Le Président. – L'ordre du jour appelle maintenant quatre propositions de résolution sur le Pakistan⁽¹⁾.

  David Martin (PSE), author. – Mr President, let me start by expressing my sympathy to the victims of the horrific bomb attack in Karachi. Our thoughts go out to all of those who were affected by that dramatic action.

Pakistan is a nation which we in Europe should care deeply about. It is a great trading nation, it is an exporter of people, not least to this continent, and it is a vital ally in the fight against terrorism. It is a matter, therefore, of great sadness that, in its 60-year history, Pakistan has failed to become a true democracy; but, on the other hand, we should be encouraged by the fact that it has not become a theocracy or even a permanent military dictatorship. Once again in Pakistan, the window is opening for democracy.

We await the outcome of the court ruling on the legality of the President’s election. We call on President Musharraf to accept the outcome if it goes against him, but I also call on people in Pakistan and throughout the world to accept the ruling of the Court if it rules in favour of the President. I think it is the only basis on which we can move forward in the country.

In relation to the election in January, I hope that the Government will pursue and continue to prepare for that election, and will make it possible for Ms Benazir Bhutto to campaign in a secure fashion. In saying that, I know we imply that the Government was behind the bombing; I do not believe that, but we need to make sure that the security of all the candidates is guaranteed and the Government does its best to protect Ms Benazir Bhutto. I also believe that Mr Sharif should be allowed to return to the country and campaign if he so wishes, and again have his security guaranteed.

The military should stand back during the whole period of the election campaign, and I hope, before January – and, indeed, before campaigning begins – that the President will get himself out of uniform and turn his country into a true civilian government. That is the best hope for the future of Pakistan, and it is the best hope for relations between Europe and Pakistan: that we get a democratically elected parliament in January, with the President out of uniform, in ‘civvies’.

  Eva-Britt Svensson (GUE/NGL), författare. – Tack herr talman! Jag måste först med sorg i hjärtat konstatera att vi månad efter månad här i parlamentet måste ta ställning till olika resolutioner eftersom så stora delar av vår omvärld inte respekterar medborgerliga fri- och rättigheter och bryter mot grundläggande mänskliga rättigheter. Jag måste säga det, eftersom jag tycker att det är så fruktansvärt att det bara pågår och pågår. Vi talar här i parlamentet om detta, vi talar i så många sammanhang om detta, och ändå fortsätter det.

När det gäller Pakistan som i den resolution som vi diskuterar nu vill jag säga att GUE/NGL-gruppen stöder resolutionen i sin helhet. Resolutionen ställer ett stort antal men mycket berättigade krav på regeringen i Pakistan. Vi i omvärlden kan inte stillatigande se militärregimens inflytande och bestämmande över alla samhällsområden. Makten måste överföras till en civil demokratisk regering. Vi måste stödja alla frivilligorganisationer, alla som arbetar för de demokratiska fri- och rättigheterna. Jag vill särskilt betona betydelsen av punkt 16 i denna resolution. Där uttrycker parlamentet sin stora oro över att en stor del av Pakistans kvinnor inte kan delta i den demokratiska processen. Människor förtrycks i Pakistan av militärregimen p.g.a. religion, men vi får heller inte glömma det förtryck som en stor del av Pakistans kvinnor utsätts för. Vår grupp vill kraftigt stödja hela resolutionen. Tack!

  Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE), Autor. – Señor Presidente, yo también quiero decir que a pesar de que lógicamente la principal responsabilidad para resolver la situación incumbe a las autoridades pakistaníes, no por ello tenemos que olvidar que la Unión Europea tiene y, sobre todo los países miembros, los Estados miembros, tenemos una enorme responsabilidad, al menos para no empeorar la situación.

Y ello tiene que ver con la también incomprensible práctica, por su incompatibilidad con esta voluntad de resolver la situación, de seguir exportando o queriendo exportar armas a ese país.

Sólo por mencionar tres casos: el Gobierno del Reino Unido autorizó en 2006 la exportación de 15 000 rifles a la región, incluido Pakistán; Francia sigue queriendo vender a Pakistán misiles y radares para construir un avión de combate que está supuestamente elaborando ese país con China; y Alemania también ha sido responsable de la exportación de importantes cantidades de munición, armas y otro tipo de equipos militares.

Yo creo que, en ese sentido, es incompatible el querer resolver la situación en Pakistán y al mismo tiempo alimentarla con esas políticas. Por eso sugiero y pido a mis colegas que apoyen la enmienda en la que pedimos que se suspenda todo tipo de exportación de armas y equipo militar hasta que se garantice que éstas no van a ser usadas para vulnerar los derechos humanos.

  Charles Tannock (PPE-DE), author. – Mr President, last week’s suicide bomb blast in Karachi reminded us of just how perilously close Pakistan has come to anarchy. The prospect of a nuclear-armed Pakistan becoming a rogue state controlled by Islamist fanatics is, quite frankly, terrifying.

I am not especially a fan of Benazir Bhutto, whose period in office as Prime Minister was marked by widespread corruption, but, ultimately, a democratic and secular-leaning government under civilian control is always preferable to a military dictatorship, compromised in this case by its links to Islamist parties and the Afghan Taliban. President Musharraf is supposed to be our ally in the war on terror; sometimes I wonder how committed he is to rooting out terrorism in his own country.

Hopefully, Ms Bhutto’s return to Pakistan may be a fillip for human rights now. One major concern is the ongoing repression of religious minorities, including Christians, Hindus and Ahmadi Muslims. If she is to be taken seriously as a progressive leader of a more modern Pakistan, she must make sure that Pakistan respects its international obligations under human rights conventions.

But, while Pakistan faces many challenges, we should recognise that some progress is being made in some areas. The economy continues to grow, and Pakistan has also engaged in confidence-building measures with India with regard to the dispute over Jammu and Kashmir.

One question which remains totally unanswered is how, legally, the Pakistani Government, in spite of a Supreme Court judgment permitting former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif to return from exile to Pakistan, deported him immediately to Saudi Arabia. How, in international law, can a government deport one of its own citizens? Nawaz Sharif may yet have a vital role to play in re-establishing multiparty civilian democratic politics in Pakistan.

  Bernd Posselt, im Namen der PPE-DE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Wir müssen Pakistan sehr differenziert sehen. Es ist ein großes, wichtiges Land mit einer schwierigen Geschichte. Es ist als Staat, als Heimat für die muslimischen Einwohner Indiens künstlich entstanden, also ist seine Identität natürlich muslimisch und die können wir ihm jetzt nicht vorwerfen. Das war quasi die Ursache seiner Gründung.

Das heißt nicht, dass wir nicht gegen islamistischen Extremismus kämpfen, aber das tun die Pakistanis selbst in erheblichem Umfang auch. Pakistan war ein wichtiger Verbündeter gegenüber der sowjetischen Okkupation Afghanistans, gegenüber dem kommunistischen China, gegenüber sowjetischer Einflussnahme in Indien, die es lange Zeit gegeben hat. Es war ein wichtiger strategischer Faktor für den Westen.

Auf der anderen Seite hat dieses Land natürlich innere Schwierigkeiten, die wir sehen müssen: Eine komplizierte, heterogene Bevölkerungsstruktur, ethnisch und religiös, eine große Armut und natürlich auch die Notwendigkeit, Demokratie und Rechtsstaatlichkeit zu stärken. Auf diesem Wege müssen wir dieses Land natürlich massiv unterstützen, freie Wahlen und eine unabhängige Justiz stärken, die Militärs ermutigen, nach und nach die Macht in die Hände von gewählten Politikern abzugeben, und vor allem – wie Charles Tannock gesagt hat – den Weg der Entspannung mit dem Nachbarn Indien weiterzugehen.

Hier gibt es ermutigende Zeichen, und diese Zeichen zu stärken und gleichzeitig auch kritisch zu sein, das ist die Aufgabe einer ausgewogenen Pakistan-Politik.

  Sarah Ludford, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Mr President, the Pakistani people do not deserve military dictatorship, violence and lawlessness. Therefore, one of key articles in this resolution is the one which reaffirms our solidarity with the people of Pakistan, who share the objectives of democratic governance and transparent, accountable rule, and who act with courage and determination in the face of terrorist and criminal violence.

That is, of course, why we put the stress on the need for a return to democracy and civilian government with free and fair elections in January as being the only way to answer the challenges of Pakistani society.

At the same time, we also stress the need to remove the militarisation of Pakistani society and deplore the failure of President Musharraf to stand down as army chief, as he promised he would. The rule of law is extremely uneven in Pakistan. There have been some encouraging developments at times, but these are also accompanied by some very repressive judgments. This falls particularly hard on minorities, religious and otherwise, as well as on women. We rightly call for improvement in that area.

This as well, of course, as deploring the suicide bombing and the 140 victims and 500 injured last week. I fear that these could become a pretext for restricting political activity, because already there has been an announcement by the Government that political parties will only be allowed to hold meetings in well-secured parks and public grounds rather than organise processions. One could see how that might be made a pretext.

Finally, one of the more close-to-home reasons for my wanting Pakistan to fight both extremism and militarisation, and to return to the rule of law, is the impact on British people of Pakistani origin, with the calls, for instance, for profiling or for visa requirements for the United States. It would remove that threat to people like my constituents if Pakistan were to be a democratic society.

  Ryszard Czarnecki, w imieniu grupy UEN. – Panie Przewodniczący! Dziś w telewizji kolejna informacja o kolejnym zamachu w Pakistanie, o kilku ofiarach śmiertelnych. To znów jest „niekończąca się opowieść”. Dlaczego się tym zajmujemy? Także w imieniu europejskich podatników. Przypomnijmy, że Unia Europejska przekazuje Pakistanowi znaczące fundusze na opiekę zdrowotną, na walkę z ubóstwem i na edukację. W związku z tym mamy prawo interesować się, co w tym kraju – po części utrzymywanym z pieniędzy naszych wyborców – się oczywiście dzieje.

Chciałbym zwrócić uwagę na aspekty, o których nie była tu mowa. Przede wszystkim na to, że w Pakistanie są prześladowane i dyskryminowane mniejszości religijne, myślę to o chrześcijanach, a także o hinduistach, o sikhach i o buddystach. Wydaje mi się, że warto ten aspekt podkreślać – on jakby trochę niknie w cieniu tych zamachów i tragicznych ofiar, ale jest on czymś stałym.

Chciałbym również podkreślić – była już o tym mowa – że występuje tam dyskryminacja kobiet. Są specjalne dekrety hudud, które temu służą. Trzeba to również napiętnować i cieszę się, że robimy to ponad podziałami.

  Koenraad Dillen, namens de ITS-Fractie. – Voorzitter, natuurlijk hebben wij allemaal onze afschuw uitgesproken over de gruwelijke aanslagen die vorige week in Pakistan hebben plaatsgevonden, en die, zoals de vorige spreker zei, een niet-stoppend verhaal zijn.

Maar dat mag ons niet van de essentie weerhouden om erop te blijven wijzen dat Pakistan natuurlijk een militaire dictatuur is, dat in het officiële Pakistan de mensenrechten op grote schaal geschonden worden en dat de leider er nog altijd boven de wet staat. Pakistan is echter ook een strenge islamitische staat waar geen plaats is voor anders gelovigen of godsdienstige minderheden en het land beschikt, zoals al gezegd is, over atoomwapens.

Misschien - maar misschien mag dat niet gezegd worden - dreigt er wel een groter gevaar vanuit Islamabad dan vanuit Teheran - ik weet het niet. Ik heb met Pakistan ook een beetje een déjà vu-gevoel. Want net zoals in vele andere islamitische landen - zoals destijds bijvoorbeeld Algerije - is het zo dat militaire dictaturen of regimes waar het leger een overheersende rol speelt, de islamfundamentalisten ervan weerhouden om de macht over te nemen. Meer democratie betekent jammer genoeg vaak meer islamfundamentalisme, en paradoxaal genoeg ook minder democratie. Dit is een dilemma dat we niet zomaar kunnen oplossen.

  Marios Matsakis (ALDE). – Mr President, the murderous attack on unsuspecting supporters welcoming back Ms Benazir Bhutto in Karachi on 18 October has been another callous terrorist act against the prospects of bringing about democratic change in Pakistan.

The international community watched in horror as more innocent civilians were sacrificed in a nation where the dictatorial regime of General Musharraf is dragging the country into a state of fear and breakdown of law and order. This brutal individual, with his corrupt governing group of associates, is a cancerous infliction on the people of Pakistan. Regrettably, he is still in power, largely because he is supported by the West, especially the USA, but certainly also by one or two EU Member States.

The time has now come when the West must immediately pull the carpet from under Mr Musharraf’s feet and provide support, not for him, but for the democratic reform forces in Pakistan.

  Benita Ferrero-Waldner, Member of the Commission. Mr President, as Pakistan prepares for important parliamentary elections, the situation is, as we all know, very difficult and preoccupying, and I, also, like many of you, have to express that I was deeply shocked by the heinous bomb attack and assassination attempt in Karachi, when Ms Benazir Bhutto returned to the country last week, and also by the terrible loss of life, which has affected so many innocent people. We would like to extend our full sympathy to the families of the victims, and we also appeal to the Pakistani authorities to bring those responsible to justice.

This attack on a peaceful gathering has clearly demonstrated, once again, all the dangers of terrorism and fundamentalism to the people of Pakistan. Ms Bhutto was right in describing this horrible event as a blow against democracy, particularly in the present electoral context of the country.

Parliament’s wish to express solidarity with the people of Pakistan is both very relevant and timely. We in Europe should encourage a more open, democratic society and, of course, a strong civil society in Pakistan.

It is also of fundamental importance that the elections should then provide maximum democratic legitimacy to the incoming assemblies, and the vote must be democratic, transparent and giving equal opportunities to all the political contestants.

As you are well aware, it is one of those countries where we might envisage a possible election observation mission. In this context, my services carried out an exploratory mission in June, and they identified, I have to say, important shortcomings in the framework and the conditions for elections, including concerns about the independence of the Election Commission, the completeness and the accuracy of the voter register, restrictive candidature provisions, as well as lack of transparency in the results process.

However, with urgent political will, there is still time to improve a number of these problematic areas and, therefore, I have not yet taken a full decision on whether we will deploy a fully-fledged election observation mission. I really have to see the aforementioned elements.

I believe that the majority of people in Pakistan would like to see a moderate, stable and democratic Pakistan, and we should support them in achieving this aim. We are doing a lot, for instance, on the trade side, in order to help people to get out of poverty, but we also do a lot on the education side, in order not to have pupils and young children being educated in the madrasahs and being educated towards extremism and fundamentalism. But we should also support this because it is of crucial importance, as has been said, for the whole region, including neighbouring countries like important Afghanistan.

Therefore, we have every reason to stay engaged. This is what we are trying to do and, therefore, this debate is a very timely one.

  Le Président. – Le débat est clos.

Nous voterons sur ce thème à l'issue de nos débats, tout à l'heure.

Déclarations écrites (article 142)

  Eija-Riitta Korhola (PPE-DE), kirjallinen. – Arvoisa puhemies, tahdon ensiksi kiittää arvoisia kollegoita tuesta Pakistanin nostamiseksi kiireellisen päätöslauselman aiheeksi. Juuri demokraattisten voimien kansansuosio ja ihmisoikeuksien selkeä korostaminen – eikä armeija – ovat vahvin este radikaaliryhmien valtaannousulle. Siksi ne tarvitsevat nyt tukeamme, samoin kuin uskonnolliset vähemmistöt.

Kokemukset ihmisoikeustyöstä osoittavat, että uskonnonvapaus on tärkeä ihmisoikeustilanteen indikaattori, eräänlainen lakmus-testi. Ongelmat näkyvät ensimmäiseksi uskonnollisten ryhmien asemassa, puutteina sananvapaudessa ja kokoontumisvapaudessa. Demokratian tila ja vähemmistöjen asema korreloivat: siellä, missä kansalaisten osallistumismahdollisuudet ovat huonot, myös vähemmistöt kärsivät.

Pakistanin erityisongelmana nostettakoon esille jumalanpilkkaa koskevan lain väärinkäyttö uskonnollisia vähemmistöjä vastaan. Kyseessä pitäisi olla uskonnollisten arvojen suojaaminen, ei aktiivinen toisinuskovien vainoaminen. Vaikka laki ei sisällöltään kohdistu tiettyjä uskonnollisia ryhmiä vastaan, lainkäytön arkipäivä on toisenlainen: kuolemantuomioita langetetaan suhteessa eniten vähemmistöille. Juridinen uudistus on välttämätön.

Vain demokratia tarjoaa tähän mahdollisuuden. Musharrafin valitettava päätös pitää kiinni asemastaan armeijan ylipäällikkönä on leimannut ja heikentänyt Pakistanin yhteiskunnallista kehitystä viime vuodet. Yhteiskunnan asteittainen militarisoituminen on ollut valitettavaa.

Toisaalta me ilmaisemme tukemme Pakistanille kamppailussa talebanisaatiota vastaan. Tunnemme solidaarisuutta niitä pakistanilaisia kohtaan, joita viime viikon tuhoisa pommi-isku koskettaa.

Olin viime kuussa henkilökohtaisesti tutustumassa Pakistanin poliittiseen tilanteeseen. Minulla oli kunnia tavata eri puolueiden edustajia, senaattoreita ja parlamentaarikkoja. Erityisesti haluan kuitenkin mainita All Pakistan Minorities Alliancen, jonka merkittävä työ useiden vähemmistöryhmien puolestapuhujana ansaitsee ulkomaailman huomion ja tuen.