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Kolmapäev, 6. juuli 2011 - Strasbourg Uuendatud versioon

10. Olukord araabia maailmas ja Põhja-Aafrikas - Olukord Jeemenis - Olukord Süürias (arutelu)
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  President. − The next item is the joint debate on the statement by the Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy on the situation in the Arab world and North Africa, Syria and Yemen.

 
  
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  Catherine Ashton, Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. − Mr President, the last time I spoke in this Parliament in early May, I said that statements should, and could, be made but that the priority was action.

You will remember that I announced my intention to establish a European Union office in Benghazi. The European Union flag now flies above the courthouse in the newly-named Freedom Square: a symbol not just of our solidarity with its people, but of our practical commitment.

The office is now up and running and experts are arriving each week, working to see how we can support the security needs of the people and build the capacity of civil society. Last week my team was in New York, coordinating our work on Libya with the UN.

Outside the courthouse in Freedom Square, I met some of the people who have been bringing democracy to life in Libya. They thanked me, they thanked you and they thanked the European Union. They know that we will stay with them over time. Today I am sure you join me in saluting again the enormous courage of the Libyan people, whether in Benghazi, Misrata, the Western Mountains, Tripoli or in the South.

We have stepped up sanctions to stop arms and money reaching the regime. We have provided almost EUR 140 million of humanitarian assistance to those most in need. We continue to work for a political resolution to the conflict, in the Contact Group – which will meet in Istanbul this week – and in the Cairo Group, where at our instigation we continue to work with the UN Secretary General and the Special Envoy, Mr Al Khatib, the Arab League, the African Union and the Organisation of the Islamic Cooperation, where we prepare for the days, weeks and months after Gaddafi leaves.

Actions must be rooted in strategy. The EU was the first to offer a serious response to the Arab Spring, with our partnership communication in March 2011. Two months later, we launched a new and ambitious European neighbourhood policy. I am delighted to have Stefan Füle with me today – my close and trusted partner in conceiving this new policy and on ensuring delivery on our promises.

You know the core principles of the policy: mutual accountability; individual approaches to individual countries depending on circumstances and aspirations and offering more support for more reform. In Stefan’s words: ‘more for more’.

It has financial backing to match, in the form of an extra EUR 1.2 billion for the next two years, on top of the EUR 5.7 billion already pledged – so, nearly EUR 7 billion. To this we should add a sum in the region of EUR 7-8 billion, the result of the concerted efforts I initiated to unlock new investment funds from the European Investment Bank and the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development.

The goal is clear: the promotion of what I call ‘deep and sustainable democracy’ and – with it – economic prosperity. We know full well that democracy is hollow without food, safety, and jobs. So now is the time for all of us – for the institutions and the Member States – to deliver on those shared objectives.

Beyond the new policy, I have taken two further regional initiatives since we last met. First, to enhance our effectiveness, presence and visibility, I have appointed an EU Special Representative for the Southern Mediterranean: Bernardino León. His task will be to assist us in strengthening the EU’s political influence in the region – in dialogue with governments, civil society and international organisations – and to cooperate closely with the European Parliament.

Second, I have established a Task Force to draw together our work and bring in the European Investment Bank, the EBRD, other international financial institutions and other international partners, to turn commitments into reality, to synchronise and work closely together. That reality is about the democracy and the economy we wish to see on the ground.

In Tunisia and Egypt we see the evidence of the economic upheavals of the last months. When I was in Egypt a few days ago, I talked to shopkeepers, to people in the streets and to people running hotels. All tell me the same story: that revenues in tourism and foreign direct investment have fallen and that they need support to revive and sustain the economy.

That is why, for instance, we are supporting a major Egyptian social housing initiative, and why we are launching a major programme to support the poorest areas in the greater Cairo region, as well as a EUR 20 million programme to support Egyptian civil society. We are ready to help Egypt reform its security sector, and we have offered EU election observation and assistance and support for democracy.

I talked with Deputy Prime Minister El Gamal, who is leading the electoral process and the drafting of the constitution. An eminent lawyer, it falls to him to sort out a constitution that, in my words, will be the ‘guardian for the people’.

Similarly, in Tunisia, I met with Foreign Minister Kefi on Friday. Support for civil society and for the preparation of October’s Constituent Assembly elections is well under way. We have been asked to deploy an election observation mission and will do so. Security reform and regional development programmes are also in motion.

The government in Tunisia, meanwhile, advances its own reform agenda. We applaud the consensus that was reached on the date for the elections and the fact that the principle of male-female parity for the lists of candidates has been retained.

I am concerned that the voice of women should continue to be heard and their engagement certain. There is a fear, expressed to me, that, having taken part in their revolutions, their place in their future is not guaranteed. We need to support them: practically, by offering our resources, and politically by making it clear that we expect to see their engagement. A few weeks ago we funded a conference with UN Women in Tunisia to bring together women across the region to consult and gain strength from each other.

There is of course more to do – and this morning I have issued a statement of concern on the recent arrests of women journalists, artists and women’s rights defenders in Iran.

But perhaps our greatest concern is for the people of Syria, who are denied the right to play their part in the charting their country’s future. What began as small local demonstrations against corruption in the local communities has become a national outpouring, and it has been met with violence and repression.

Yesterday in Homa 1l people died, adding to the total of over 1500 civilians and 350 security personnel who have lost their lives. Ten thousand people have been detained. We condemn without reservation those acts of violence and repression.

Since we last met, I have increased our sanctions twice. I have continued to make our voice heard, worked with our international partners and sought action at the Security Council with the objective of sending a single message: to stop the violence, create the dialogue, and prepare for change.

President Assad’s promises of reform and dialogue remain weak. Just recently he announced that a committee will meet to prepare the framework for a dialogue. But let us be clear: any dialogue has to be inclusive, and that means the opposition taking part and all participating without fear.

Our EU delegation remains on the ground in Damascus, meeting every day with individuals and groups, working with other representatives and sending out our messages.

Our delegation in Ankara has been visiting the refugees who have arrived over the border in Turkey in their thousands. I have been in close touch with Foreign Minister Davotoglu of Turkey to offer support in the future, should they need that, and to discuss with him the political situation.

That instability in Syria has echoes in Lebanon. We are following the indictments of the special tribunal and must now carry forward its work.

That brings us to the search for peace in the Middle East, between Israel and Palestine. The changes in the surrounding neighbourhood, the speech of President Obama in May, the moves towards Palestinian reconciliation, the approaching UN General Assembly: all those bring a renewed focus on the possibility of talks and a solution. I have worked tirelessly for this possibility – working closely with President Abbas, Prime Minister Fayyad and Prime Minister Netanyahu and with many others in the region, with our Quartet partners and with the Arab countries – to look for a strong and ambitious consensus, in which the EU plays the leading role this Parliament wishes us to play.

The UN, the US and Russia responded to my letter requesting a Quartet meeting, which will take place in Washington on Monday. That will build on the process that began with the Quartet meeting in Munich which I chaired in Munich earlier this year. Since then, the envoys have met intensively and, for the first time, with the negotiators from both sides.

I do not underestimate the challenge, but my objective is absolutely clear: to try to find a way to adopt a statement next week that will help the Israelis and Palestinians to bridge the gap and allow for a return to the negotiating table.

Many look to September and the prospects for a resolution. We do not yet know what a UN resolution might say and what reaction it might bring. But I am clear that my energies should focus on using this time to get the talks moving, and, on that, the European Union is united. We have a strong position from which to move forward, based on the Council conclusions, a united position.

I also understand very well the concerns for the people of Gaza, having visited twice and seen the situation for myself. I have consistently stressed the need for the crossings to open, to provide what people need, and to ensure the security that Israel needs.

It is there that our energies should lie. I am encouraged that, having spoken to the Prime Minister of Israel in the last few days, meetings are now taking place on the ground. But I do not underestimate the fact that there is much more to do. I thank Greece for its offer to route humanitarian aid to Gaza, in coordination with the UN.

I now want to turn to two kingdoms, Morocco and Jordan, where the EU supports and encourages the strong commitment to reform.

On 12 June 2011, King Abdullah of Jordan outlined ambitious reform proposals concerning political parties and the electoral process. I have been in regular contact with Foreign Minister Nasser Judeh with regard to this reform agenda, most recently during my last visit to Jordan two weeks ago. Finally, this past weekend, there was good news from Morocco, with a referendum endorsing the new constitution on Saturday.

The reforms proposed are a significant response to the legitimate aspirations of the Moroccan people. I now hope that Moroccan citizens will remain at the centre of the implementation process, and that the dialogue will now widen and strengthen. We are ready to give Morocco full support in this endeavour.

In Algeria, the state of emergency has been lifted, and the President’s promises of reform now need to become action – something I raised with Foreign Minister Medelci recently when we met at the EU-Algeria Association Council.

In Bahrain, we have continued to express concern at the persistence of human rights violations. Honourable Members will remember that I discussed this with the King of Bahrain in the Gulf a few weeks ago. We see trials lacking in due process, the handing down of death sentences and the disgraceful treatment of doctors who have tried to help those in need.

There may be some steps in the right direction. I saw that an independent international commission of inquiry into the events of the past few months has now been established. That is in response, in part, to the calls that we have made. But we need to remain vocal and strong in order that the national dialogue can finally get under way.

Finally, I turn to Yemen. Crippled by political stalemate and worsening humanitarian and economic conditions, the only way forward – as I discussed with the President before he was injured, and as we continue to send messages from our delegation – is a truly inclusive political transition, in line with what the Gulf Cooperation Council have put forward in their initiative.

We will continue to work closely with our partners, with the United States and with the Council, to try to unblock the situation and find a solution. As President Saleh begins to recover, he must transfer power and follow through on his commitment to the transition.

We have made it clear that we are ready, alongside our international partners, to provide further humanitarian, political and practical support. But I do not need to tell honourable Members just how difficult the situation is in Yemen and how concerned and alarmed we are by events on the ground. We are also ready to help prepare for elections and to establish a working Parliament there. But there is no question that, if Yemen is to move forward, that transition has to begin now.

I would like to close by thanking this Parliament for its steadfast support for the efforts to safeguard and promote these fundamental democratic values, rights and freedoms. Honourable Members, this Parliament is unique in what it can offer those in search of democracy. You are the representatives of democracy: you demonstrate the power of the citizen, and the qualities of open debate and freedom of expression.

Many of you know only too well the challenges of building democracy, fighting for causes and working for people. You have much to offer the people that I have met all over the region who long for greater dialogue and for the opportunity to meet with as many of you as they can. In this way, they can find out some of the practical ways in which democracy has taken root in your countries and in this European Union, and how you have overcome the challenges. I know that you will be generous in your support for those who are finding their own path to democracy and their own future.

As it was put to me in Benhgazi by one of the many young people I met, a young man who had been imprisoned by Gaddafi for eight years as a political prisoner: ‘we want what you have: democracy as everyday life’.

(Applause)

 
  
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  José Ignacio Salafranca Sánchez-Neyra, en nombre del Grupo PPE. – Señor Presidente, dicen que cuando le preguntaron al célebre pensador Ortega y Gasset qué distancia había que tomar de los acontecimientos para escribir la historia, dijo: una distancia en la que no se pueda apreciar el perfil de la nariz de Cleopatra.

Traigo, señora Ashton, esta anécdota a colación, no porque Egipto sea un país afectado por la primavera árabe, sino porque estamos viviendo en la Unión Europea una encrucijada histórica: falta de confianza en nuestro proyecto, crisis de la deuda, cuestionamiento de los logros fundamentales mejor valorados por nuestros ciudadanos –como es el espacio Schengen– y dudas sobre la capacidad de la OTAN.

Sin embargo, en los dos últimos años y medio hemos experimentado progresos tangibles: sus propias funciones de Alta Representante/Vicepresidenta de la Comisión y Presidenta del Consejo de Asuntos Exteriores, el alumbramiento del Servicio Europeo de Acción Exterior y la Comunicación conjunta sobre la política de vecindad renovada.

Dijo usted ayer –y yo lo comparto– que nuestros vecinos estarán siempre ahí. La pregunta es: ¿Y nosotros? ¿Estaremos a la altura de las circunstancias? ¿Estaremos a la altura de las expectativas de nuestros ciudadanos, que ven la política exterior como un termómetro indicativo del estado de la Unión Europea? ¿Podremos acompañar eficazmente estos procesos de transición en los países que son objeto de la Resolución que aprobaremos mañana?

Nosotros estamos apostando claramente, señora Ashton, por eso. Creemos y deseamos que usted tenga éxito en su trabajo, pero para eso tiene que actuar con el máximo perfil. No perfil físico, como en la respuesta de Ortega, sino perfil político, haciendo especial hincapié en encontrar el máximo común denominador y no el mínimo común múltiplo.

 
  
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  Véronique De Keyser, au nom du groupe S&D. – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Haute représentante, vous avez beaucoup travaillé, et vous avez tout notre appui.

Cependant, la résolution du Parlement porte aujourd'hui sur des pays qui sont quelque peu oubliés: la Syrie, le Bahreïn et le Yémen. En demandant cette focalisation, nous poursuivions un double objectif. Le premier est de briser le silence et d'éviter l'idée de double standard dans la région, et ces pays connaissent des répressions sanglantes. Le deuxième objectif, c'était, tout en restant ferme sur la condamnation des exactions qui sont commises là–bas, de laisser un espace politique, et vous allez le voir, pour d'éventuelles négociations.

Cette résolution est très largement soutenue par les groupes politiques, et moi, je me contenterai de deux ou trois remarques: la première est un peu ridicule, elle est d'ordre linguistique. Je n'aime pas, dans le titre, l'idée de monde arabe. C'est une connotation un peu postcoloniale, comme s'il y avait "un" monde arabe. La résolution le montre, et vous le dites aussi, il y a quantité de pays avec leur identité distincte, il y a des régions, comme le Maghreb, le Mashrek, et cette idée de monde arabe, je pense qu'il faut l'oublier.

Ma deuxième remarque concerne la Syrie. La répression qui sévit aujourd'hui dans ce pays est sanglante, cruelle, impitoyable; les enfants eux–mêmes ne sont pas épargnés. La résolution dénonce ces crimes, qui ne peuvent rester impunis. Elle s'inquiète des flots de réfugiés qui traversent aujourd'hui la frontière syro–turque; elle demande des couloirs humanitaires, l'intervention de l'ONU et elle soutient l'opposition émergente à l'extérieur et à l'intérieur du pays, mais elle en reste là.

Alors pourquoi? Pourquoi est–ce que nous n'avons pas été plus loin? Pourquoi est–ce que nous n'avons pas dit, par exemple, que nous voulions le départ de Bachar el-Assad, qui a déçu tous ceux qui avaient cru qu'il changerait le système répressif hérité de son père? Ce président semble avoir franchi une ligne rouge, qui est une ligne de non–retour. Eh bien, parce que nous voulions laisser la place à une négociation politique aux couleurs de l'Europe.

Madame la Haute représentante, la Syrie bascule dans la violence. Les minorités religieuses, et en particulier les chrétiens, se sentent aujourd'hui menacées par des extrémistes. N'hésitez pas à vous rendre à Damas. Je vous demande, Madame la Haute représentante, moins de distance, contrairement à mon collègue. Nous avons besoin ici d'un geste politique fort et d'une présence européenne de haut niveau sur place. Il reste peut–être encore une chance, je vous demande d'essayer de la saisir.

Ma troisième remarque est plus générale. Mon temps va être dépassé, mais je tiens à dire que nous soutenons le service pour l'action extérieure; nous avons de bien meilleures relations avec lui, mais il y a, aujourd'hui, une superposition des structures du haut représentant, de la task–force, etc. qui doit encore faire ses preuves. L'aide à ces pays constitue aujourd'hui un test, et je souhaite, bien entendu, que ces structures et le service pour l'action extérieure remportent haut la main le défi qui lui est lancé. Il y va de notre crédibilité.

 
  
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  Guy Verhofstadt, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Mr President, I would like to ask Baroness Ashton whether she has seen the shocking images on YouTube in the past two days that show a man in Syria filming demonstrations in a street full of homes. At one moment he sees a sniper from the presidential militia and is killed by this very same man, live, as he is filming. That is what you see on YouTube: his own death.

That man – and there are many cases like that – was killed because he was trying to make one thing clear: he was taking these pictures to put them on the Internet. He wanted everybody outside Syria to see what is happening in Syria, what continues to happen: a massacre of citizens with more than 1 500 deaths for the moment. In the outside world – let us be honest – we are watching and doing nothing, or almost nothing, to prevent it.

I know Syria is not Libya, so there is no front line to defend. What is happening there is completely different from what is happening in Libya. In that sense, Libya is maybe more difficult to tackle, but that does not mean we cannot do more than we are currently doing. We are waiting for a UN Security Council resolution, and that has been the case now for weeks and weeks. We are hoping for a breakthrough with Brazil, with Russia and with China on this issue, and it has not been forthcoming.

When we see, on the one hand, dramatic scenes taking place on the ground, live, and, on the other hand, Brazil, China and Russia blocking the Security Council, we have to imagine another other way and ask further questions. We have to do more on our side and not wait for a Security Council resolution which will not come in the next few days or even weeks.

I have a proposal. I think two things can be done in addition to what we have discussed up to now. First of all, we can extend the list of the people covered under sanctions. There is currently a list of 30 people, which has had to meet with the approval of the international community, or at least of the US and the European Union.

We have to extend sanctions to all the 200 families who are currently in power in Syria, and who still support Assad by earning money thanks to the regime. It is thanks to these 200 families that Assad is still there. It is thanks to these 200 families that the massacre is still going on, and it is thanks to these 200 families that – as we can see on the Internet – snipers are killing innocent people on the streets.

We can do more than waiting; waiting for weeks and weeks for a resolution that is not forthcoming in the Security Council. What we can do is target these people and extend the travel ban and asset freezing to these 200 families, who are very well known, and extend the list of 30. That is the first thing to do.

I have a second proposal: we should finally face up to reality. There is no front line to defend, so we cannot do the same thing as in Libya, but we should at least consider the possibility of creating a safe zone, what we call a ‘demilitarised zone’, on Syrian territory.

This is not wishful thinking, because it is currently under consideration in Ankara. This has already been done, in 1991 in Iraq – with the support of the US, you will remember – to protect the people living in the north of the country.

This is what we should do; otherwise we will continue to see what is happening now: more killings. We should do this as fast as possible. My proposal is: please stop waiting for unanimity – which will not come in the UN – and take the lead on these two additional initiatives.

 
  
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  Charles Tannock, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, six months after the start of the Arab Spring, the countries in the Middle East and North Africa remain in flux.

Egypt deserves credit for prosecuting former President Mubarak and his family for corruption. Its military has generally shown wisdom and restraint in its handling of the political vacuum in the country. The ECR hopes to see a new president emerge in September who can restore Egypt’s rightful place as leader of the Arab world. By the way, Ms de Keyser, there is an Arab world, there is also an Arab League, and that is the face for the Arab world.

After the elections, I hope that the Muslim Brotherhood will stick to their pledge to honour the concept of democratic pluralism and that Egypt will maintain the peace accords with Israel. These are vital for regional security. Egypt needs massive EU direct aid and loan finance now from the EIB and EBRD. I welcome Baroness Ashton’s initiatives in this area; we must help stabilise this key country’s economy.

Tunisia is also beginning to make tangible progress towards a more stable future, but remains destabilised by the ongoing upheavals in neighbouring Libya. It is essential for the credibility of the EU and for NATO – which is enforcing the UN Security Council Resolution 1973 – to end Gaddafi’s grip on power in Libya.

Having invaded Iraq in the name of banishing tyranny and championing democracy, we in the West can hardly leave the job half done in Libya; a wounded Gaddafi being allowed to stay in power would be a disaster as he would plot revenge against his own people and also Western targets.

In this context, I also call on Algeria to cease helping the Tripoli regime with supplies and free passage for mercenaries.

In Yemen, the uncertainty about the succession to President Ali Abdullah Saleh risks emboldening the al-Qa’ida terrorists in the country. He is now part of the problem and not the solution and he should stay in Saudi Arabia and sign the GCC-brokered agreement and pave the way for free elections and a successor.

The situation in Bahrain is also worrying, and I hope that the Sunni monarchy makes reformist concessions towards the opposition, mainly from the Bahraini Shia majority.

In Syria, President Bashar seeks to brutally crush all resistance to his autocratic Ba’athist rule. We cannot forget the principled stand by courageous unarmed protesters calling for a democratic post-Bashar Syria free of the malevolent influence of Iran and its support for Hezbollah and Hamas. The arrest and torture of children is particularly sickening in Syria and, although I too am concerned by reports of Salafist jihadi groups now joining the protesters, this cannot be used by the regime as an excuse to murder innocent protesters. I particularly fear now for the Christians and the Iraqi refugees on that territory.

I also welcome the constitutional reforms in Morocco to diminish the King’s powers, but hope the situation in Western Sahara can also be settled peacefully with the referendum for independence.

I welcome this week the independence of South Sudan, and hope that Khartoum, also a member of the Arab League, will not try to destabilise Africa’s newest nation, which needs all the help it can get from the European Union.

Lastly, I thank the High Representative and her staff for all their good work and commitment to supporting the Arab Spring and stabilising the EU southern neighbourhood.

 
  
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  Hélène Flautre, au nom du groupe Verts/ALE. – Monsieur le Président, c'est une énergie colossale que les peuples déploient en ce moment pour renverser les régimes liberticides qui les oppressent. Cette énergie force notre admiration et elle décoiffe pas mal de préjugés sur les prétendus atavismes du monde arabe.

Être à la hauteur, comme cela a été dit, de telles aspirations exige beaucoup de l'Union. Condamner les violences, soutenir les acteurs du changement, sanctionner les tyrans, remettre à plat les arrangements qui ont été négociés avec les pouvoirs déchus, assumer les conséquences humaines, politiques et économiques des bouleversements à l'œuvre, prévenir les tentatives de contre-révolution, limiter les causes de déstabilisation et refonder nos relations sur une base partenariale, c'est–à– dire réciproque, avec des partenaires qui seront désormais comptables vis-à-vis de leur population, c'est là une véritable révolution pour l'Union européenne.

Aujourd'hui, qui pense sérieusement que Bachar el-Assad est capable de lancer un processus politique qui impliquerait les acteurs démocrates du changement en vue de construire un état de droit? Moi pas et, je crois, peu de monde. Pourtant, cet appel à Bachar el-Assad à quitter le pouvoir ne figure pas dans notre résolution; pas plus qu'il n'existe, sauf preuve du contraire, une majorité pour qualifier les atrocités de ce régime contre des citoyens pacifiques de présumés crimes contre l'humanité, car tel est le cas, et exiger, par une résolution du Conseil de sécurité, la saisine de la Cour pénale internationale.

Je crois que nous n'avons pas épuisé les capacités diplomatiques. La Turquie peut être d'une aide précieuse dans cette affaire pour convaincre les pays réticents, qui ont été cités, notamment la Russie et le Brésil, mais aussi la Chine.

Assumer, c'est aussi protéger, et protéger, c'est réinstaller les réfugiés, activer la protection temporaire, secourir en mer. Voilà ce que l'Union devrait proposer, concrètement, aux réfugiés, au lieu d'organiser des réunions de crise au sommet pour remettre en cause l'acquis communautaire. Si l'Union veut être cohérente, il lui faut un mécanisme qui permette d'associer la société civile à toutes les étapes, à la définition des objectifs, des indicateurs, à la mise en œuvre, à l'évaluation des accords de l'Union avec nos futurs partenaires. Car c'est là qu'est le vrai changement pour l'Union européenne. Nos partenaires sont désormais comptables devant leur population, et leur population est avide d'exigences démocratiques.

Madame Ashton, vous aviez une intuition et une analyse justes, bien avant les révolutions. Au début de votre mandat, vous avez dit: "Le crédit de la politique extérieure de l'Union se joue dans son voisinage". C'est vrai! Si l'Union est au rendez-vous des aspirations démocratiques des peuples, son rôle dans la nouvelle géographie mondiale ne sera plus un point d'interrogation sur un tas d'angoisses. Mais aujourd'hui, dans cette situation, c'est bien le statut de l'Union européenne, dans le monde du vingt-et-unième siècle qui se dessine sous nos yeux, qui est en jeu.

 
  
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  Marisa Matias, em nome do Grupo GUE/NGL. – Senhora Ashton, eu começo por dizer que é óbvio que temos que continuar a dar apoio às revoluções democráticas que estão a acontecer nestes países. Não tenho muito tempo e, por isso, quero apenas deixar algumas notas. Em primeiro lugar, não nos podemos esquecer que as condições para a negociação, tendo em vista uma transição democrática e não a guerra civil, têm que ser definidas pelos povos que estão nestes países.

A situação da Síria é grave, isto aplica-se à Síria mas aplica-se também ao Iémen e ao Bahrein. Se queremos evitar a guerra civil, a última coisa de que estes países precisam é de ter a Europa a imiscuir-se nos seus assuntos internos e, sobretudo, e muito em particular, através da apresentação de soluções militares ou paramilitares. E, se digo isto, digo-o porque devemos repudiar totalmente o que se está a passar na Líbia. A NATO e as Nações Unidas ultrapassaram todas as resoluções, mesmo aquelas que foram votadas pelo Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas. É este silêncio em relação à Líbia, este repúdio que devemos fazer e é porque ele não consta desta resolução que eu não a posso subscrever.

 
  
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  Bastiaan Belder, namens de EFD-Fractie. – Voorzitter, in de vroege jaren vijftig hoopte de founding father van Israël, David Ben-Gurion, dat de regimewissel in Egypte de weg zou banen naar vrede met de Arabische wereld. Daarvoor stak hij ook openlijk zijn nek uit. Tevergeefs. Het Nasserregime en andere nieuwe militaire machthebbers in de regio bleken zelfs nog meer anti-Israël te zijn dan de gevallen monarchen.

Hoge vertegenwoordiger, Israëlische politici en analisten vrezen dat de hedendaagse 'Arabellie' (variant op de Arabische lente, maar nauwkeuriger) in 'het geschenk van de Nijl' zal uitlopen op een historische parallel met de jaren '50. Machtsinvloed van de Egyptische Moslimbroeders zal hun invloedrijke Palestijnse bondgenoten stellig sterken en elk vreedzaam vergelijk met de joodse staat blokkeren. Schat u, mevrouw de hoge vertegenwoordiger, de Egyptische regimewisseling soms positiever in voor de Arabisch-Israëlische relatie? Want niet alleen de Moslimbroeders, maar evengoed seculiere kopstukken als El Baradei en Amr Moussa boezemen Israëlische waarnemers weinig vertrouwen in voor de toekomstige betrekkingen tussen Caïro en Jeruzalem.

De lachende derde bij de partiële 'Arabellie' dreigt intussen de Islamitische Republiek Iran te worden. Een waar schrikbeeld, allereerst voor de regio, maar evenzeer mondiaal. Mevrouw de hoge vertegenwoordiger, hoe kan Europa dit scenario samen met de Verenigde Staten nog verijdelen?

 
  
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  Andreas Mölzer (NI). - Herr Präsident! Für viele arabische Länder mag es ja kein Zurück mehr zu den alten Zuständen geben. Wohin die Reise aber geht, ist sicherlich zumeist ungewiss. Anlass zur Hoffnung allerdings gibt etwa die Bevölkerung des Jemen, wenn Gruppen, die zuvor nie miteinander geredet haben, Seite an Seite ausharren.

Allein ein Präsidentenwechsel, wie ihn das Abkommen des Golfkooperationsrats vorsieht, würde aber am System nicht wirklich etwas ändern. Und dass ein Umsturz noch lange kein Garant für demokratische Zustände oder Religionsfreiheit für Minderheiten ist, zeigt Ägypten mit vermehrten Übergriffen auf Christen.

Generell ist nach der Euphorie des arabischen Frühlings in Ägypten und Tunesien bekanntlich Ernüchterung eingezogen, angesichts anhaltender Sicherheitsprobleme, wirtschaftlicher Schwierigkeiten und zäher Rückzugsgefechte des alten Regimes. Bis auf Marokko, dessen König bekanntlich beliebt ist, haben die arabischen Proteste in den anderen Ländern vor allem leere Versprechungen und Gewalt gebracht.

Die strategische Bedeutung Syriens darf meines Erachtens nicht unterschätzt werden. Wenn der arabische Frühling durch den iranischen Block gebremst würde, wäre dies ein verheerendes Signal. Es ist also vielleicht an der Zeit, dass der Westen endlich Assads Abgang fordert und Diplomaten abzieht.

Keineswegs verschlafen darf die EU auch die Gefahr neuer Flüchtlingsströme, selbst im Fall demokratischer Umwälzungen in der arabischen Welt. Hier gilt es bereits jetzt, Vorbereitungen zu treffen, um den auf uns zukommenden Problemen dann auch wirklich gewachsen zu sein.

 
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