osadników żydowskich, obywateli Izraela i państwa Izrael jako takiego.

Parę miesięcy temu mówiłem w tym miejscu o kontrowersyjnych treściach przekazywanych w niektórych palestyńskich szkołach, w palestyńskich podręcznikach, ale teraz od skrajności przeszliśmy w drugą skrajność. Nie możemy już krytykować niektórych aspektów palestyńskiego szkolnictwa, bo ten system szkolnictwa w praktyce zamarł.

Ten medal ma jednak drugą stronę, wewnątrzpalestyńską. Trwa polityczny pat między Hamasem a Fatahem i obozem prezydenta Abu Mazena. Ten impas utrudnia funkcjonowanie palestyńskich instytucji i wręcz szkodzi Palestyńczykom tam żyjącym, a nie jest to na pewno wina Izraela. Wiele mówimy o trwałym pokoju między państwem Izrael a Palestyńczykami, ale to jakby mówić o domu zaczynając od dachu. Trzeba zawsze mówić od fundamentu, a tym fundamentem jest poprawa funkcjonowania palestyńskich struktur władzy, instytucji publicznych oraz pomoc humanitarna dla ludności palestyńskiej.

  Margrete Auken, for Verts/ALE-Gruppen. – Hr. formand! Det omtalte besøg på Vestbredden og Gaza for et par uger siden var et chok - også for os, der har været der ofte. Israels lukning af grænserne og de utallige afspærringer gør det umuligt at opbygge en sund økonomi, og på denne måde kan EU's regler for humanitær hjælp ikke følges. Rådet og Kommissionen bør straks gribe ind, så Palæstinas økonomi kan komme på fode. Lad mig sige det klart: Uden et sådant indgreb kan en fredskonference ikke blive en succes. Det blev gentagne gange sagt, at økonomien ikke kan skilles fra det politiske. Med andre ord: Israels besættelse skal bringes til ophør, ellers får vi aldrig fred. Foruden den økonomiske udmattelse sker der lige nu en radikalisering af palæstinenserne. Den gror blandt de fattige, som der med Israels blokade kommer stadig flere af. Den gror også blandt de unge. Flere gange advarede de voksne og gamle palæstinensere om, at de unge, der vokser op nu, aldrig har levet sammen med israelerne, og at de kun kender dem fra hæslige mure, militære invasioner og teenagesoldater, der ydmyger deres fædre. Sådan skaber man ikke fred, kun hadske fjender.

Heller ikke EU nyder nogen tillid. Man tilsidesatte palæstinensernes demokratiske valg, og med isoleringen af Hamas demonstrerede EU både diplomatisk inkompetence og atter engang dobbeltmoral. Hvis ikke alle palæstinenserne inddrages i de løbende forhandlinger, får vi ingen fred. Det ved enhver, der har med sagen at gøre, udmærket godt. Fredshåbet brister helt, hvis Israels regering, som det forlyder nu, vil ekspropriere E1, som bl.a. Chris Davies omtalte. Både USA og EU har umisforståeligt sagt, at dette ikke må ske. Spørgsmålet som Rådet og Kommissionen bør besvare nu er, hvad man vil gøre for at forhindre denne ekspropriering af palæstinensernes Østjerusalem.

  Luisa Morgantini, a nome del gruppo GUE/NGL. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, un minuto è nulla. Lobo Antunes ha parlato di gesti, di passi coraggiosi: il passo coraggioso di Olmert dovrebbe essere quello di fermare ogni nuova missione coloniale, liberare migliaia di palestinesi, fermare le incursioni militari nella West Bank, togliere i checkpoint e revocare l'embargo di Gaza! Ed arrivare ai negoziati con passi concreti, invece abbiamo visto ieri nuove confische di terre intorno a Gerusalemme.

Il passo coraggioso nostro, quello dell'Unione europea, dovrebbe essere quello di respingere ogni forma di punizione collettiva messa in atto dal governo israeliano verso la popolazione civile. I nostri progetti a Gaza sono bloccati perché non c'è cemento, non ci sono tubi, i costi sono quadruplicati e l'UNRWA continua a lanciare gesti d'allarme.

Con la risoluzione che voteremo domani chiediamo la revoca del blocco di Gaza e la libertà di movimento delle persone e delle merci ovunque, coscienti che la questione palestinese non è umanitaria! La nostra responsabilità è quella politica, quella di porre fine all'occupazione militare e dire: due popoli e due Stati che possono coesistere in reciproca sicurezza!

  Bastiaan Belder, namens de IND/DEM-Fractie. – Voorzitter, eind vorige week debatteerde een delegatie van ons Parlement in het kader van de TLD met Amerikaanse collega's over de ernstige situatie in het Midden-Oosten. De Amerikaanse vredesonderhandelaar Dennis Ross adviseerde ons toen heel praktisch hulp te bieden aan de Palestijnse bevolking in haar precaire bestaan. Een netwerk van betrouwbare, politiek onafhankelijke NGO's is daarbij geboden.

Raad en Commissie, in hoeverre ziet u daar, voor zowel de Westelijke Jordaanoever als Gaza, reële mogelijkheden? Intussen ben ik van mening dat aan de huidige interne en externe crisissituatie in Gaza het optreden van Hamas ten grondslag ligt. Zij delegitimeert onveranderlijk de staat Israël en legitimeert geweld tegen Israëli's en zogenoemde dissidente Palestijnen.

Voorzitter, de recente brute moord op de slechts dertigjarige Palestijnse christen Rami Ayyad onderstreept de benarde positie van deze minderheid in Gaza. Raad en Commissie, ik verwacht van u aandacht voor en steun aan de christelijke minderheid in alle Palestijnse gebieden.

  Edward McMillan-Scott (PPE-DE). – Mr President, Mr Davies asked, earlier on, what role the European Union had in the Middle East. Of course, I know it was a rhetorical question, because he is very committed to a solution, but it is a fact that the European Union has a direct interest in the outcome of the Middle East peace process.

I speak from a constituency in Yorkshire from which the four bombers who attacked London several months ago came. They were motivated by what was happening in the Middle East. The bombers in Madrid also. So the security of Europe is directly connected to the Middle East.

I believe that we also have historic and humanitarian commitments to a peaceful outcome. After all, the process of peace has been slow and patchy, and has resulted in numerous initiatives, numerous intergovernmental conferences – Madrid, Oslo and so on. We have got to the point now, in October 2007, where there is almost a desperation to try and find some solution.

So I believe that it is now time for some fairly radical new thinking. One of the propositions I would make is that the recent talks between Mr Olmert and Mr Mahmoud Abbas about – in effect – a final status solution, should reflect the negotiations that Mr Olmert himself, a young parliamentarian, had in 1987, where he and the PLO negotiated privately actually to talk about the capital of the Palestinian state in East Jerusalem, about the borders of 1967, and about some settlers returning. In other words, he got there in 1987, and maybe now the time will come, this autumn, when these two leaders, encouraged by the international community, will come together radically to shape the future for a peaceful, two-state solution to the Middle East peace process.

Mr Triantaphyllides and his delegation, who went to Palestine the other day, came back with two fundamental conclusions. Let us focus on the humanitarian situation in Palestine, but let us also think about the role that elected parliamentarians there and elsewhere can play in this process. We should not be forgotten.

  Véronique De Keyser (PSE). – Monsieur le Président, en préparant cette résolution, nous nous sommes dit "pas de politique, de l'humanitaire seulement". Parce qu'aujourd'hui, il est insupportable que, dans un immense ghetto à ciel ouvert, un peuple meure à petit feu, traqué par les caméras du monde entier, un peuple exsangue, sans droit de se développer, sans droit de circuler librement, d'éduquer ses enfants, mais un peuple dont on paie très cher la survie et qui, surtout, ne doit pas nous claquer dans les mains, parce que cela ferait tache et que nos démocraties ne le supporteraient pas.

L'Union européenne aura versé cette année plus de 300 millions d'euros pour éviter ce drame. C'est trop peu pour que les Palestiniens puissent vivre, mais c'est dix fois, cent fois trop, car si toutes les obligations internationales, la quatrième convention de Genève et les droits de l'homme étaient respectés, nous n'en serions pas là.

Honte au ghetto! Honte sur nous, Européens, qui avons su ravitailler Berlin lorsque le peuple berlinois était assiégé! Honte sur nous qui avons salué avec des larmes de joie la chute du mur en Allemagne, mais qui sommes aujourd'hui prisonniers, complices d'autres murs et d'autres ghettos! Stop the closure!

Mais aujourd'hui, l'humanitaire ne peut faire oublier le politique. Le gouvernement israélien a notifié, ce 24 septembre, l'ordre de confiscation de 1 100 dunums de terres de quatre villages arabes situés entre Jérusalem et Jéricho, pour construire une route qui coupera définitivement en deux la Cisjordanie. C'est un vieux plan israélien de 2004 que l'Europe, et même les États-Unis, ont toujours refusé. Aujourd'hui, à la veille de la rencontre internationale de Washington, c'est une véritable bombe. Avec Gaza piégée et la Cisjordanie coupée en deux, comment rêver encore de deux États vivant paisiblement côte à côte.

Le 8 février 2005, Sharon déclarait à Sharm el Sheikh: "Nous avons l'occasion de commencer une nouvelle ère. Pour la première fois depuis longtemps, il existe dans notre région l'espoir d'un avenir meilleur pour nos enfants et nos petits-enfants." C'est une occasion extrêmement fragile que les extrémistes veulent briser. Si cette route, et bien d'autres, voient le jour, les extrémistes auront gagné. Architectes et géographes usent aujourd'hui d'armes plus perverses que les bombes. Ils ceinturent la Palestine de murs et de routes qui pulvérisent tout rêve d'un État viable.

(Applaudissements)

  Elizabeth Lynne (ALDE). – Mr President, there is nothing more demoralising than life lived in poverty, life without any prospects and life marred by a conflict. As a humanitarian catastrophy haunts the people of Gaza, it is clear that the only objective Israeli and Palestinian leaders are securing is the transmission of pain, poverty, misery and hatred to a new generation of young Palestinians.

As a direct result of the Israeli blockade on the movement of people and goods, children do not even have basic educational facilities. Everyone is denied the basic utilities that all of us in this House take for granted. Livelihoods are destroyed, as fishermen, farmers and others cannot trade. Individuals suffer needless pain and death owing to limited medical services and treatment. All of this is set against a background of violence and oppression.

NGOs estimate that there are nearly 2 000 newly severely disabled people in Gaza. They are mainly young people, who are shot at by tanks or snipers, often resulting in loss of limbs, brain damage or spinal cord injuries – but organisations working to support disabled people are being hampered by the Israeli blockade and are unable to obtain the specialist supplies that they require! Israeli must fulfil its international obligations, such as the Geneva Convention, to guarantee the flow of humanitarian assistance, humanitarian aid and essential services, and to open up the borders.

The Council and the Commission must keep up the pressure, but they must talk to all sides. That is the only way we will find a solution. It is pointless saying we will not talk to one side. We have got to find a solution by talking to everyone. If nothing is done, people will continue to die needlessly. 1.3 million people in Gaza will continue to be stripped of their dignity and the transmission of pain, poverty, misery and hatred to a new generation of Palestinians will only continue.

  Hélène Flautre (Verts/ALE). – Monsieur le Président, alors que les points de passage de la bande de Gaza sont fermés et contrôlés par l'armée israélienne, alors que, tous les jours, des incursions meurtrières y sont menées, alors que le nombre de colons dans les territoires occupés ne cesse de croître, alors qu'en violation du droit international la construction du mur et le quadrillage sécuritaire se poursuivent, il y a encore, dans cette enceinte, ici même, dans notre Parlement européen, des personnes pour nier le statut de puissance occupante d'Israël. C'est ahurissant!

Israël est une puissance occupante et, à ce titre, a des obligations en vertu des conventions de Genève et, en particulier, Israël ne peut en aucun cas avoir recours aux punitions collectives. Nous serions bien avisés de nous assurer qu'Israël respecte ses obligations, au lieu d'envoyer de catastrophiques signaux, comme nous l'avons fait, par exemple, en suspendant le financement de l'approvisionnement en carburant de la centrale électrique à Gaza. Les larmes de crocodile que nous avons versées sur les divisions interpalestiniennes sont bien malvenues après que l'Union européenne a été incapable de soutenir les efforts d'Abbas pour coopter l'aile pragmatique du Hamas.

Qu'est-ce qu'on pourrait encore imaginer de pire? Jouer Ramallah contre Gaza? Désigner les bons Palestiniens et les aider à éliminer les mauvais? Qui peut croire à une solution durable sans que soit garantie l'unité politique et territoriale de la Palestine? Qui peut croire que la paix, pour les Israéliens et les Palestiniens, se construira par une politique qui entraîne, de fait, la radicalisation des populations en Israël comme en Palestine?

La situation humanitaire à Gaza viole tous les standards de dignité humaine. Il faut obtenir, et dans les plus brefs délais, la levée du blocus de la bande de Gaza. Il faut donc exercer sur Israël les pressions adéquates. Cette question ne peut plus être un tabou et je vous demande, Conseil et Commission, quelles sont les mesures que vous comptez entreprendre afin de favoriser la levée du blocus et de contraindre Israël à respecter ses obligations et engagements. Je vous demande ce que vous comptez entreprendre pour qu'Israël renonce, à un mois de la conférence internationale, à son projet de couper en deux la Cisjordanie en reliant Jéricho à Jérusalem-Est.

(Applaudissements)

  Κυριάκος Τριανταφυλλίδης (GUE/NGL). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, οι εξελίξεις στην Παλαιστίνη είναι εξαιρετικά γρήγορες και δεν μας αφήνουν σχεδόν περιθώριο αντίδρασης. Έτσι, μιλάμε εδώ για την ανθρωπιστική κατάσταση στη Γάζα, ενώ την ίδια στιγμή οι Ισραηλινές αρχές, μονομερώς, αποφάσισαν να απαλλοτριώσουν εκατοντάδες στρέμματα Αραβικής γης για να προχωρήσουν στο σχέδιο Ε1, την κατασκευή ενός δρόμου που θα κόβει de facto τη Δυτική Όχθη στα δύο.

Γνωρίζετε ότι η Διεθνής Κοινότητα έχει αντιταχθεί στο εν λόγω σχέδιο. Πιστεύω ότι θα ήταν σκόπιμο να πάρει μια στάση το Κοινοβούλιο για το θέμα αυτό. Αλλά οι πολιτικές ζυμώσεις δεν το επέτρεψαν. Το αποτέλεσμα είναι απλό: για άλλη μια φορά παραμένουμε θεατές, ενώ η κατάσταση στην Παλαιστίνη χειροτερεύει όλο και περισσότερο, με αποτέλεσμα και η διαπραγματευτική θέση των Παλαιστινίων να χειροτερεύει ημέρα με την ημέρα και να τίθενται σε αμφιβολία οι όποιες προοπτικές επιτυχίας υπάρχουν για την επικείμενη Διεθνή Διάσκεψη το Νοέμβριο για το Παλαιστινιακό.

  Charles Tannock (PPE-DE). – Mr President, last night I was privileged to attend the inauguration of the Brussels offices of the European Friends of Israel, which starts from the premise that we should support the democratic State of Israel’s right to exist and prosper. In contrast, Hamas is committed, under its 1988 charter, to Israel’s destruction and remains a terrorist organisation banned by the EU.

It is no surprise to me that this resolution seeks to heap much of the blame for the current situation in Gaza on Israel. Clearly, Israel’s unilateral withdrawal from Gaza as a bona fide gesture of land for peace is of very little significance to Israel’s critics.

The resolution refers to a humanitarian crisis in Gaza without exploring the reasons why. The appeal of Hamas to Palestinian voters was that it provided many of the social services that were neglected by the corrupt Fatah Administration. Yet the same schools are now devoid of children, who are too scared to leave their homes. The hospitals are treating those injured in the daily violence that has characterised the Hamas violent takeover of Gaza and the defeat of secular Fatah.

Prominent Gazan Christian, Rami Ayyad, was murdered last Saturday, and on Sunday, eight mortars and a Katyusha rocket were fired by Hamas at Israel indiscriminately. Bizarrely, Hamas has even been shelling the border crossing at Khani.

The resolution also calls on Israel to take steps to ensure the free passage of humanitarian supplies and essential utilities. In fact, Israel has not stopped the movement of such goods as food, electricity or water into Gaza and is actually acting with restraint and moderation, even though Hamas has been attacking Israel militarily.

I appreciate that Israel has come to expect a steady stream of invective from this House, but Israel should know that it does have some friends here, and throughout Europe, who are committed to peace and security in the region. That will never happen while the agenda of Hamas is so readily indulged by so many in this House.

  Richard Howitt (PSE). – Mr President, a humanitarian crisis requires a humanitarian response, and our first priority tonight should be to deal with medical supplies and school books being held up on one side of the border, while students and ill people wait on the other. International humanitarian law does give the European Union a direct obligation to act and, four months after Gaza was cut off, our direct commitment to the border assistance mission is a commitment that we are failing to meet.

I thank the Commissioner for the cautious optimism she expressed tonight on the revival of the peace process and on the operation of the temporary international mechanism. We of course urge her to do whatever more she can. I agree with Mr Tannock that we should condemn rocket and mortar attacks by Palestinian militants, but his complaints would be much more credible if he also condemned the killing of civilians by the Israeli Defence Force in air missile attacks. I ask you Commissioner, and the Presidency-in-Office too, to make urgent representations condemning the seizure, as was reported this morning, of a further 3% of West Bank land between Jerusalem and Jericho as part of the E1 annexation plan.

(The President cut off the speaker)

  Miroslav Mikolášik (PPE-DE). – Nadväzujúc na vyhlásenie Európskeho parlamentu z 21. júna o programe MEDA a finančnej podpore Palestíne a hodnotiacu správu z 12. júla 2007 o Blízkom východe a s plným vedomím vyhlásenia kvarteta z 23. septembra toho roku je dôležite, že my chceme ako Európsky parlament povedať jasné stanovisko k situácii v Palestíne. Musíme sa však na to pozrieť minimálne v dvoch rovinách, humanitárno-ekonomickej a politicko-bezpečnostnej.

V rovine humanitárno-ekonomickej je úlohou Európy, ktorá schválila pre Palestínu skutočne obrovské finančné prostriedky, aby táto podpora a humanitná pomoc bola aj technicky vykonateľná. Nie je prípustné, aby radové obyvateľstvo Palestíny nemalo prístup k liekom, aby boli ničené zdravotnícke zariadenia, školy a obydlia. Veď prístup k zdravotne neškodnej vode a potravinám je často znemožnený blokádou pohybu osôb a tovaru.

V rovine politicko-bezpečnostnej treba jasne povedať, že tak ako medzinárodné spoločenstvo uznáva právo na existenciu palestínskej autonómie, musí aj Palestína vrátane vládnuceho hnutia Hamas uznávať štát Izrael. Hamas sa doteraz žiadnym činom nedištancoval od vlastnej zakladajúcej listiny, kde jeden z cieľov je „zničiť štát Izrael“. Tu tkvie politický problém, ktorý je eskalovaný formou ozbrojeného konfliktu, terorizmu na jednej strane i tvrdých odvetných akcií na strane druhej.

  Proinsias De Rossa (PSE). – Mr President, first of all, could I say that Mr Tannock is doing Israel a disservice by his unquestioning support for Israel’s illegal activity against Palestinians, particularly in relation to Gaza. I support this resolution, including paragraph 5. The humanitarian crisis in Gaza is not new, nor has it been unforeseen. Those of us who have visited the area regularly over the years have consistently warned against the Israeli actions, which were driving the population to despair. The economy is now in free fall. Social services have virtually collapsed. Malnutrition and chronic diseases are rife, and medicines are not available. Gaza is now entirely dependent on outside aid, which is being blocked by Israeli embargoes. It is a prison tightly controlled by Israel, and we cannot allow the well-being of the people of Gaza to be held hostage to the political manoeuvrings that are under way. Hopefully, these manoeuvrings will lead to peace talks.

I condemn the unilateral Israeli decision to seize land from four Arab villages, which cuts East Jerusalem off from the West Bank. I regret the fact that neither the Council nor the Commission have made reference to this, and I would be surprised if they did not know about it. We know about it in this House, and it is public knowledge. This action by Israel is totally in breach of the Road Map, and it is in breach of the agreement that the 1967 borders will not change without a joint agreement between Israelis and Palestinians.

  Zbigniew Zaleski (PPE-DE). – Panie Przewodniczący! Życzeniowo można by oczekiwać, że z czasem konflikt się rozładuje. Tymczasem nic bardziej złudnego. Dorastają nowe generacje, a konflikt trwa i nawet się nasila. Zdawałoby się, że dwa bliskie sobie narody hebrajski i arabski mogą żyć w kohabitacji, ale nie na warunkach układu hierarchicznego. Wszelka zależność jednego od drugiego, niejednakowy status, a przede wszystkim brak suwerennej struktury państwowej u Arabów będzie stałym źródłem negatywnych emocji, przekonań i odwetu.

Jeżeli państwa Izrael nie stać na rozdzielenie się terytorialne, to trudno mi przewidywać pokój na tym terenie, niestety. Tak jak Żydzi mają prawo do swojego kraju, państwa, podobnie też Arabowie, Palestyńczycy je mają. Historycznie przed drugą wojną światową istniała Palestyna i jak widać trudno ją z pamięci arabskiej wymazać.

Codziennie sytuacja ludzi w Gazie pogarsza się na tyle, że wybuchy skumulowanej agresji są nieuniknione, a my możemy tylko z zażenowaniem i ze smutkiem się jej przypatrywać. Co najwyżej można zrobić z naszej strony, to poza uspokajaniem zapędów wzajemnego niszczenia się, poza próbami mediacji stać nas na pomoc humanitarną dla ludzi, aby żyli w możliwie godnych warunkach sanitarnych, by mieli co jeść i gdzie się uczyć. Jednak podkreślam, że jest to tylko namiastka rozwiązania, do którego, ze wstydem przyznajmy, nie jesteśmy zdolni doprowadzić.

Doświadczenia w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej dziewiętnastego wieku, gehenna Europy i Afryki dwudziestego wieku bez wątpienia pokazują jak silnym jest dążenie narodu do samodzielności. Tam też mamy do czynienia z takim dążeniem.

  Béatrice Patrie (PSE). – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, bien sûr que l'Union européenne doit tout faire pour desserrer l'étau qui enferme la population de Gaza dans une crise humanitaire sans précédent.

Pour ma part, je voudrais souligner que la désignation de Gaza par le gouvernement israélien comme entité hostile comporte plusieurs conséquences dramatiques. Israël pourra mener sur ce territoire des opérations beaucoup plus importantes que par le passé. La société israélienne de production électrique pourra réduire au strict minimum la fourniture d'électricité au 1,5 million de Palestiniens de Gaza, de même que la société Mekorot rationnera l'eau qu'elle distribue, laissant au Hamas le soin de procéder aux répartitions entre les quartiers.

Cette stratégie israélienne, qui vise clairement à entraîner un soulèvement de la population contre les responsables du Hamas est inacceptable et ne peut que déboucher sur une nouvelle escalade de violence. Je passe sur les nouvelles colonisations qui feront de la Palestine un nouveau bantoustan.

Mais pour ma part, je souhaiterais qu'en tant que membre du Quartette, l'Union européenne obtienne l'assurance que la conférence de paix prévue en novembre n'ait pas pour seul but de fournir aux États-Unis une porte de sortie de l'impasse dans laquelle ils se trouvent en Iraq et en Afghanistan, mais constitue un véritable sommet de paix associant l'ensemble des acteurs arabes.

  Nickolay Mladenov (PPE-DE). – Mr President, civilians are the silent victims of any conflict and we have an obligation – indeed, a duty – to stand up and protect them, and to live up to the covenant of Noble Peace laureate Elie Wiesel ‘never to be silent whenever and wherever human beings endure suffering and humiliation’.

I welcome, therefore, the initiative of this House to debate the situation in Gaza and also welcome the call in the resolution to call upon Israel to fulfil its obligations and guarantee the flow of humanitarian assistance to Gaza.

But today we also need to ask some other questions. We need to start by asking ourselves, why is it that every time there is a movement towards peace, the violence intensifies? Why it is that every time the voices of reason in Israel and the Palestinian territories seek a resolution, there are terrorist groups to take up arms against peace? Why is the fear of a two-state solution, of Israel and Palestine living side by side in peace, so dreaded by some that they prefer to inflict pain and suffering on their own people?

Let us not shrink from admitting that responsibility for the dire situation of the people living in Gaza also lies squarely with Hamas, who oppose a settlement, who call for the destruction of a legitimate member of the United Nations and who fear peace and promote violence.

In 2005, 400 rockets were fired into Israel from Gaza. In 2006, 1 726 rockets were fired. In 2007, it was close to a thousand rockets. Many have died, hundreds have been injured and thousands evacuated. They are also civilians: men, women and children.

On 26 September, 54 mortars were fired from Gaza on the Sufa crossing terminal. The next day, the crossing points to which the Commissioner was referring – Erez and Karem Shalom – were targeted. Indeed, they were targeted because Hamas believes that closing those points fulfils their goal of increasing the suffering, and of people siding with Hamas. That is the wrong strategy.

Let us acknowledge that there are forces of terror and forces of fear in Gaza who seek to profit from the suffering of their own people.

  Jamila Madeira (PSE). – Dizia esta semana Jimmy Carter numa entrevista, que desde Clinton nunca mais houve negociações bem intencionadas em matéria de Médio Oriente sob o patrocínio dos Estados Unidos da América. Por isso, a expectativa para esta Conferência Internacional em Novembro é alta. É a expectativa de que algo surja de concreto para que as soluções para o drama humano e para o conflito tenham efectivamente data marcada.

A situação humanitária em Gaza actualmente está degradante, vem-se degradando. Se há uns meses tínhamos uma verdadeira prisão a céu aberto cada vez mais fechada, cada vez temos isso a somar todos os dias as mortes, a fome, o medo, o poder das armas e o condicionar, dentro e fora dos muros, da vida de milhares de civis. A ajuda humanitária é urgente e à luz das convenções de Genebra é imperativo que Israel permita a sua efectivação. Que a circulação de pessoas e de mercadorias se torne uma realidade para não assistirmos ali, naquela área encostada ao mar, a um verdadeiro drama humano.

O fim da violência e a procura de um acordo baseado nas resoluções existentes que permita a convivência, em paz, entre palestinianos e israelitas são os objectivos maiores que nos deverão mobilizar na próxima Conferência Internacional para que não seja tarde demais.

  Christopher Beazley (PPE-DE). – Mr President, 20 years ago there were three theatres of violent conflict which caused worldwide consternation: South Africa, Ireland and the Middle East. In the first two there has been reconciliation and political transformation. In the Middle East there has been no progress made. Arguably, the situation is worse.

The humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza obliges us to act, conscious that reconciliation and political transformation are possible, are necessary, are expedient. But, equally, it is clear that the Palestinians and the Israelis cannot resolve their differences by themselves. They both resort to violence, which perpetuates the impasse.

The humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza marks one of the lowest points in the 60 years of continuous conflict in the Middle East. We call for security for the State of Israel and we call for security for the state of Palestine. Today we have neither. A new way, a new method is required.

It is clear that the United States Administration has the responsibility and the ability to exercise decisive influence on Israel, for example calling on them to dismantle the blockade of Gaza.

Just as the European Union must exercise equal guidance to the Palestinians to desist from violence, so that both may achieve their objectives for secure statehood through the only available effective means, which are peaceful means.

As this resolution will be forwarded to the parliaments of Palestine, Israel, Egypt and the Euro-Mediterranean Assembly, a constructive contribution could well be for us to support and promote a parliamentary dialogue to replace the existing war of attrition, which must be brought to an end so that it no longer disfigures the Holy Land.

  Eija-Riitta Korhola (PPE-DE). – Arvoisa puhemies, arvoisa komission jäsen, Gazassa vallitsee inhimillinen kärsimys. Sen humanitaarinen kriisi on laajentunut viime kuukausien aikana vastaansanomattomaksi katastrofiksi.

Enää ei ole kysymys siitä, että olisi pulaa vain peruselintarvikkeista. Palestiinan talous on romahtanut ja mahdollisuus elinkeinojen harjoittamiseen heikentynyt. Ihmisten arkielämä on murentunut palasiksi eivätkä avustusjärjestöt pysty toimimaan alueella. Asukkaat ovat loukussa saarron keskellä, ja kuten arvoisa komission jäsen totesi, Länsirannalla uhkaavat samat ongelmat.

Gazan asukkaat ovat kriisin kummankin osapuolen epäonnistuneen politiikan uhreja. On aivan eri asia puhua Hamasista vihollisena ja terroristijärjestönä kuin julistaa koko Gaza vihollisalueeksi. On aivan eri asia puhua Israelista vihollisena kuin kieltäytyä yhteistyöstä peruspalvelujen tarjoajien ja kansainvälisten järjestöjen kanssa. Vaikka kriisin osapuolet ovat umpikujassa, vastuu humanitaarisista perusoikeuksista on kummallakin osapuolella.

Parlamentin ryhmien päätöslauselma on poikkeuksellisen puhdas mielenilmaus Lähi-idän kriisistä. Se on riisuttu kokonaan poliittisista taustavaikuttimista. Jäljelle on jäänyt Euroopan syvä huoli gazalaisten elämästä.

Arvoisa komission jäsen, haluan muistuttaa, että tämän saman huolen olemme ilmaisseet jo aiemmin tänä vuonna. Nyt emme voi olla kummankaan puolella, emme voi osoitella sormella. Viattoman kärsimys vieköön kaikki halut selitellä ja hakea oikeutusta Gazan tilanteelle. Vaadimme vain yhtä: kriisin osapuolet, antakaa meidän auttaa ja varsinkin auttakaa itseänne, sillä ihmisten hätä on suuri.

Arvoisa komission jäsen, vain tätä Euroopan vaatimusta Gazan tilanteesta toivon Teidän vievän kriisin osapuolille, arabiyhteistyökumppaneille ja kvartetille.

  Manuel Lobo Antunes, Presidente em exercício do Conselho Senhor Presidente, Senhora Comissária, Senhoras e Senhores Deputados, gostaria de agradecer a todos os vossos comentários e as vossas intervenções que ouvi atentamente. Entendemos que o apoio continuado e sustentado ao desenvolvimento económico dos territórios palestinianos é um dos alicerces para a paz. Há uma relação estreita entre a segurança, a estabilidade política e a economia. Desta forma não se alcançará paz e segurança sem que se construa uma base económica sólida e duradoura a par de um processo de paz que seja um processo de paz credível.

Todas estas iniciativas reflectem o nosso empenho em auxiliar e contribuir para melhorar as condições de vida da população palestiniana da Cisjordânia, mas também em Gaza. São esforços que queremos manter e estamos confiantes que a Conferência de Doadores, que está agendada para Dezembro em Paris, será a oportunidade de a comunidade internacional exprimir de uma forma, que seja uma forma concreta, o seu apoio à Autoridade Palestiniana e à população palestiniana em geral. É fundamental que a comunidade internacional não abandone a população de Gaza cuja situação humanitária, que é muito precária, não permaneça um factor político de instabilidade, tensão e contestação.

Gostaria de dizer que a União Europeia tem uma estratégia política para o processo de paz no Médio Oriente assente em pilares e em princípios que são sólidos e é por causa disso que a União Europeia é no processo político um interlocutor desejado. Temos também uma política consistente de ajuda àqueles que mais necessitam nos territórios palestinianos. Os números que eu próprio apresentei e que a Senhora Comissária também referiu julgo que são prova disso, indubitavelmente. Que outros sigam, a este respeito, o exemplo da União Europeia!

  Benita Ferrero-Waldner, Member of the Commission. Mr President, we all know that the situation in Gaza is dramatic. However, we also know that, even if we are donating a lot of humanitarian aid, in the end we also have to find a political solution. I said before, and the President-in-Office has mentioned now, that this international meeting is a very important occasion. We have all clearly stated that it cannot be just a photo opportunity. It has to be a substantive meeting, at which we hope the negotiations and personal talks between Prime Minister Olmert and President Abbas indeed materialise into an important initial document, not least on the very difficult issues, knowing that from then onwards working groups will have to take ideas further.

We all know that there are many possible alternative solutions on the table. At the same time, until now, there has for a very long time been no possibility of getting the two parties together at such an international gathering with the support of the European Union, with the support of the US, Russia and the United Nations, and also with the backing of the Arab League.

It is very important that this time the Americans too have said that they are also ready to invite the so-called ‘follow-up group’ of the Arab League, including Syria and Saudi Arabia. That shows there is a certain opening-up.

Having said that, we also know very clearly, and this was apparent from the second meeting we had, the Ad Hoc Liaison Committee meeting, that we cannot only have political negotiations. We also have to make a change on the ground. That is, indeed, essential. It is about promoting economic development, and this is part of Tony Blair’s mandate, in which we also want to support him as much as we can because this is a possibility and an opportunity that we have to seize.

We of course know, as he does too – I have had lengthy discussions with him – that the pre-conditions for economic recovery, as the World Bank has also clearly mentioned, are an improvement in movement and access, promotion of the private sector in Gaza, which must remain part of the economy there, and of course also promoting things like good governance. What we want to do is create a viable Palestinian state for when things are, so to speak, ripe in the political sphere.

I agree that we cannot have a ‘quick fix’ but, at the same time, what we do need now is a negotiation process that will finally start, and quick-start projects. This is an area that we are already preparing, so that things are ready after the international meeting and maybe after or at the moment of the pledging conference. We are considering projects – which, by the way, have been selected and supported by us and also by Tony Blair – such as projects for refurbishing schools, through which people see something is being done on the ground.

There are also many other projects that we are studying at the moment, in trying to find the right answers, and for which, of course, we also need Israel’s support.

It is also clear that Israel’s security concerns have to be taken into account. But, at the end of the day, we have to find a political solution, and it is President Abbas who is the elected President of all Palestinians. Therefore, we now have to give him credit and work with him and support him.

I want to thank you also for having very generously given the Commission the possibility, for 2008, of straight away having EUR 10 000 more in the budget for the Palestinians. We will definitely need this and it will be particularly important for our pledging conference.

Let me also say that we are not only supporting Christians – this was mentioned by Mr Belder – but are also supporting the most vulnerable sectors of the Palestinian population, of which some, but not all, are Christian. Our criterion is need, not religion, as I mentioned before.

Let me say finally that we are very much aware of what many of you have said. We have analysed the situation. The only course is to try to come up with political solutions, while at the same time trying to mitigate the suffering as much as we can.

  Przewodniczący. Otrzymałem projekt rezolucji⁽¹⁾ złożony zgodnie z art. 103 ust. 2 Regulaminu.

Zamykam debatę.

Głosowanie odbędzie się jutro, tj. 11.10.2007r.

Oświadczenia pisemne (art. 142)

  David Martin (PSE), in writing. – I join others in calling on Israel to fulfil its obligations under the Geneva Conventions to guarantee the flow of humanitarian aid, humanitarian assistance and essential services, such as electricity and fuel, to the Gaza Strip. Israel needs to lift the blockade of the Gaza Strip, and ensure the movement of people and goods at Rafah, in compliance with the Agreement on Movement and Access and the EU Border Assistance Mission, as well as the movement of goods at Karni. All the Union’s institutions, including the Council, the High Representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy and the Commission must face up to their full responsibility on the implementation of this Agreement.

Finally, I echo the call on Israel to guarantee the flow of financial assets to the Gaza Strip, which has been suspended since 25 September 2007, given that the lack of access to any financial assets has a serious negative impact on the economic, social and daily life of the Palestinian people.