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Středa, 14. září 2011 - Štrasburk Revidované vydání

11. Situace v Libyi (rozprava)
Videozáznamy vystoupení
PV
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  Presidente. − L'ordine del giorno reca la dichiarazione del Vicepresidente della Commissione/Alto rappresentante dell'Unione per gli affari esteri e la politica di sicurezza sulla situazione in Libia.

 
  
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  Mikołaj Dowgielewicz, President-in-Office of the Council. − Madam President, I have the pleasure of representing here the High Representative/ Vice-President Catherine Ashton, who cannot be in Strasbourg this afternoon. She is on a trip to the Middle East, as you probably know, to prepare for the UN General Assembly next week, so she has asked me to speak on her behalf and report back to her as soon as possible.


For Poland it is also an important signal that we take part in this debate on behalf of the High Representative, because Poland has been staunchly and seriously involved in the efforts of the international community to help Libya. You may recall that the first Foreign Minister who went to Benghazi was the Polish Foreign Minister, last May.

It is almost seven months since the revolution in Libya began. During this time the world has witnessed the extraordinary courage and determination of the people of Libya. We should take this opportunity to pay tribute to them.

Throughout these months, the EU has stood by the Libyan people and consistently demonstrated its support for their aspirations: democracy, justice and freedom to live their lives without fear.

The EU has focused its efforts on three main areas: first, the political and diplomatic arena; second, immediate support for those affected by the crisis and third, support for Libya as it moves into the post-conflict period.

At the beginning of the crisis an Extraordinary European Council was called, on 11 March, as a result of which the EU was able to articulate clear messages to the regime: the violence should stop immediately and Gaddafi should go. The legitimate aspirations of the Libyan people should be respected.

Since then, the EU has adopted a wide range of restrictive measures designed to ensure that money and arms do not reach the regime. Now that Gaddafi has fled Tripoli and many of his followers have dispersed, the focus today is on the progressive lifting of sanctions to allow the new authorities to meet urgent needs on the ground.

The EU has played a key role in the various international initiatives designed to bring about a resolution of the conflict. The High Representative participated in the various meetings of the International Contact Group on Libya and those of the so-called Cairo Group of international and regional organisations, which was established on her initiative. The EU will continue to engage energetically in the Friends of Libya Group established after the summit in Paris on 1 September.

In the past months we have also witnessed the considerable suffering of the Libyan people as a result of the actions of the regime. We have followed with profound concern the siege of Misrata, the violence in the streets of Tripoli and the flow of refugees from Libya into neighbouring Tunisia and Egypt.

The EU’s response has been substantial, rapid and effective. As a whole, the EU has provided more than €152 million in humanitarian assistance since the beginning of the crisis. For its part DG ECHO has deployed teams to Benghazi and to the Tunisian and Egyptian borders and, as from 28 August, to Tripoli too. As a result, the EU’s assistance has included help in the evacuation of more than 24 000 third-country nationals, including from Misrata, and the provision of assistance to those fleeing the conflict. It has also included emergency health assistance, help for the war-wounded, protection of the civilian population, including humanitarian mine action, and the provision of adequate logistics capacity, coordination mechanisms and air transport to deliver relief aid to the beneficiaries.

As early as May, the High Representative visited Benghazi and opened an EU office there. The EU office has allowed us to maintain direct contact with the National Transitional Council (NTC) as well as to coordinate European assistance on the ground together with those Member States present in Benghazi. We also identified, together with the NTC, areas where early support could be provided: the strengthening of civil society and the media, capacity building for the new authorities and security sector support. These activities were launched rapidly.

Mr President, honourable Members, events in the past few weeks have moved with breath-taking speed. The regime has collapsed and those around Gaddafi have fled. Colonel Gaddafi has been ousted from power but he retains influence to destabilise the country. According to NATO, he still represents a threat to civilians. We are following closely the negotiations between the NTC and Gaddafi loyalists in the few pockets of resistance.

Libya is entering a process of transition. The challenges that the interim authorities face are huge: ensuring stability; restoring public services and the public administration; launching a process of democratic transition; support for the economy, initiating a process of transitional justice, disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration.

The coming months will be critical. The EU has been planning its support for Libya in the post-conflict phase for some time. We have been guided in this by a number of principles, including Libyan leadership and the need to ensure close coordination through the UN with all international partners.

As in the aftermath of every conflict, the Libyan authorities are in need of funds to satisfy the provision of basic services to their population. In order to support them we have already de-listed 28 entities subjected to EU autonomous sanctions. We are working, both in Brussels and in New York, to obtain the release of remaining frozen Libyan assets as soon as possible.

We are already in close contact with the NTC’s Stabilisation Team and with the UN through the Secretary General’s Special Adviser on Post-Conflict Assistance. We already have staff on the ground in Tripoli and, together with partners, are beginning the process of assessment of needs in critical sectors identified by the NTC. Good international coordination will be essential to significantly reduce the risk of duplication of effort, and the risk of the Libyan authorities being overwhelmed during this important transition stage. I am pleased to say that we have already agreed a provisional division of tasks for the ‘first needs’ assessments in Libya with our Libyan and international partners.

Finally, Madam President and Honourable Members, I should like to thank the Parliament for its strong support in the past months. The statements made and the resolutions adopted by this House, as well as the concrete actions taken by many Members of the European Parliament, have been instrumental in developing Europe’s thinking and making our position heard.

 
  
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  José Ignacio Salafranca Sánchez-Neyra, en nombre del Grupo PPE. – Señor Comisario, si tomamos en consideración un plazo de seis meses para poner fin a una dictadura de 42 años, quizás pudiera parecer, en principio, que es un plazo relativamente corto. Si lo tomamos en consideración y lo valoramos con respecto a la pérdida de vidas humanas, el sufrimiento causado y los retrasos que van a sufrir varias generaciones, creo que haríamos un análisis sustancialmente distinto.

En todo caso, con la caída del régimen del Coronel Gadafi queda todo por hacer: la ayuda humanitaria, garantizar la seguridad, el orden y el control en las fronteras, no sólo la reconstrucción económica sino también un proceso de transición en circunstancias muy difíciles, y también garantizar que no prevalezca la impunidad por los crímenes cometidos.

El representante de la Presidencia en ejercicio ha dicho —y concuerdo con su apreciación— que tanto en el marco de la OTAN como en el de la Unión Europea, gracias especialmente a la acción de determinados Estados miembros —como ha sido el caso de Francia y del Reino Unido— y, sobre todo, gracias a la determinación y al coraje del pueblo libio, se ha podido acabar con este odioso régimen.

Pero hay que decir también que la Unión Europea, tras algunas vacilaciones iniciales y en el ámbito de sus competencias, ha actuado pronto y ha actuado bien. Y es verdad, señor Ministro, que este Parlamento fue la primera instancia que pidió, gracias a una invitación del Grupo Liberal —hay que decirlo así—, el reconocimiento del Consejo Nacional de Transición. Y hay que decir también que Francia fue el primer país en reconocer al Consejo Nacional de Transición. Ahí están los 154 millones de euros de la ayuda humanitaria y la apertura de la Oficina en Bengasi y en Trípoli, que tiene que ser elevada rápidamente a la condición de delegación y para la que hay que nombrar rápidamente a un jefe de delegación con auctoritas que asuma la importante tarea de coordinar la acción de la Unión Europea con sus Estados miembros y también con la Oficina que el Secretario General de las Naciones Unidas ha pedido a la Oficina integral, al Consejo de Seguridad.

Señora Presidenta, señor Ministro, señor Comisario, Señorías, hace tan sólo tres días en este Hemiciclo hemos conmemorado, como en otros lugares del planeta, el décimo aniversario del salvaje atentado contra las Torres Gemelas. La Unión Europea tiene que hacer de la Primavera Árabe una de sus prioridades más absolutas por dos razones: en primer lugar, para estar a la altura de ese grito de libertad y de dignidad que recorre el norte de África y los países árabes y, en segundo lugar, para impedir que el fundamentalismo islámico radical anide en nuestro entorno más próximo, frustre los procesos de transición en curso en estos países y, sobre todo, impida que la libertad se vea nuevamente amenazada por la barbarie y por el fanatismo.

 
  
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  Ana Gomes, em nome do Grupo S&D. – Esperamos neste Parlamento que o conflito na Líbia esteja perto do fim. O corajoso povo líbio merece que o sofrimento causado por 42 anos de brutal ditadura e seis meses de guerra dê lugar a um país livre e democrático. Para tal, Khadafi e os seus homens de mão têm de ser encontrados e julgados.

A União Europeia, que já desde Maio, em boa hora, estabeleceu uma presença em Bengazi, foi rápida a agitar a bandeira em Trípoli logo após a libertação da capital. Deve agora também rapidamente descongelar os bens líbios referenciados, sob supervisão do Conselho de Segurança, e tratar de identificar outros recursos financeiros desviados pelo regime de Khadafi para que não alimentem a desestabilização do país e para assegurar a sua devolução às autoridades líbias.

A Alta Representante para a Política Externa e o Serviço Europeu para a Acção Externa têm de apressar-se a dar resposta a pedidos líbios de ajuda na governação interina e no processo de transição para a democracia, assegurando a indispensável coordenação entre Estados-Membros para que as agendas nacionais se não sobreponham a uma estratégia política coerente da própria União. E também para não deixar dúvidas sobre o respeito pela União Europeia pela soberania do povo líbio e ainda para viabilizar o papel coordenador que cabe às Nações Unidas na articulação das diferentes contribuições internacionais para o processo de reconstrução económica e institucional da Líbia.

Prioridade imediata para promover a segurança e a reconciliação na Líbia terá de ser certamente o desarmar e reinserir social e profissionalmente os civis que se viram obrigados a pegar em armas. A União Europeia pode oferecer a sua experiência e assumir um papel de relevo no esforço de desarmamento, desmobilização e reintegração e, portanto, no apoio à reforma do sector de segurança, bem como na preparação dos processos constitucional, eleitoral, construção do sistema de justiça, capacitação institucional da própria sociedade civil.

A credibilidade de um governo provisório líbio vai sobretudo depender da capacidade de cumprir as promessas de construir um Estado democrático, respeitador dos direitos humanos e das liberdades fundamentais de todos os cidadãos – líbios, mas também estrangeiros – e, designadamente, os migrantes que tanto sofreram no tempo de Khadafi e que continuaram até agora a sofrer, muitas vezes vendo-se injustamente acusados de ser mercenários ao serviço de Khadafi só pela sua cor da pele.

Por isso, saudamos as recentes declarações do Presidente do Conselho Nacional de Transição, Jalil, em Trípoli, anunciando que a Líbia será um país muçulmano moderado, e esperamos que isso signifique que a sharia, consagrada numa primeira declaração constitucional como fonte primordial da lei, seja interpretada de forma a assegurar integral respeito pela rule of law e pelos direitos humanos, em especial das mulheres e dos migrantes.

Esperamos neste Parlamento que o governo de transição lidere o processo de reconciliação nacional e, neste quadro, garanta a participação de mulheres e de jovens em todos os órgãos de decisão política e económica.

Nós, europeus, temos de tirar as lições necessárias do nosso passado na Líbia, como mau exemplo da política, ou melhor, da falta de política externa, através da colaboração de diversos governos europeus com o regime de Khadafi, quer trocando terroristas por contratos de petróleo, quer vendendo armas e fazendo outsourcing da tortura no quadro do programa das renditions da CIA.

Precisamos de uma nova política externa europeia baseada nos valores e nos princípios europeus e que responda aos desejos claros do povo líbio e de todos aqueles que no Mediterrâneo sul, nas diversas praças Tahrir, gritam por liberdade e dignidade.

 
  
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  Kristiina Ojuland, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Madam President, although Muammar Gaddafi's regime has finally been overthrown in Libya, the country lies in a devastating state after the civil war and is facing several problems as we speak.

The National Transitional Council (NTC) has taken on the responsibility of rebuilding a liberal and free Libya, where democratic ideas must be respected by everybody. It is a difficult mission, and I believe that we also have an extremely important role to play to ensure the endeavour is successful. We should support the implementation of democracy by every means, and oppose every action that obstructs it. We must support the creation of a liberal economy as well as a free society.

The economic recovery is pivotal in securing the country’s irreversible transition to democracy. Therefore, ALDE welcomes releasing frozen Libyan assets and lifting the EU sanctions. Thus, the future of trade relations between the EU and Libya can be based upon fair and liberal principles. The strategic economic sectors must be put to the service of the Libyan people, and oil and gas production have to be resumed in order to finance Libyan nation-building efforts.

The most pressing task for the new Libyan authorities is ending the violence and establishing the elementary basis for the rule of law. The stability and security of the country require the setting up of functioning state structures. From the experience of my own country, Estonia, I can say that building democratic institutions can take some time. On the one hand we need patience, but in parallel we need to have a clear commitment from the NTC to rebuild a new Libya based on the values of democracy, rule of law and respect for human rights.

 
  
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  Daniel Cohn-Bendit, au nom du groupe Verts/ALE. – Madame la Présidente, Messieurs les Présidents, je voudrais parler aussi bien de la Libye, de la Syrie que du Moyen-Orient, parce que je crois que, maintenant, tout est un peu mélangé.

Pour la Libye, la chose est, en fait, très simple pour l'Union européenne. L'Union européenne a bien réagi après avoir hésité: le Parlement européen – cela a été dit tout à l'heure – a quand même poussé à la reconnaissance, ce qui était bien. Aujourd'hui, nous devons continuer à mener un débat très ouvert et très sincère avec le nouveau gouvernement de transition qui va être nommé, car il est vrai que le problème est aujourd'hui – et il est le même en Égypte et en Tunisie – de savoir quelle sera la constitution de la Libye de demain? C'est un problème très difficile.

Je crois que nous ne pouvons pas imposer le concept de nos démocraties, mais en même temps, il est évident que l'Union européenne peut jouer un rôle positif, par l'aide économique, les investissements, et l'aide, non pas idéologique, mais technique, pour commencer à reconstruire un État qui n'existe pas.

Il est vrai que les partis politiques n'existent pas. Nous sommes dans un désert politique: il y a des petits groupes, des individualités et il y a des guerriers. Comment civiliser les guerriers? C'est là que l'Union européenne, selon moi, doit jouer de son influence: c'est la civilisation de la période de l'après-guerre. C'est vrai que c'est difficile, on le voit dans tous les pays. Comment récupérer les armes? Comment réorganiser la société autour d'un fonctionnement démocratique?

Tôt ou tard, il faudra que ce Parlement, la Commission et le Conseil aient une discussion approfondie sur l'échec de nos pays et de nos politiques, ces cinq dernières années, l'échec de nos relations, de nos associations avec des dictatures. Il faut que tôt ou tard nous tirions les leçons de ce que nous avons fait et que nous établissions la responsabilité que nous avions face à ces pays.

Concernant la Syrie, je crois que le Parlement doit aller plus loin en matière de sanctions. Selon moi, le jeu en Syrie se joue à Alep. Ceux qui font des affaires dans le monde – et pas seulement dans le pétrole – savent qu'ils n'ont plus d'avenir avec Assad. C'est pour cela qu'il faut aller plus loin en matière de sanctions. Nous sommes dans un cas de figure qui se rapproche un peu de la situation en Afrique du Sud: les milieux d'affaires doivent comprendre que leur avenir ne peut plus être avec Assad, qui s'en sortira d'une manière ou d'une autre. C'est à Alep que cela se joue. C'est pour cela qu'il faut des sanctions sur le pétrole et qu'il faut que les entreprises européennes ne puissent pas continuer à faire des affaires dans la Syrie d'aujourd'hui.

J'en termine avec le Moyen-Orient. Mme Ashton va essayer de persuader les Palestiniens de ne pas demander la reconnaissance de leur État aux Nations unies. Il s'agit là d'une grande responsabilité. À tous ceux qui disent cela aux Palestiniens, vous devez demander – et nous dire, ici –: quelle est la solution? N'allez pas leur parler de négociations, parce qu'en ce moment, il n'y en a pas: Israël ne négocie pas. Il faut faire attention, car dans les deux années à venir – peut être dans six mois ou un an –, on assistera peut-être à un processus à l'envers dans les territoires palestiniens. Il se peut que l'autorité palestinienne mette la clé sous la porte et la donne aux Israéliens, en disant: "Elle est à vous! Tout cela, c'est Israël! Appelez cela Israël-Palestine!" Puis, ils vont commencer un combat one man, one vote, et Israël ne pourra pas accepter puisque la majorité sera palestinienne et il devra créer un État d'apartheid. Nous serons par la suite obligés de décider de sanctions contre Israël.

L'avenir n'est pas terrible! En prenant aujourd'hui la responsabilité de dire aux Palestiniens: "Wait and see!", il faut leur dire: "See what?". C'est ce que nous voyons depuis des mois. Aujourd'hui, même si M. Obama essaie, personne n'arrive à remettre les Israéliens sur la voie des négociations. Tant qu'Israël aura M. Lieberman comme ministre des affaires étrangères, je ne vois pas ce que peuvent espérer les Palestiniens.

 
  
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  Charles Tannock, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Madam President, Free Libya Forces have courageously liberated Tripoli. They have control of the country’s key population centres. There have been few reprisals or abuses committed by the anti-Gaddafi forces, in contrast to the serious war crimes committed by Gaddafi loyalists and foreign mercenaries. The deranged despot Gaddafi has finally been overthrown and it is clear from this that the people of Libya are now keen to establish a pluralist democracy. I am not sure whether it is going to be liberal yet. However, though Gaddafi himself is no longer in Tripoli, some of his supporters are still at large and still pose a security threat until he is either killed, or captured and surrendered to the ICC.

My group, the ECR, strongly supports NATO in its continued operations – which are, I have to say, unique in that there have been zero casualties from a military point of view to date – to protect Libyan civilians. It is also vital that we support the NTC-led political transition that must now take place from a dictatorship of over 40 years to the ultimate goal, a government chosen by the people and thereafter subject regularly to elections to ensure its legitimacy to govern by consent.

I have to say it was not a proud day for the EU in terms of unity at the beginning, particularly the abstention by Germany in the Security Council over Resolution 1973. The UK Prime Minister, David Cameron, in contrast, must be congratulated on his courageous initiative alongside French President Sarkozy early on, speaking out as lone voices in the international community – though the wider community internationally must now continue to support Libya as it starts to rebuild itself. It has not just to recover from a war that has killed many of its citizens and build a democracy; it has to build this in the absence of any meaningful civil or political institutions.

The mountain that the National Transitional Council must now climb is great, and it will need all the friendly support it can get in order both to re-establish security in the country and to provide the basic services to its citizens, when right now many of the inhabitants of Tripoli, for instance, do not have access to clean running water. I have to say to the African Union, and South Africa in particular, get real. Gaddafi your friend has gone, please recognise the NTC as a legitimate authority in Libya.

Mercifully, once oil production restarts Libya will again be a rich country. We in the ECR therefore welcome the lifting by the EU of the freeze on assets held by the Member States, and believe that these should be returned forthwith to the NTC for reconstruction efforts and humanitarian aid. It will also be necessary to subject Libyan finances, including in the City of London which I represent, to the investigation of forensic accountants in order to determine the whereabouts of the billions that were stolen under Gaddafi’s rule. All this must remain nevertheless a Libyan-led process without any occupying foreign army.

We must also ensure that surrounding countries such as Algeria and Niger pledge to hand over Gaddafi, and any accused members of his family, to the NTC so that they may be put on trial for the crimes against humanity for which they stand accused, either in Libya, or before the ICC in The Hague. The NTC must for its part guarantee fair and transparent trials for all those found guilty of serious human rights crimes.

We congratulate Libya on its achievements thus far. We recognise the bravery of the rebels, in particular the long-suffering Berbers, that had the courage to fight this ruthless regime, and we offer our condolences to the families of the victims both of the regime and of the battle for freedom. We welcome the NTC’s constitutional declaration announced last month as a suitable interim constitution, and we must now fully support their quest for a new, democratic Libya, as a moderate Muslim country eschewing extremism of any kind.

 
  
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  Miguel Portas, em nome do Grupo GUE/NGL. – Senhora Presidente, a Primavera Árabe é, seguramente, o mais importante acontecimento mundial deste ano. E por isso gostaria de me associar à proposta de se atribuir o Prémio Sakharov a este processo revolucionário. Esse gesto teria, e terá, um inegável valor simbólico.

Com efeito, a União Europeia e os seus governos foram, durante anos e anos, cúmplices dos regimes ditatoriais que oprimiram as aspirações de liberdade no mundo árabe. Desde então, deste lado do Mediterrâneo, sempre se têm preferido os negócios à liberdade, a repressão dos fluxos migratórios ao respeito pelos direitos humanos, e até o silêncio à denúncia. Está na hora de mudar, e a questão é se queremos realmente mudar, ou apenas parecer que mudamos.

Na Líbia, a defesa das vítimas civis transformou-se numa guerra aérea pela mudança de regime, promovida pela NATO. A acção militar desta organização, liderada por Paris e Londres, extravasou e desvirtuou o próprio mandato das Nações Unidas. O abuso é tão notório que as acções militares prosseguem agora, apesar de as bolsas de resistência serem mínimas. As bombas da NATO não asseguram a segurança da revolução que chegou a Trípoli. As bombas da NATO, neste momento, alargam o perímetro de negócios que a reconstrução das infra-estruturas vai garantir aos diferentes governos envolvidos na guerra.

Há quem esteja muito preocupado com os contratos de prospecção que a TOTAL possa vir a adquirir. As minhas preocupações são outras. Eu gostaria que o Conselho Nacional de Transição mantivesse com clareza os compromissos que anunciou em matéria de reconciliação nacional e respeito pelos direitos humanos, em particular das mulheres e dos imigrantes, e a Europa deve apoiá-los nessa prioridade.

Todas as primaveras chegam ao seu outono, mesmo na Líbia. Cerca de meio milhão de imigrantes da África Subsariana fugiram da Líbia e encontram-se hoje na Tunísia e no Egipto sem as necessárias condições de apoio. Entre as prioridades esta é a primeira delas neste momento.

Por outro lado, na Líbia, não foram apenas as forças de Khadafi e os aviões da NATO que mataram populações civis. Também se cometeram actos indignos no campo da insurreição. Garantir uma investigação independente que contribua para a reconciliação nacional é, a esta luz também, indispensável.

O nosso apoio aos movimentos democráticos deve ser genuíno. Devemos deixar aos povos a condução dos seus próprios destinos, e o papel da Europa não é o da ingerência nem o dos dois pesos e duas medidas. Não podemos condenar a repressão na Síria e silenciá-la no Barém. Não podemos boicotar o petróleo na Síria e aceitá-lo no Iémen. Aliás, não devemos aceitar boicotes que prejudiquem as populações. E é exactamente assim e só desta maneira que a Primavera Árabe será, porque será obra dos próprios árabes.

 
  
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  Fiorello Provera, a nome del gruppo EFD. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, in un comunicato del 5 ottobre scorso i commissari Füle e Malmström si rallegravano dei buoni risultati del dialogo con Tripoli nell'ambito di un'agenda di cooperazione che includeva la gestione dei flussi migratori, la gestione delle frontiere, la politica panafricana e la protezione internazionale di rifugiati e richiedenti asilo.

Questa ambiziosa agenda si è interrotta per i motivi che sappiamo, per l'intervento militare della Nato e per il cambio di regime a Tripoli. Credo che il primo obiettivo sia quello di riprendere al più presto la collaborazione con la Libia su questi grandi temi – la gestione delle frontiere, i flussi migratori, l'approvvigionamento energetico e la lotta al terrorismo – ma un altro punto altrettanto rimarchevole è il sostegno alla nuova leadership libica nell'organizzazione di elezioni libere come primo atto di un lungo processo che potrà portare un giorno, spero, a costruire uno Stato autenticamente democratico e stabile.

Costruire una democrazia è molto più difficile che vincere una guerra, soprattutto se non esiste nel paese una memoria di una democrazia precedente. Volevo sapere quali programmi concreti si possono mettere in campo in tempo breve per intervenire nella società civile e soprattutto nei settori della cultura e dell'istruzione, che sono gli elementi fondamentali per costruire una vera democrazia nella testa e nel cuore dei cittadini.

 
  
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  Andreas Mölzer (NI). - Frau Präsidentin, Herr Kommissar! Politische Umwälzungen gehen zweifellos immer mit einem gewissen Maß an Chaos einher. Ob Libyen im Chaos versinken wird, dürfte zum einen davon abhängen, ob es gelingt, ein demokratisches System aufzubauen, zum anderen aber auch davon, wie man die Vergangenheit bewältigen wird. Nicht zuletzt zeigen Gewaltausbrüche rund um den Mubarak-Prozess ebenso wie beispielsweise die türkische Leugnung des Genozids an den Armeniern, dass Vergangenheitsbewältigung in der arabischen Welt ein wenig problematisch zu sein scheint.

Spätestens wenn die Kluft zwischen der politischen Führung des Aufstands und den Rebellenmilitärs aufbricht, ist das Chaos aber wohl vorprogrammiert. Gerade die großen Mengen an erbeuteten Waffen sind ja brandgefährlich. Wer wird etwa die jungen Enthusiasten entwaffnen? Und was passiert, wenn lokale Rivalitäten in Waffengewalt münden? Ganz zu schweigen von der Möglichkeit, dass sich schwere Waffen oder Raketen in Terroristenhand befinden könnten.

Eine UNO-Mission mag dem Frieden sicherlich förderlich sein, könnte aber angesichts des zunehmenden Nationalstolzes der Libyer auch als Einmischung missverstanden werden. Die schlimmste Nagelprobe steht uns aber sicherlich dann bevor, wenn Islamisten das Machtvakuum für sich nutzen könnten.

Die EU braucht daher eine wohldurchdachte Libyen-Strategie, obwohl wir wissen, dass allein schon die Freigabe der eingefrorenen Gelder reichen könnte, um den Neuaufbau Libyens zu finanzieren. Wenn die Ölproduktion dann wieder läuft, könnte allerdings ein wirtschaftlicher Boom eintreten, von dem sicherlich auch die EU entsprechend profitieren könnte.

 
  
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  Elmar Brok (PPE). - Frau Präsidentin, Herr Ratspräsident, Herr Kommissar, Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Der Fall einer Diktatur ist erst einmal eine gute Botschaft. Es ist eine gute Botschaft, dass dies in erster Linie mutige Freiheitskämpfer im Lande zustande gebracht haben. Ich möchte aber ausdrücklich betonen, dass dies insbesondere auch eine Leistung der NATO und einiger Mitgliedstaaten der Europäischen Union ist, die in dieser Frage in jeglicher Hinsicht die Führung übernommen haben. Aber es zeigt sich auch, dass eine koordinierte EU-Politik, die auch vom Auswärtigen Dienst mit koordiniert worden ist, und die Sanktionen insgesamt zu diesem Erfolg beigetragen haben. Wenn wir koordiniert vorgehen, kann man sehen, dass dies Erfolge mit sich bringen kann.

Wir müssen jetzt beim Übergang helfen. Auf Dauer wird das nicht so sehr eine Frage des Geldes sein, denn davon wird das Ölland Libyen selbst genug haben. Wir müssen helfen bei der Demokratieentwicklung, der Rechtsstaatlichkeit sowie auch bei der Ausbildung der jungen Menschen, bei Infrastrukturmaßnahmen, bei multilateralen Maßnahmen, die grenzüberschreitend im Sinne einer echten südlichen Partnerschaft für den gesamten nordafrikanischen Raum, für das arabische Gebiet durchgeführt werden. Aber wir müssen auch darauf achten, dass – und das ist eine Anmahnung an die Kommission – die Gelder, die wir geben, nicht wie früher oftmals zu 60, 70, 80 % in die Vergabe von Studien fließen, sondern dass Projekte vor Ort finanziert werden, auf deren Realisierung man nicht drei oder vier Jahre wartet, sondern wo sofort etwas geschieht, damit die Menschen, die aus zwei Gründen Revolution gemacht haben – Freiheit und bessere Lebensbedingungen –, eine Zukunft haben.

Gestatten Sie mir eine letzte Bemerkung zum Nahen Osten im Vorgriff auf eine spätere Debatte: Wir müssen für die Zwei-Staaten-Lösung sein, was Bewegung auf beiden Seiten bedeutet. Die Resolution der Vereinten Nationen muss diese Möglichkeiten eröffnen. Dies bedeutet, dass auch Israel sich in dieser Frage bewegen muss.

Es geht aber auch um die Einheit der Europäischen Union, die wir nicht aufs Spiel setzen dürfen. Und ich vertraue sehr darauf, dass die Hohe Beauftragte, die in diesem Augenblick im Nahen Osten ist, hier eine Brücke baut. Sie wissen, dass mein Land aus historischen Gründen in einer besonderen Verpflichtung steht, dass die Angelegenheit für uns nicht so leicht ist, aber wir hoffen, dass hier Brücken gebaut werden, dass wir als Europäer sie im Interesse einer besseren Zukunft der Region gemeinsam begehen können.

 
  
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  Pier Antonio Panzeri (S&D). - Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, sebbene permangano ancora alcune sacche di resistenza di sostenitori del vecchio regime libico e anche se, finché Gheddafi sarà in giro, il Consiglio nazionale di transizione teme sempre possibili colpi di coda, è giusto e doveroso concentrare l'attenzione sulle sfide postbelliche.

Il ruolo dell'Unione europea nel processo di ricostruzione e stabilizzazione della Libia è di notevole importanza, al di là delle priorità immediate – penso a cibo, medicinali, a un piano per la sicurezza, l'ordine pubblico al controllo delle frontiere e al tema delicatissimo del ritiro delle armi – è necessario predisporsi per interventi di medio e lungo termine, a partire dal contributo che dovrà essere fornito al processo elettorale che si aprirà nella fase transitoria alla capacity building istituzionale, allo sviluppo economico e sociale.

Dopo la fase bellica della crisi che ha visto l'Unione europea defilata, è giusto dire che questo è il momento di rafforzare il ruolo dell'Europa con la necessaria determinazione. Noi non abbiamo, seppure importante, solo un compito umanitario – penso ai tanti migranti presenti in Libia – noi non possiamo mancare al tavolo che ridisegna il nuovo quadro geopolitico della regione, che segnala oggi tra l'altro un nuovo protagonista, la Turchia, come vediamo in queste ore con la visita trionfale di Erdogan in diversi paesi arabi, così come non possiamo delegare solo al gruppo di paesi che ha partecipato alla missione NATO la gestione effettiva della fase postbellica.

Si evidenziano già nel teatro libico gli elementi di una competizione neanche tanto strisciante tra alcuni Stati membri che non porterà buone cose. Infatti, nella corsa alla nuova Libia non sono difficili da scorgere gli interessi economici ed energetici, ma non è altrettanto chiaro il progetto per la costruzione democratica della Libia, ed è su questo che occorre lavorare con molta forza. Da qui l'importanza del ruolo dell'Unione europea, anche perché la strada che abbiamo dinanzi non sarà né semplice, né breve e soprattutto, dobbiamo esserne consapevoli, lo sbocco democratico non è per nulla scontato.

 
  
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  Edward McMillan-Scott (ALDE). - Madam President, I am sure the House regrets, like I do, the absence of Lady Ashton. On the other hand, I recognise that the work she is doing in the region is of primordial importance, not just for Middle East peace, but also for wider regional stability and security which, as has so often been said, has been dramatically altered by the extraordinary events of the Arab Spring and its fall-out.

I recall a debate in this Chamber on 8 March, when many of us were demanding that the European Union should recognise the National Transitional Council. I had the honour to be one of the first politicians in Europe to welcome Mahmoud Jibril, the current acting Prime Minister, to my office here. At that time, Baroness Ashton was extremely reluctant to commit herself. I think that was a pity, because European leadership on this question would have been quite accessible. Immediately thereafter, Mr Jibril went to Paris and got the recognition of the French President.

This Chamber has been the source of some informative and inspirational debate, but today we are looking at a Libya which has transformed since we last met here in July. Across the region, the developments from the Arab Spring are evolving in an unsteady way – whether it is in Egypt or in Tunisia, which I visited recently and is facing elections very soon now. My message to the House today, and to those listening from other institutions, is that we must be ready for change, but also for uncertainty, because the future is not as clear as we might have hoped a few months ago.

Can I conclude by saying that I do hope the House can support the consensus that the Sakharov prize should be awarded to the martyrs of the Arab Spring and some of the leading personalities within it. This would be an extremely important and timely gesture showing that we care about democracy and human rights, and that we want them to extend not just to Libya, to Tunisia and to Egypt, but far beyond that in the Arab world and elsewhere.

 
  
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  Franziska Katharina Brantner (Verts/ALE). - Frau Präsidentin! Herzlich willkommen, Herr Füle! Ich glaube, dass Libyen momentan wirklich am Scheideweg steht. Die nächsten Wochen sind entscheidend. Es gibt gute und schlechte Nachrichten, die uns abwechselnd erreichen. Einerseits hören wir, die Wasserversorgung und die Bildung normalisieren sich wieder, andererseits geht es um die Rolle der Islamisten. Es wechselt sich ab, und es ist nicht klar, wohin die Reise geht. Jetzt ist der Zeitpunkt, nach Monaten der europäischen Spaltung endlich wieder gemeinsam zu agieren. Jetzt ist der Zeitpunkt, ein gemeinsames Zeichen zu setzen.

Apart from humanitarian aid I see a few areas I think we should focus on. First, Europe should offer expertise in the area of mediation and reconciliation, which is vital in the immediate aftermath of a conflict that so deeply divided – and still divides – the country. Second, the European Union should support the new Libyan leadership in bringing all perpetrators of violence to justice while insisting that the rule of law is upheld. Third, the EU should offer its support, together with other actors from the region and in flexible ways, in the field of security sector reform and justice sector reform. Special attention needs to be paid to the demobilisation and reintegration of all those who served in the armed struggle.

There is one more thing, however, that you should not forget, and that is the role of the private sector. I believe that the European companies that now scramble to tap into the country’s vast energy reserves have an important responsibility. These companies should adhere to strict transparency rules and declare where their money flows. The Commission could play a role here and encourage European companies to commit to a common code of conduct since we do not have binding legal instruments in place yet. Finally, I count on you to keep a close eye on the role of women in the new Libya.

 
  
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  Paweł Robert Kowal (ECR). - Pani Przewodnicząca! Panie Komisarzu! Patrząc na porewolucyjną sytuację w Libii, myślę, że trzeba zwrócić uwagę przede wszystkim na konieczność zajmowania wspólnego stanowiska przez Unię Europejską. Bardzo nas bolało, kiedy mieliśmy wrażenie, że nie mówimy jednym głosem. Kiedy mówimy jednym głosem jako Unia Europejska nasz głos jest słyszalny, wyraźny i jednoznaczny.

Dzisiaj potrzebujemy bardzo jednoznacznego sygnału skierowanego nie tylko do Libii, ale także do innych krajów, które w wyniku rewolucji uzyskały wolność. Ale tak naprawdę mówimy o społeczeństwach tamtych krajów. Bardzo się martwię, że nasze zainteresowanie skończy się wyłącznie na tym bardzo ważnym okresie transformacji, który dotyczy przygotowania wolnych wyborów, przygotowania wszystkich sił do tych wyborów. To wymaga bardzo dużo pracy i bardzo dużo wsparcia ze strony wszystkich państw Unii Europejskiej, byśmy mogli wysłać tym krajom jasny sygnał, że wiemy, jak im pomóc i że pokazujemy im drogę, którą wiele krajów na świecie z sukcesem przeszło. Ale na tych taktycznych działaniach nie powinno się kończyć.

Myśląc o tym, co się dzieje na północy Afryki, miejmy w pamięci młodych ludzi, którzy stali na placach i tych, którzy domagali się wolności, bo nie widzieli możliwości związania swoich indywidualnych losów z losem swojego kraju, bo mieli poczucie, że nie są potrzebni. Stąd mój postulat, byśmy pamiętali o tych programach długofalowych, które dotyczą nie tylko kwestii humanitarnych, nie tylko kwestii wody. Podkreślmy to wyraźnie, także w kontekście partnerstwa południowego, że programy te dotyczyć muszą także kwestii edukacji i uniwersytetów, kwestii szans, tak by ci ludzie, którzy protestowali i ryzykowali życiem, nie odczuwali po 10-20 latach goryczy, że coś zaryzykowali, a ich życie i tak się nie zmieniło. Także dzisiaj jako Unia Europejska ponosimy odpowiedzialność za te nadzieje i pragnienia ludzi, którzy uzyskali wolność na północy Afryki.

 
  
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  Χαράλαμπος Αγγουράκης (GUE/NGL). - Κυρία Πρόεδρε, ο πόλεμος του ΝΑΤΟ κατά της Λιβύης κορυφώθηκε με τη σφαγή πολλών αμάχων στην Τρίπολη και άλλες πόλεις. Η πολεμική μηχανή του ΝΑΤΟ, της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης και των ΗΠΑ με τους βομβαρδισμούς καθορίζει τις στρατιωτικές εξελίξεις και έτσι ευθύνεται απόλυτα για τα εγκλήματα αυτά. Οι δυνάμεις των λεγόμενων αντικαθεστωτικών, με ηγέτες πρώην συνεργάτες του Καντάφι και με σημαία τη μοναρχία, ολοκληρώνουν το καταστροφικό αυτό έργο.

Για μια άλλη φορά φάνηκε, όμως, η απύθμενη υποκρισία και βαρβαρότητα των κυβερνήσεων των ΗΠΑ και χωρών της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, καθώς και ο ρόλος των διεθνών ειδησεογραφικών πρακτορείων που συμμετέχουν στην ιμπεριαλιστική προπαγάνδα. Ο στόχος του πολέμου δεν ήταν ο σύμμαχος των ιμπεριαλιστών Καντάφι, αλλά ο πλήρης έλεγχος από τις δυνάμεις του ΝΑΤΟ του πετρελαίου και του φυσικού αερίου σε βάρος των ανταγωνιστών τους. Επιδιώκουν να εμπεδώσουν τη στρατηγική για τη νέα Μέση Ανατολή και να συντρίψουν τις λαϊκές εξεγέρσεις στη Βόρεια Αφρική και τη Μέση Ανατολή.

Η απόφαση του Συμβουλίου της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης την 1η Απριλίου σχετικά με τη χερσαία στρατιωτική επιχείρηση της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης στη Λιβύη αποδεικνύει ότι οι κυβερνήσεις αναπτύσσουν όλο και περισσότερο ιμπεριαλιστική επιθετικότητα για να εξασφαλίσουν μερίδια προς όφελος των πολυεθνικών της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης στη χώρα αυτή. Οι δυνάμεις της ευρωυποταγής είναι εκτεθειμένες. Αφού στήριξαν τη δημιουργία ζώνης απαγόρευσης πτήσεων, που αποτέλεσε τον προπομπό του δολοφονικού πολέμου, χαιρετίζουν τώρα τη νίκη των αντικαθεστωτικών, δηλαδή του ΝΑΤΟ, και μιλούν για αλλαγή σελίδας στη Λιβύη. Τα παζάρια για τα πετρέλαια και την ανοικοδόμηση στη Διάσκεψη των Παρισίων δείχνουν ότι μοναδική διέξοδος για τους λαούς είναι η πάλη ενάντια στον ιμπεριαλισμό, ενάντια στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση και το ΝΑΤΟ, είναι ο δρόμος για μια άλλη κοινωνία, για μια άλλη ανάπτυξη σε αυτήν την περιοχή, που μόνο αυτή μπορεί να εξασφαλίσει την ειρήνη και την συνεργασία των λαών.

 
  
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  Mario Mauro (PPE). - Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signor Commissario, vorrei richiamare l'attenzione su un passaggio della risoluzione che voteremo domani in Aula concernente la Libia, è quello che prende atto dell'intervento del presidente Jalil a Tripoli che annuncia che la Libia vuole essere un paese musulmano moderato con una costituzione che rifletta questo stato di cose.

Credo che questo sia un aspetto cruciale, non solo per il futuro della Libia, ma anche per il futuro di tutto lo scenario dei paesi dell'area mediterranea. Avranno una nuova costituzione anche la Tunisia e l'Egitto. Chiedo a Lei e chiedo a noi come Parlamento cosa stiamo facendo per porci come interlocutori in questa fase delicata in cui nuove carte costituzionali decideranno del modo di convivere di popolazioni di milioni di persone, e lo dico perché il tema costituzionale è estremamente scivoloso ed estremamente complesso.

Dio c'è nella costituzione degli Stati Uniti e anche in quella del Sudan, ma il risultato non è lo stesso. Dio non c'è nella costituzione francese e non c'è in quella cinese, ma anche qui il risultato non è lo stesso. Non basta annunciare o non annunciare valori o disvalori, bisogna capire come costruiamo insieme il nostro futuro.

Propongo quindi che ci sia una missione del Parlamento europeo, come commissione affari costituzionali, e una missione della Commissione europea che non voglia dire ai libici come scrivere la propria costituzione, ma semplicemente ripeta ai libici le convinzioni, ciò in cui crediamo e che è a fondamento delle nostre costituzioni e del nostro modo di intendere la democrazia.

 
  
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  Véronique De Keyser (S&D). - Madame la Présidente, j'ai deux questions que, finalement, je partage avec M. Mauro et M. Provera: la première porte sur la charia et la seconde, sur la question de l'immigration.

On m'a dit effectivement que le drapeau européen flottait à Tripoli, ce qui est très bien, mais la révolution libyenne appartient encore aux Libyens, et si nous devons soutenir la phase de transition qui va s'engager, il faut que nous allions jusqu'au fond des choses.

Sur la question de la charia, qu'on nous annonce comme "douce", selon M. Abdeljalil, je voudrais en savoir plus: qu'est-ce qu'une charia douce? C'est une question d'interprétation. La charia, d'un régime à l'autre, avec la même constitution, peut faire des dégâts.

Pendant les heures sombres de la guerre, nous avons rencontré ici des femmes libyennes, qui étaient des femmes absolument remarquables, bouleversantes même – l'une d'elles avait été violée là-bas –, et qui nous ont dit: "Nous voulons un pouvoir de décision. Nous nous sommes battues pendant des années. Nous allons continuer à nous battre."

Pour toutes ces femmes qui se sont battues, qui veulent un pouvoir de décision, qui veulent une autre Libye, je pense que ce cadre constitutionnel est absolument capital. Sur ce point, je rejoins, à quelques nuances près, l'interrogation de M. Mauro, mais je voudrais que nous nous y attelions très sérieusement.

La deuxième question, c'est celle de l'immigration. J'étais parmi les premières à me battre contre les négociations de l'accord que nous voulions avoir avec Khadafi à propos de l'immigration, dans un pays qui violait allègrement les droits de l'homme et nous le savions très bien. Maintenant, on me dit que l'on va reprendre ces négociations, mais le problème est toujours là: l'entrée de cette immigration de toute l'Afrique sub-saharienne. C'est un vrai problème.

Pourtant, n'est-il pas possible d'avoir une autre vision de la solution à ce problème, de penser l'immigration en termes de développement? Que faut-il faire pour que la Libye utilise ce capital de main-d'œuvre, maintenant qu'elle a besoin d'une main-d'œuvre immigrée? Ne pouvons-nous pas investir dans un projet qui sera un projet immigration-développement, au lieu de reprendre le fil des négociations pour aboutir à des centres de détention, où nous irons vérifier s'ils violent ou non les droits de l'homme?

Je voudrais donc que nous soyons créatifs à cet égard, et j'invite le Conseil et la Commission à reprendre ces deux dossiers avec l'aide du Parlement, mais avec des visions tout à fait nouvelles.

 
  
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  Barbara Lochbihler (Verts/ALE). - Frau Präsidentin! Die Situation in Libyen heute lässt die Hoffnung zu, dass zukünftig nicht mehr die Macht, die Willkür, die Herrschaft eines Mannes für das Leben in Libyen ausschlaggebend sind. Denn es entstehen neue staatliche Strukturen, und hier ist es extrem wichtig, dass die EU sich dafür einsetzt, dass es rechtsstaatliche Strukturen sind, die geschaffen werden, dass alle Bürgerinnen und Bürger vor dem Recht gleich sind und dass Rechtssicherheit entsteht. Es ist extrem wichtig, dass wir uns jetzt in dieser Situation besonders darauf konzentrieren. Insbesondere wäre es natürlich wünschenswert, dass die Libyer entscheiden, die universell gültigen Menschenrechte, die in beiden Pakten festgelegt sind, in der Verfassung zu verankern und den Schutz der Menschenwürde festzulegen.

Es ist positiv, dass die EU sich dafür einsetzt, die Todesstrafe in Libyen abzuschaffen. Das ist auch in muslimischen Gemeinschaften und Gesellschaften möglich, wie wir in der Türkei sehen, wo sie in Friedens- und in Kriegszeiten abgeschafft ist. Es ist auch wichtig für die libysche Gesellschaft, sich mit den Menschenrechtsverbrechen der Vergangenheit auseinanderzusetzen. Hier kennen wir erfolgreiche und wenig erfolgreiche Beispiele aus lateinamerikanischen Militärdiktaturen, und wir sollten aus den guten Beispielen lernen.

Aufarbeitung der Menschenrechtsverbrechen gilt auch für die jüngste Vergangenheit. Und wir wissen, dass in kriegerischen Auseinandersetzungen nicht nur eine Seite Menschenrechte verletzt. Ich bitte deshalb, den Bericht ernst zu nehmen, den Amnesty International vorgelegt hat, der Menschenrechtsverletzungen auf beiden Seiten dokumentiert. Vielleicht ist es eine Möglichkeit, ähnlich wie in Tunesien ein unabhängiges Komitee einzurichten, das diese Verbrechen analysiert.

 
  
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  Cristian Dan Preda (PPE). - Luni după-amiază am cerut ca în actuala noastră sesiune să avem nu doar o dezbatere, ci şi o rezoluţie despre Libia. Argumentul pe care l-am prezentat era acela că e bine să ne pronunţăm prin vot înainte ca Gaddafi să fie capturat sau să plece. Eu cred că regimul lui Gaddafi îşi trăieşte ultimele zile. Nu cred că va mai apuca următoarea sesiune, chiar dacă există, aşa cum se ştie, bastioane de rezistenţă la Bani Walid, în primul rând; dar Libia se îndreaptă încet-încet către o tranziţie pe care ne-o dorim cu toţii democratică.

E clar, aşa cum au spus şi antevorbitorii, că libienii au fost la originea transformării şi contestării care a dus la situaţia actuală. În acelaşi timp, statele europene au avut un rol important:

1. în găsirea unui consens la nivel internaţional pentru intervenţie şi

2. în măsura în care mai multe state au fost implicate în operaţiunile NATO menite să asigure protecţia civililor.

Avem tocmai din această cauză o responsabilitate. Şi responsabilitatea esenţială e legată de reconstrucţia instituţiilor, mai bine spus de construirea unui sistem politic cu adevărat democratic, care să respecte drepturile omului. Salut observaţia făcută de colegul meu, Mario Mauro. În acelaşi timp, suntem cu toţii conştienţi că această reconstrucţie nu va putea porni câtă vreme situaţia în materie de securitate e incertă.

Închei spunând că reconstrucţia Libiei depinde şi de reconcilierea naţională, care înseamnă investigarea şi pedepsirea crimelor din vremea lui Gaddafi, dar mai înseamnă ceva - găsirea unei metode de a asigura accesul la justiţie al tuturor celor lezaţi în timpul revoluţiei, indiferent de cei care au fost autorii crimelor.

 
  
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  Roberto Gualtieri (S&D). - Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, dopo 42 anni di dittatura e sei mesi di conflitto la Libia è a un punto di svolta della propria storia che può aprire la strada a un futuro di democrazia, di pace, di sviluppo. Questo futuro è nelle mani dei libici e nessuno può pensare di imporre loro scelte e soluzioni preconfezionate, ma al tempo stesso è evidente che l'Unione Europea ha una grande responsabilità, un ruolo decisivo da assolvere nel sostenere il processo di stabilizzazione e di transizione democratica del paese.

Dopo essere stata marginalizzata dalle divisioni tra i suoi membri nella fase iniziale del conflitto – conflitto della cui conduzione saggia bisogna dare alla NATO – l'UE ha dimostrato progressivamente una capacità di agire che noi apprezziamo e che ha portato risultati concreti, con l'apertura dell'ufficio a Bengasi, con le missioni a Tripoli, che vorremmo vedere più coordinate, del servizio di azione esterna e dell'ECHO.

Questo attivismo deve ora collocarsi nel quadro di una strategia politica forte e credibile, capace di definire una cornice multilaterale solida e al tempo stesso efficace, nonché di assicurare una vera unità di intenti della comunità internazionale, evitando duplicazioni, scongiurando competizioni e garantendo un reale supporto alla transizione libica. Una transizione che inevitabilmente sarà lunga e complessa, che dovrà puntare a una riconciliazione nazionale evitando la creazione di nuovi solchi di divisione all'interno del paese e al tempo stesso dovrà assicurare il progresso e la democrazia, garantire il coinvolgimento della società civile e il rinnovamento delle classi dirigenti. Una transizione in cui il ritorno alla normalità e il ripristino dell'ordine pubblico richiedono di affrontare con urgenza questioni complesse come il controllo delle frontiere, la ricostruzione del sistema giudiziario e del settore della sicurezza, il controllo della diffusione delle armi, ma che al tempo stesso dovrà poggiare su una solida e credibile road map democratica e costituente.

Per tutto questo serve dialogo, impegno, capacità di leadership, e anche un intenso lavoro di pianificazione e di individuazione di risorse. È quindi un test importante per l'UE, per il servizio europeo di azione esterna, per il suo comprehensive approach, e il Parlamento europeo è pronto a fare la sua e a fornire il suo sostegno a questo impegno.

 
  
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  Arnaud Danjean (PPE). - Madame la Présidente, j'espère que la résolution que nous voterons demain sur la Libye, et qui est largement consensuelle, sera aussi pertinente que celle que nous avions votée il y six mois ici-même, et dont la plupart des dispositions se sont révélées tout à fait justes.

La condamnation et la sanction du régime de Kadhafi, la mise en œuvre du principe de la responsabilité de protéger les populations civiles, au besoin par l'usage de la force militaire, la reconnaissance de la légitimité du Conseil national de transition: toutes ces dispositions ont été votées ici, avant même d'être discutées en Conseil européen ou appliquées par les États membres. Elles ont constitué la colonne vertébrale de l'action de la communauté internationale.

Il convient de rendre hommage à tous les pays, et singulièrement aux pays européens - et ils sont nombreux - qui se sont résolument engagés, diplomatiquement et militairement, pour assister la population libyenne dans son aspiration à la liberté. Permettez-moi aussi - ce n'est pas superflu - de rendre un hommage aux pilotes français qui, le 19 mars, en anéantissant les colonnes de Kadhafi qui fonçaient vers Benghazi, ont évité à cette ville de voir son nom s'ajouter à la liste des villes de bien sinistre mémoire pour la conscience européenne qu'étaient Vukovar ou Srebrenica.

Six mois plus tard, il faut évidemment se garder de tout enthousiasme excessif, d'une part parce que même si le règne de Kadhafi est terminé, le conflit, lui, ne l'est pas, et d'autre part parce que les défis de la transition qui s'amorce sont immenses et loin d'être gagnés.

C'est pourquoi l'Union européenne doit jouer sans tarder un rôle majeur dans cette phase délicate. Aux côtés des autres acteurs internationaux, nous devons très vite proposer une assistance et un soutien qui aillent au-delà de l'effort humanitaire déjà consenti et qui devront se concentrer prioritairement sur l'accompagnement des mouvements civiques, la mise en place des institutions et la structuration du secteur de la sécurité. Cet effort important devra se fonder avant toute chose sur un principe clair: c'est aux Libyens eux-mêmes qu'il revient de conduire cette transition, et personne ne doit, même avec les meilleures intentions du monde, se substituer aux aspirations souveraines du peuple libyen.

 
  
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  Μαρία-Ελένη Κοππά (S&D). - Κυρία Πρόεδρε, στη Λιβύη η μάχη των δυνάμεων εναντίον του αυταρχικού καθεστώτος δείχνει να κερδίζεται οριστικά. Το καθεστώς Καντάφι μετά από μια μεγάλη αιματοχυσία αποχώρησε. Σήμερα, το μεγάλο ζητούμενο είναι η ανοικοδόμηση στη βάση της δημοκρατίας, της ισότητας αλλά και της ειρήνης. Η κατάσταση, όμως, είναι εξαιρετικά κρίσιμη ακόμα. Χιλιάδες άνθρωποι βρίσκονται σε τραγικές συνθήκες, χωρίς νερό, φάρμακα και τρόφιμα. Αν σε αυτό προστεθούν τα οξυμένα προβλήματα που αντιμετωπίζουν οι πρόσφυγες, γίνεται σαφές ότι η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση έχει απόλυτο καθήκον να συνδράμει τη χώρα αυτή να σταθεί στα πόδια της.

Η ανθρωπιστική βοήθεια είναι η απόλυτη προτεραιότητα. Όμως, η οικοδόμηση ενός κράτους δικαίου, δημοκρατικών θεσμών, η αποφυγή δημιουργίας ενός κενού εξουσίας, αλλά και η συμφιλίωση είναι μεταξύ των μεγάλων προκλήσεων που έχουμε να αντιμετωπίσουμε ως Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση.

Η Ένωση δεν στάθηκε πάντως στο θέμα της Λιβύης στο ύψος των περιστάσεων. Δεν κατάφερε να εκφραστεί με μία φωνή και επέτρεψε στο ΝΑΤΟ να δείξει ότι είναι ο μόνος αξιόπιστος φορέας στον τομέα της ασφάλειας. Σήμερα, καλούμαστε να στηρίξουμε τη νέα Λιβύη που γεννιέται και να εγγυηθούμε το σεβασμό των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων για ένα καλύτερο μέλλον του πληθυσμού.

 
  
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  Santiago Fisas Ayxela (PPE). - Señora Presidenta, afortunadamente la oposición libia, con ayuda de la comunidad internacional, ha logrado hacer frente a la dictadura de Gadafi. Ahora falta atrapar al Coronel y juzgarlo por los crímenes, violaciones de derechos humanos e incluso por los posibles crímenes contra la humanidad que haya cometido.

Con todo, lo más importante en estos momentos es centrarnos en la reconstrucción del país y esforzarnos para que Libia se convierta en un Estado democrático y de Derecho. El regular funcionamiento de las infraestructuras —especialmente agua, electricidad y petróleo—, el mantenimiento del orden público a través de una fuerza policial y una recogida eficaz de las armas distribuidas por todo el territorio son elementos esenciales para la seguridad y la viabilidad del país.

De igual manera, no podemos olvidar la importancia de apoyar a los países del Sahel. Por un lado, para evitar las gravísimas consecuencias que tienen para su seguridad el regreso de mercenarios y la huida de las fuerzas leales a Gadafi a sus territorios; por otro, para apoyar a sus instituciones, que están haciendo posible un regreso ordenado de los desplazados libios a sus hogares.

Considero, finalmente, que el despliegue de una misión de las Naciones Unidas sobre el terreno sería clave para la consecución de los objetivos apuntados.

 
  
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  Simon Busuttil (PPE). - Dak li seħħ fil-Libja kienet ħolma li saret realtà u nixtieq nifraħ lill-poplu Libjan għall-kuraġġ u d-determinazzjoni tiegħu biex jikseb il-libertà.

Fl-istess ħin nixtieq ukoll nuri s-solidarjetà tiegħi mal-familji ta' dawk kollha li tilfu ħajjithom, li kienu vittmi, li kienu martri ta' din ir-rivoluzzjoni. Jien kburi li dan il-Parlament kien minn tal-ewwel li ħeġġeġ għal no fly zone u anki għar-rikonoxximent tal-Kunsill Nazzjonali ta' Transizzjoni. U issa? Issa jeħtieġ li ngħinu lill-poplu Libjan jagħmel il-pass li jmiss lejn pajjiż mibni fuq il-paċi, id-demokrazija, il-ġustizzja u l-libertà. Issa rridu ngħinu t-transizzjoni lejn in-normalità biex il-poplu Libjan jibda jgħix ħajja normali, b'aċċess għal ħtiġijiet bażiċi, bħad-dawl u l-ilma, aċċess għal kura medika, u anki aċċess għax-xogħol, li jagħti d-dinjità. Aħna nistgħu ngħinu ħafna. Nistgħu ngħinu lil-Libja biex tibni istituzzjonijiet demokratiċi, b'rispett lejn il-ħarsien tal-liġi u anki separazzjoni tal-poteri eżekuttivi, leġiżlattivi u ġudizzjarji. Għandna esperjenza twila x'noffru f'dan is-sens u anki fl-iżvilupp ta' ambjent demokratiku. Irridu nuru li aħna lesti nkunu wara l-poplu Libjan f'kull pass li jagħmel lejn id-demokrazija.

 
  
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  Alf Svensson (PPE). - Fru talman! Måtte intentionerna och förhoppningarna i denna resolution verkligen förverkligas, så att vi får se konkreta handlingar i Libyen och från Europaparlamentet utifrån vad som står i resolutionen. Det kanske kunde vara på sin plats också att erinra om att USA inte spelade första fiolen i denna aktion – vilket jag tror att vi får finna oss i fortsättningsvis också – utan det var EU som gjorde det. Sedan är det ju kanske också på sin plats att erinra om att EU, vilket flera redan har påpekat här, inte var enigt från början. Låt oss nu emellertid visa på fullständig enighet när det gäller att medverka till att bygga upp demokratin i Libyen.

Vi har lärt oss läxan att det inte finns stabilitet om det inte finns demokrati. Därför är det så angeläget nu att också i konstitutionen, som det sagts här, understryka hur viktigt det är att institutionerna byggs på demokratisk grund. Vi kan naturligtvis tala om riskerna som finns med det nya Libyen, men vad hade vi för val? Vi var väl alla överens om att Gaddafi måste bort, och nu kan vi känna tillfredsställelse över att så har skett.

Jag tycker också det är viktigt att uttala ett starkt önskemål om att relationerna till EU:s länder inte i första hand ska vara baserade på oljekontrakt utan på att lyfta Libyen in i den demokratiska sfären. Jag tilltalas verkligen av det uttryck som användes här av Mikołaj Dowgielewicz när han talade om frihet utan rädsla. Det är just demokrati, och det är just det vi önskar det libyska folket.

 
  
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  Seán Kelly (PPE). - A Uachtaráin, is dócha tar éis na drochscéalta go léir faoi chúrsaí eacnamaíochta gur maith an rud é go bhfuil dea-scéal le plé againn. Gan amhras is dea-scéal é go bhfuil bata agus bóthar tugtha don deachtóir an Coirnéal Gaddafi tar éis dó a bheith dhá scór agus dhá bhliain i réim.

Tá moladh mór ag dul do na réabhlóidithe agus do NATO, agus taobh istigh den Aontas Eorpach caithfimid creidiúint a thabhairt don Bhreatain agus don Fhrainc ach go háirithe; David Cameron agus Nicholas Sarkozy as ucht an cheannaireacht agus an chrógacht a thaispeáin siad ón tús.

Anois caithfimid féachaint don todhchaí. Tá buntáistí faoi leith ag an Libia. Tá áiseanna airgid acu a bheidh ar fáil dóibh amach anseo agus tá toibreacha ola acu a chinnteoidh go mbeidh caighdeán maireachtála maith acu. Tá ról mór le plé ag an mbean uasal Ashton chun a chinntiú go mbeidh stuamacht á soláthar sa tír agus go háirithe go mbeidh rialtas daonlathach acu agus muintir na Libia ina fheighil.

 
  
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  Mariya Nedelcheva (PPE). - Madame la Présidente, les Libyens ont besoin d'une nouvelle Libye, mais pour construire cette nouvelle Libye, il faudra d'abord en finir avec Kadhafi, parce que tant que cet autocrate sanguinaire sera quelque part dans la nature, la population civile restera sous le coup de la menace.

Cette première étape passée, il faudra réconcilier les deux parties, car outre la dimension internationale qu'a prise ce conflit à la suite de l'intervention de l'OTAN, il s'agit avant tout d'une guerre civile qui a divisé le pays. Et l'on ne reconstruit pas un pays qui a vécu une guerre civile sans passer par la phase de réconciliation.

Ce défi-là, c'est au Conseil national de transition qu'il incombe de le relever, en posant des bases solides pour la démocratie. De notre côté, nous devons soutenir cette transition du mieux que nous pouvons, de la façon la plus judicieuse. Nous devons réfléchir au long terme, non seulement à propos de l'aide financière, mais surtout à propos de l'expertise démocratique que nous pouvons apporter à la Libye.

 
  
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  Katarína Neveďalová (S&D) - Líbya sa momentálne nachádza na rázcestí. Iba pred dvoma týždňami boli rozmrazené účty líbyjských spoločností a krajina môže začať pokračovať ďalej. Dochádza v tejto krajine k tranzícii z diktatúry na demokraciu a v prípade, ak všetko pôjde dobre. Avšak vieme, že podobné zmeny režimov sú veľmi náročné a zdĺhavé. Ako príklad môžme uviesť napríklad vojnu v Iraku, ktorá stále nepriniesla žiadne výsledky, a situácia v krajine je stále veľmi kritická. Považujem preto za veľmi dôležité, aby sme pozorne sledovali nový vývoj v Líbyi a urobili všetko preto, aby nedošlo k ďalšiemu krvipreliatiu. Plne súhlasím s vyhlásením pani Ashtonovej. Naozaj je najvyšší čas na to, aby moc v krajine bola odovzdaná do rúk ľudu. Táto situácia nie je výzvou a ťažkou skúškou ľudu tejto krajiny, ale takisto aj celého medzinárodného spoločenstva. Držme si preto palce.

 
  
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  Ioan Mircea Paşcu (S&D). - Madam President, after the taking of Tripoli the situation in Libya enters a new delicate phase – that of building the new state institutions. In the absence of an actor with enough authority to manage the process – see the army in Egypt or the lack of it in Iraq – that process will inevitably imply jockeying for power on the part of all those involved in obtaining victory. The fact that most of those groups are armed and that those loyal to Gaddafi, who is still at large, are still active complicates the process.

Moreover, the administration of the country should be separated from state-building. The latter should not interfere with the former because, if it does, the discontent of the population could delay and complicate state-building. However, there is an external aspect too, namely how to provide support and at the same time not to get involved – as the victors are categorically demanding – and how to combine bilateral and multilateral elements in providing that support.

Finally, let us not forget that in this new phase the NATO strikes have become a highly sensitive issue, given that it is essential to avoid being perceived as interfering in the power game.

 
  
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  Κυριάκος Μαυρονικόλας (S&D). - Κύριε Πρόεδρε, για την ανοικοδόμηση της Λιβύης, όπως επεσήμαναν όλοι οι ομιλητές, είναι απαραίτητη η ενίσχυσή της από την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση. Δηλαδή, με μία φωνή η Ευρώπη ολόκληρη θα πρέπει να βοηθήσει τους αραβικούς λαούς, γενικότερα, για να οικοδομήσουν τα νέα τους κράτη. Αναμφίβολα, αν δεν το πράξουμε εμείς αυτό, θα υπάρξουν άλλα κράτη τα οποία θα επιτελέσουν ή θέλουν να επιτελέσουν αυτό το έργο.

Λαμβάνοντας υπόψη την τυχοδιωκτική στάση που τηρεί η Τουρκία σήμερα στην Ανατολική Ευρώπη, λαμβάνοντας υπόψη την προσπάθεια της Τουρκίας για ηγετική παρουσία στη Λιβύη, θα πρέπει να κατανοήσουμε ότι η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, εάν θέλει να κρατήσει την Τουρκία σε πορεία ένταξης στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, πρέπει να βοηθήσει αυτούς τους αραβικούς λαούς και, ιδιαίτερα, τη Λιβύη, ούτως ώστε να μην απομένει σαν μοναδικό παράδειγμα για τη Λιβύη η Τουρκία.

 
  
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  Marie-Thérèse Sanchez-Schmid (PPE). - Madame la Présidente, les répercussions du printemps arabe continuent de ricocher sur tous les domaines de notre politique extérieure. Il est de notre responsabilité de relever les défis qu'il représente.

Aujourd'hui, le formidable espoir né des revendications démocratiques en Tunisie, en Égypte ou en Libye doit être converti en projets concrets de développement partagé. Les premières priorités sont déjà identifiées: aide humanitaire, coopération sécuritaire, soutien économique et soutien institutionnel.

Nous devons maintenant passer à la mise en œuvre. L'Europe peut s'appuyer sur les deux instruments qui sont à sa disposition pour accompagner ce développement: la politique européenne de voisinage et le Parlement de l'Union pour la Méditerranée.

À ce titre, il est nécessaire de renforcer ces politiques, en particulier le volet de l'instrument européen de voisinage et de partenariat relatif à la coopération transfrontalière! En effet, ce volet permet de financer des projets concrets visant à promouvoir l'investissement, la cohésion sociale, l'environnement ou la mobilité autour de la Méditerranée. Il favorise surtout la création de réseaux d'autorités locales et régionales qui, en échangeant et en travaillant ensemble, pourront répondre pragmatiquement aux besoins du terrain et permettre aux citoyens de percevoir de manière concrète l'aide que peut leur apporter l'Union européenne.

 
  
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  Judith Sargentini (Verts/ALE). - Voorzitter, vorig jaar rond deze tijd probeerde het Europees Parlement helderheid te krijgen over de 60 miljoen euro die de Commissie Libië had toegezegd voor maatregelen om migranten buiten de deur te houden, met name om de zuidgrens van Libië te beschermen zodat de migranten niet naar Libië kwamen, en dan ook niet naar Europa. We hebben toen proberen aan te geven dat dit vaak ook vluchtelingen zijn, mensen uit dictaturen in Subsaharaans Afrika.

En dat is nu ook wel gebleken. Kijk maar naar de mensen die nog over zijn in Tunesië en Egypte, die gevlucht zijn uit Libië, die niet naar huis kunnen: Somaliërs, Eritreërs, Ethiopiërs, Soedanesen, dat zijn vluchtelingen. Het zijn er nog ongeveer 5.000. Ik zou de Commissie, maar vooral ook de Raad willen vragen: kan Europa deze mensen niet herhuisvesten in Europa? Mijn tweede vraag aan de Commissie is: wat is er met die 60 miljoen euro gedaan, die wij aan Libië hebben gegeven voor dingen waarvan wij toen al wisten dat het niet deugde?

 
  
  

ΠΡΟΕΔΡΙΑ: ΑΝΝΥ ΠΟΔΗΜΑΤΑ
Αντιπρόεδρος

 
  
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  João Ferreira (GUE/NGL). - Concretizado que foi o autêntico massacre desencadeado pela NATO e pelas suas principais potências sobre o povo líbio sobram-nos os motivos de preocupação. Cinco meses de bombardeamentos, milhares de civis inocentes mortos, infra-estruturas e equipamentos sociais destruídos, um país em ruínas, é esta a verdade inconveniente que procuram esconder os que se lançam já no saque dos recursos do país e no chorudo negócio da reconstrução.

Ao mesmo tempo que repartem o petróleo e os demais recursos naturais líbios, preparam-se para reconstruir, a expensas do povo líbio e dos fundos soberanos do país, aquilo que destruíram. O povo líbio foi e está a ser vítima de uma flagrante violação do Direito Internacional, da Carta das Nações Unidas e da própria Resolução do Conselho de Segurança 1973 que, hipocritamente, referia a protecção de civis. Os mesmos civis sobre os quais a NATO despejou as suas bombas humanitárias.

Mas como a realidade já se encarregou de demonstrar noutras situações, às agressões e à guerra do imperialismo norte-americano e europeu, os povos respondem resistindo e lutando pela paz, pela liberdade, pela sua soberania, tomando em suas mãos o seu destino.

 
  
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  Jaroslav Paška (EFD) - Líbya sa po dlhej a neľútostnej občianskej vojne dostáva do situácie, keď konečne nepotrebuje ďalšie zbrane a vojnovú pomoc a má čas na konsolidáciu miestnych pomerov.

Líbya bola pred vojnou bohatou krajinou, napriek tomu bude teraz odkázaná na našu pomoc. Občania vo vojnou rozvrátenej krajine budú potrebovať základné potraviny, vodu a paradoxne aj pohonné hmoty. Budú potrebovať opraviť vojnou poničené byty, školy, nemocnice, vyrabované obchody. Budú potrebovať obnoviť verejnú správu, zaistiť občanom vnútornú bezpečnosť a postupne obnoviť aj štátnu moc. Po krvavom období neistoty nadchádza teda ťažké obdobie obnovy, počas ktorého bude potrebné líbyjskému obyvateľstvu opäť podať pomocnú ruku. Popri nevyhnutnej materiálnej pomoci orientovanej na zabezpečenie základných životných potrieb občanov bude treba pomôcť aj s budovaním slobodnej demokratickej spoločnosti a inštitúcií, ktoré preberú zodpovednosť za čestné a spravodlivé správanie líbyjského štátu.

Musíme si teda uvedomiť, že naša pomoc líbyjskému ľudu bude musieť byť dlhodobá, ak nechceme ďalší osud tejto krajiny ponechať v rukách obchodníkov a dobrodruhov.

 
  
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  Franz Obermayr (NI). - Frau Präsidentin! Libyen soll ein Rechtsstaat werden – das ist sehr gut –, auf Grundlage der Scharia – das ist weniger gut. Vollbringen soll dieses Wunder der bis Februar unter Gaddafi amtierende Justizminister Mustafa Abd al-Dschalil. Das macht besorgt. Libyen ist frei, befreit von libyschen Rebellen – großen Respekt dafür –, jedoch mit gehöriger Unterstützung der NATO. Das wird natürlich seinen Preis haben. Nicht umsonst haben westliche Demokratien bereits zu Gaddafi Kontakt gesucht, um an das schwarze Gold zu kommen. Allein in den letzten Jahren hofierten Staatsoberhäupter – Schröder, Berlusconi, Sarkozy, Blair – Herrn Oberst Gaddafi. Und dezent im Hintergrund Amerika, das genau weiß, man kann mit dem Export von Erdöltechnologie mehr Geld machen und braucht sich dabei die Finger nicht schmutzig zu machen.

Europa muss daher Libyen dahingehend unterstützen, dass sich eine demokratisch-pluralistische Gesellschaft etablieren kann, eine Gesellschaft, die rechtstaatliche Strukturen aufbaut, die Menschenrechte achtet und weiß, das Europa ein guter Partner sein kann und muss.

 
  
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  Andrew Henry William Brons (NI). - Madam President, one does not have to be sympathetic towards the despicable tyrant Colonel Gaddafi to be sceptical about the West’s motives for support of the rebels in that country. It follows Gaddafi’s plan to operate a rather ambitious golden dinar policy of selling oil only for gold and bypassing the dollar. Furthermore, it has been admitted that British International Development Minister and former oil trader, Alan Duncan, arranged a deal between the National Transitional Council and Vitol, an oil company for which Duncan formerly worked. It is believed that under this deal Vitol, which is the largest trader of oil and refined products in the world, will have a monopoly over the trade in Libya’s oil.

It has also been revealed that the National Transitional Council has announced it will recognise the State of Israel, a step that many Arab countries are reluctant to take. I do not have a view as to whether or not this will be desirable, but I would not want to think this might have been a contributory motive for war.

 
  
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  Štefan Füle, Member of the Commission. − Madam President, I have had the great pleasure today of participating in this debate with the representative of the Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative, Mr Dowgielewicz, and thus of showing the integrated approach of the External Action Service and the Commission. I also think it is important to look at this debate from the position of our previous debate in March on our communication on a partnership for democracy and shared prosperity and also in terms of the European Neighbourhood Policy review. We should make sure that our reaction to crises like the one Libya reflects these very important principles that we have debated and later agreed in these two important communications.

I appreciate the strong message that has emerged in this debate. The European Union has a strong interest in ensuring the emergence of a new Libya, one that is democratic and fully integrated into the international community and the Euro-Mediterranean region.

I would like to make three points about our assistance.

Firstly, before the fall of Tripoli, we started cooperation with the National Transitional Council and civil society; our support includes technical assistance to help build state institutions and public administration capacity, support for the respect of human rights and democratisation, capacity building for civil society, assistance for education and the relaunch of schools, support for urgent needs in the health sector, and finally assistance to migrants and displaced people.

Secondly, the situation in Libya has evolved rapidly since the capture of Tripoli by opposition forces at the end of August. On 1 September 2011, an international conference of Heads of State and Government, international organisations and the Libyan National Transitional Council took place in Paris. Partners engaged in continued support of the interim Libyan authorities and established a Friends of Libya group of countries. The following day, 2 September, a technical meeting in Paris called by the stabilisation response team of the NTC (the National Transitional Council) with major donor countries established the principles and scope for the post-crisis needs assessment phase and financial assistance planning. It was during those meetings that the President of the European Commission, President Barroso, – and later our colleagues – shared with other participants the paper ‘Responding to the challenge of stabilisation in post-conflict Libya’ and also an informal paper, ‘A rapid and effective European aid response for the challenges of stabilisation in post-conflict Libya’. I will make sure that this paper is made available to this House.

The strong messages passed by the NTC at these meetings were: respect for Libyan ownership; close donor coordination under the lead of the United Nations with a strong role played by the European Union and the World Bank; a pragmatic, operational and selective approach to the needs assessment on the basis of Libyan priorities.

At the 2 September conference, the European Union was assigned sectoral leadership for civil society, including women, border management, and public assurance through media messaging. This choice was made with the full support of the new Libyan authorities and, as my colleague already said, a joint External Action Service and DEVCO mission has been deployed to Tripoli since 11 September in order to prepare the needs assessment exercise.

Now, the European Commission is ready to mobilise, at the request of the Libyan authorities, further expertise and technical assistance for the post- conflict phase. In fact, we are re-focusing the medium-term funding foreseen for Libya for 2011-2013 (EUR 60 million) on the needs of the new Libyan authorities. What I am trying to say is that events have developed faster than our ability to distribute the financial resources.

During the debate, I took note of a number of very constructive proposals – such as from Ms Brandtner on issues of reconciliation, ensuring all perpetrators of violence are brought to justice, issues of security and justice, the role of the private sector including a code of conduct. I also heard Mr Mauro's idea to send a joint team, which will certainly be considered, and also Ms De Keyser's remark about looking at immigration from a different angle. I shall look at these seriously with my colleagues from the External Action Service, taking into account the principle I referred to earlier.

My third and final point is that Libya has ample resources. The swift unfreezing of assets should provide resources for reconstruction and restarting the economy. At the same time, it is important to ensure a sound framework for the management of oil and gas resources.

Once the stabilisation phase is over, the Commission considers that it will be important to set the appropriate basis for long-term relations with the new Libya. We should be ready to conclude an agreement with Libya similar to the agreements that are in force with all other neighbouring Mediterranean countries. This would send a strong signal that the European Union is ready to establish a strong partnership with Libya based on shared interest and mutual respect.

 
  
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  Mikołaj Dowgielewicz, President-in-Office of the Council. − Madam President, first of all I would like to say that I think this debate today proves that both the European strategy and the international community’s strategy on Libya in the last few months have brought positive results. Libya has been an important test for the European Foreign and Security Policy after the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty. I think the European Union has passed this test very well.

This debate today showed that Libya is not just about some far-away country where people are fighting, but is an issue which is very important to the public in the European Union. Europeans are avidly following what is happening and what will happen in Libya. Of course, this puts an additional burden of responsibility on us in the European Union and we take this task very seriously. We have to support the Libyans in their newborn independence as much as we can during the difficult transition.

I think that the debate today also showed that in all those efforts to help Libya there is room for NGOs, civil society, business, governments, parliaments and international organisations. This is very much the approach that the High Representative is taking. The External Action Service will support all these efforts in all dimensions.

A number of speakers raised the question of the violations of human rights and the risk of violations of human rights. If you take note of the statement of the High Representative on this issue, it is very clear that this will be a very serious issue for the European assessment of the situation. It will, of course, also be an important responsibility for the NTC (National Transitional Council) to ensure that all international standards are observed where they are in control of the situation. Of course, the same approach will apply where the other side is concerned. In any case, the issue of human rights will certainly be at the core of European policy vis-à-vis a new Libya.

I will end here. Thank you very much for this debate and I look forward to the resolution that you will hopefully adopt tomorrow.

 
  
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  Πρόεδρος. - Έχω λάβει έξι προτάσεις ψηφίσματος(1) που έχουν κατατεθεί σύμφωνα με το άρθρο 110, παράγραφος 2 του Κανονισμού.

Η συζήτηση περατώνεται.

Η ψηφοφορία θα διεξαχθεί την Πέμπτη 15 Σεπτεμβρίου 2011 στις 12 το μεσημέρι.

Γραπτές δηλώσεις (άρθρο 149)

 
  
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  Debora Serracchiani (S&D), per iscritto. Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, negli ultimi anni molte imprese sono state spinte a investire in Libia. La grave situazione di instabilità e la crisi politico-istituzionale che ha colpito diversi paesi del Nord Africa, in particolare Egitto, Libia e Tunisia, hanno costretto molte imprese europee ad abbandonare la Libia lasciando sul posto crediti, attrezzature, ecc. Il regolamento (UE) n. 204/2011 del Consiglio, del 2 marzo 2011, concernente misure restrittive in considerazione della situazione in Libia, stabilisce che i fondi possono essere utilizzati solo per scopi umanitari e non per liquidare i crediti maturati o i danni subiti dalle imprese/società che operavano in Libia; di conseguenza molte imprese europee, soprattutto le piccole e medie imprese, hanno difficoltà a riscuotere i crediti maturati in riferimento a forniture di beni e servizi effettuate in Libia. Se da una parte l’Europa deve garantire un supporto alla popolazione libica e contribuire alla ricostruzione del paese, dall’altra, ritengo che deve evitare che le imprese europee subiscano danni gravi e irreversibili a causa della perdita di liquidità derivante dall'eventuale mancata riscossione dei crediti e garantire, quindi, la loro sopravvivenza.

 
  
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  Adrian Severin (NI), în scris. Cauzele concrete ale revoltelor din lumea arabă rămân de identificat. Dincolo de incertitudinile subsecvente unor asemenea fenomene sociale, „ingineria politică” practicată din nou de actorii euro atlantici măreşte periculozitatea situației. Nu s-au stins ecourile discursurilor autoamăgitoare din UE, că asistăm deja în Egipt la reintroducerea stării de asediu, după atacurile asupra ambasadei israeliene; în Libia, la descoperirea atrocităţilor comise de rebeli și anunţata reintroducere a legii islamice ca model de guvernare. Turcia, fost aliat strategic al Israelului, reduce drastic nivelul relațiilor diplomatice cu această țară și declară recunoașterea statului palestinian o obligație. Simultan, politica implantării de colonii lasă fără suport teritorial autodeterminarea palestiniană, iar violenţele din Siria și atacurile talibane anti-NATO în Afganistan demonstrează neputinţa Occidentului în regiune.

Cum să mergem atunci spre un viitor al păcii? Renunţând la geopolitica păguboasă care garantează securitatea Israelului prin susţinerea unor regimuri arabe lipsite de legitimitate. Abandonând instrumentalizarea drepturilor omului în scopuri geopolitice, ca și transferul neocolonial al modelelor de organizare socială occidentale în Orientul Mijlociu. Susţinând politicile de cooperare care să pună capăt economiei de rentă în Orientul Mijlociu și, prin aceasta, clientelismului socio-politic intern și extern. Laicizând relațiile internaționale și încetând „războiul cultural” dintre „iudeo-creştinismul mântuitor” și „islamul damnat”.

 
  
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  Rafał Trzaskowski (PPE), na piśmie. – Rola Europy w politycznej i militarnej stabilizacji Libii jest kluczowa, charakter naszego zaangażowania to również test dla nowych narzędzi, którymi dysponujemy po wejściu w życie Traktatu z Lizbony. Silne zaangażowanie dyplomatyczne oraz pomoc finansowa to podstawa, której się od nas oczekuje, należy jednak zapytać, jak mogłoby wyglądać nasze działanie bezpośrednio w terenie. Wielu chciałoby widzieć w Libii misję CSDP, co do jej charakteru nie już ma jednak zgody, a już na pewno nie będzie jej na mandat, który niósłby ryzyko bezpośredniej walki. Na tym etapie, najważniejsza jest więc konstruktywna dyskusja i decyzja o zaangażowaniu UE w terenie, które byłoby dopełnieniem podejmowanych już i planowanych działań ONZ. Libia w fazie po-konfliktowej będzie potrzebowała wielu reform, w tych takich, w których Unia ma niewątpliwie duże doświadczenie, jak reforma sektora bezpieczeństwa. Aby zaangażowanie UE w Libii było jednak skuteczne potrzebna jest koordynacja, od samej dyplomatycznej góry – tu cieszy współpraca C. Ashton z Prezydencją – po struktury odpowiedzialne za przygotowanie misji. Potrzebna jest jednak przede wszystkim wola państw członkowskich, gdyż jej brak będzie największym zagrożeniem dla naszej wiarygodności w Libii.

 
  
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  Dominique Vlasto (PPE), par écrit. Madame la Présidente, Chers Collègues, 6 mois après sa Résolution exigeant le départ de Khadafi, je me réjouis que notre Parlement débatte d'un texte dessinant l'avenir de la Lybie libérée de ce dictateur fou. L'UE, et surtout la France, ont démontré leur crédibilité sur la scène internationale et prouvé que lorsque leurs valeurs sont attaquées, elles peuvent rétablir l'état de droit et protéger les populations cibles d'attaques ignobles. Le processus n'est pourtant pas fini, car si la phase militaire connaît ses derniers instants, le plus dur reste à faire: venir en aide à une population meurtrie, lui permettre de retrouver une vie normale, rétablir la sécurité et reconstruire le pays, ses infrastructures, ses institutions. Dans cette démarche incertaine, l'UE doit être au côté de la Lybie nouvelle, mais elle doit surtout écouter les demandes légitimes des Libyens et les soutenir pour en faire des partenaires fiables de l'autre côté de la Méditerranée. J'aimerais aussi rendre hommage aux soldats de la coalition qui ont secondé, sous l'égide de l'ONU, les combattants libyens dans leurs aspirations à la liberté. C'est désormais aux Libyens de conduire leur transition, de prendre leur destin en main. L'Union doit leur apporter sa confiance et son soutien.

 
  

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