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Verfahren : 2011/2111(INI)
Werdegang im Plenum
Entwicklungsstadium in Bezug auf das Dokument : A7-0010/2012

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Aussprachen :

PV 01/02/2012 - 16
CRE 01/02/2012 - 16

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PV 02/02/2012 - 12.1
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Mittwoch, 1. Februar 2012 - Brüssel Überprüfte Ausgabe

16. Außenpolitik der EU gegenüber den BRICS-Staaten und anderen Schwellenländern (Aussprache)
Video der Beiträge

  Der Präsident. − Als nächster Punkt folgt der Bericht von Jacek Saryusz-Wolski im Namen des Ausschussses für auswärtige Angelegenheiten über die Außenpolitik der EU gegenüber den BRICS-Staaten und anderen Schwellenländern (A7-0010/2012) [2011/2111(INI)]


  Jacek Saryusz-Wolski, rapporteur. − Mr President, I am glad that Lady Ashton decided to participate in this debate. It is an honour for us and especially important because the EEAS has now been in action for a year and the time has come for the first reviews and summaries of the Service’s existence.

The report was adopted in the Committee on Foreign Affairs in December last year by an overwhelming majority. By allocating such an important topic to the Foreign Affairs Committee, the European Parliament wanted to emphasise that in foreign policy terms BRICS is no longer just a catch phrase coined around trade and growth-related indicators, but that these countries have come of age and started a certain form of foreign policy making. The report goes beyond the individual country-by-country approach when thinking about Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, and tries to see in what senses their common points of interest have brought them together.

One such common item is the feeling of marginalisation on the global level, especially when it comes to BRICS participation in the key institutions of global economic and financial governance. That is why the BRICS countries have decided to strengthen their cooperation on political and foreign policy issues. It could be called a mutual support network, but one that can be a convenient fall-back option when the situation requires concerted action.

The report indicates several areas, in particular the number of votes held in the UN Security Council, on Libya, on Syria, on the status of the EU in the UN General Assembly and others, like recently in Durban on climate change, which show that when the foreign policy objectives of the BRICS converge they are ready to concert efforts and act jointly. In most cases the BRICS take positions opposed to those of the European Union and they contest our positions and policy.

Are we ready to react and to act? Those countries enjoy – some of them to a special degree, especially democracies like India and Brazil – a privileged relationship with us. At the same time, they will not give the Union the right to speak in the United Nations.

Baroness Ashton, in your report you praise the geographical desk structure of the EEAS as the leading source of advice and briefing on respective countries. The report which I submitted encourages a coordination mechanism within the EEAS which would allow geographical desk officers responsible for particular BRICS countries to exchange and coordinate information and positions in cases where concerted action on our side can be expected. Such cooperation would have added value for you and your officials in devising future strategies. The mechanism I suggest does not require a modification of the current EEAS structure and can be of a purely functional nature. I was told that the first time such coordination took place was in preparation for attending the Foreign Affairs Committee meeting to discuss my report. I am glad to hear that, as it is the best proof that the report has already brought some results. Now, it will be of the utmost importance that this coordination is maintained and developed further and does not become a one-time event in the history of your Service.

The BRICS as a cross-continental foreign policy actor does exist and the ostrich policy of hiding one’s head in the sand, believing that the BRICS will stop existing, will not serve the EU well.


  Catherine Ashton, Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. − Mr President, may I first of all warmly welcome the report and thank Mr Saryusz-Wolski for the work he has done to bring this report to life, as well as all those who have commented on it, amended it or participated in the discussions about it.

It is really important because the growing role of emerging powers – and we focus in this debate on what we call the BRICS countries – is really important. When we consider the relationships that India, Brazil and South Africa have developed in their coordination through the India-Brazil-South Africa Dialogue Forum (IBSA) and the relationships between Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa in what we now call the BRICS, it is important that we think about them in that way.

We know the economic statistics behind the phenomenal rise of the emerging powers, but for me the essence of this is about the politics. What matters is that economic clout is translated into political clout – into self-confidence and ambition for the role that can be played. We know that the five members of the BRICS are, of course, five strategic partners of the European Union, and individually they are – as Mr Saryusz-Wolski has said and the report acknowledges – very different in many ways. Each of them has a strong and deep relationship with the European Union.

It is incredibly important that we invest in our relationship with these countries and be active and creative in our engagement with them. We have a lot in common, and potentially there is a lot we can do together. This is precisely what I have been doing, what colleagues in the Commission and in the Council have been doing, and it is why – as honourable Members will remember – when I took on this role I said that I had three priorities: to get the service running; our neighbourhood, long before the events of the Arab Spring; and, thirdly, our strategic partners.

I would just mention that there are other emerging powers – countries like Mexico; countries with which we work closely, like South Korea; and of course Indonesia and others – but I want to concentrate for the purposes of this debate on the five that we call the BRICS.

With each of them, as I have said, we need to develop a strong relationship. In China I not only met with my interlocutor, State Councillor Dai Bingguo, with whom I had long debates and discussions, but I also met Defence Minister Liang to talk about how we could work together on tackling problems that we face together – on piracy, on counter-terrorism and so on. One of the advantages, if you like, of the many hats I wear in this post is that I can move between the Foreign Ministry and the Defence Ministry in many countries and can express the views of the European Union with both.

We have also been talking, of course, in India in the last two weeks: again, trying to break new ground in developing the strength of our relationship – particularly on some of the security issues that are so important and on joint work to develop the capacity to deliver on the World Food Programme, as well as tackling some of the global issues that we and they face – and recognising the significance of India in the region.

This weekend I travel to Brazil and then on to Mexico, our ambition, here again, being to strengthen the relationship we have and to talk about issues of importance between us. In Brazil I will focus in part on Iran as well as our work with Brazil on development and our work together in the UN Human Rights Council; and in Mexico, where they have played such an important role in recent days, on climate change and on some of the challenges that they face in their part of the region.

I should mention, too, South Africa. I met the South African Foreign Minister in November, again to discuss some of the issues that are extremely important – and South Africa’s work with the EU in Durban on the climate change discussions has been of enormous importance.

We have just discussed our relationship with Russia. It is a very important bilateral relationship; Russia is a significant partner in foreign policy; and of course there is also our concern about the internal situation.

In each of these countries we are trying to invest in developing a strong bilateral relationship. Each of them is different; each has a different history and different relationships, traditionally, not only with the European Union, but also with the EU Member States. I agree that we need a more creative and joined-up approach as we look not only at how to deal with those bilateral relationships, but also at how to work with that group of countries in regional and global forums.

This brings me to a thread running through your report which I think is really important: namely, the extent to which they form a homogenous block or not. I know you have been very clear in the report, Mr Saryusz-Wolski, about not exaggerating what that means. As you stressed, there are major differences economically, politically and socially – and anyone looking at those countries would see how significantly different they are – but whether they manage to coordinate their position depends on where their interests coincide. There are issues on which coordination is relatively straightforward, others where it is more difficult, and many where they would perhaps want to develop that coordination further.

So my proposal is that we need to invest in these countries as strategic partners in a very strong and dynamic bilateral relationship, finding the themes and issues on which we can work closely: economically and politically, bilaterally and internationally. We need to do that because it is in our interest to do it, but I also believe it is in our interest to avoid a mindset of ‘the West versus the rest’ – something I discussed with President Obama and Secretary of State Clinton at the summit in the USA in December.

It is important that we recognise the significance of our relationships with each of these countries and find the common ground, where they should be with us and we should be with them, on many of the issues we face. It is important that we deal with them as individual, strong strategic partners, but what Mr Saryusz-Wolski has just said about coordination is completely right. I welcome the fact that the Committee on Foreign Affairs has highlighted coordination within the European External Action Service. May I instantly take up your proposal and say that I will – as a direct result of your report and your comments – make sure that we find ways to implement such coordination in the future.

That brings me to my last remark. Individual countries – yes. Individual relationships – absolutely critical. However, as these countries start to come together, it is really important to consider what it is that brings them together to form a common position, be it because we are in a different place, or because they feel they want to gather together as emerging powers, rather than – from their perspective – powers in a different part of the world. We need to find ways of creating a different dynamic and making common calls with some or all of them when that works.

Mr Saryusz-Wolski, may I again thank you for the report. As I said, you have already achieved at least one thing in creating new coordination within the EEAS.


  Birgit Schnieber-Jastram, Verfasserin der Stellungnahme des mitberatenden Entwicklungsausschusses. − Herr Präsident, Lady Ashton! Eine enge Zusammenarbeit zwischen der Europäischen Union und den BRICS-Staaten ist angesichts der globalen Herausforderungen, z. B. der Entwicklungspolitik in Afrika, unbedingt notwendig. Sie haben das eben sehr deutlich gemacht, Lady Ashton. Ich möchte hinzufügen: Eile ist auch geboten, denn der Westen allei wird diese Herausforderungen nicht meistern.

Wir müssen uns ehrlich die Frage stellen, wo künftig der Schwerpunkt liegen soll: auf der Verbreitung europäischer Werte oder auf der Zusammenarbeit z. B. mit China. Denn eines ist klar: Einige der BRICS bevorzugen eine schrittweise Konvergenz statt verbindlicher und harmonisierter internationaler Normen und Regeln. Wollen wir die Zusammenarbeit vertiefen, müssen wir im Gegenzug bei der Frage der Werte behutsamer vorgehen. Wollen wir unsere Werte verbreiten, dann müssen wir mit Schwierigkeiten bei der Zusammenarbeit rechnen.

Ich bin der festen Überzeugung, dass der Mittelweg am besten ist. Europa sollte nicht predigen oder besserwisserisch daherkommen. Dazu gibt ein Blick auf die Geschichte übrigens auch gar keinen Anlass. Wir müssen durch unser eigenes Vorbild anziehend wirken. Sicher ist jedenfalls, dass angesichts der globalen Herausforderungen an einer engeren Zusammenarbeit kein Weg vorbeiführt. Kurz gesagt: Der Aufstieg der BRICS und die Veränderung der Weltordnung sind eine große Herausforderung, aber eine ebenso große Chance – wir sollten sie nutzen! Dieser Bericht ist ein kleiner Baustein, und ich danke Herrn Saryusz-Wolski für seine Arbeit.


  Ioannis Kasoulides, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Mr President, my congratulations to Mr Saryusz-Wolski. In today’s interdependent world, global problems need global solutions. Global solutions are necessary for international security, political, economic, monetary and ecological stability, as well as for access to raw materials and rare earths.

The financial crisis in Europe had its origins outside the Union, but to put our house in order and avoid negative externalities, the cooperation of the rest of the world is necessary. It is for this reason that coordination between the EU and the United States, and their diplomatic understanding and cooperation with the BRICS, becomes very important.

We need to correct East-West monetary imbalances – the deficit in the West and the surplus and trillions of reserves in the East – by deciding on upper limits of deficit and surplus and by fighting protectionism. The cake is common worldwide. The West is the market of the East, while stability and prosperity in the East are necessary for the security and healthy economy of the West. In this framework, the contribution of the BRICS, and particularly of China, in a specific IMF special-purpose vehicle, would significantly increase IMF firepower and robustness in dealing with the sovereign debt crisis of the EU and tomorrow – who knows – of the United States. In parallel, Beijing’s request for a further upgraded institutional role in the IMF and free market status in the WTO, which will anyhow be attained by 2016, could be accommodated.


  Boris Zala, za skupinu S&D. – O krajinách BRIC bola skutočne živá diskusia. Svedčí to o tom, že je to výzva pre nás – nielen pre Parlament, ale aj pre Európsku komisiu, pre našu zahraničnú službu. Tá živá diskusia sa viedla predovšetkým o tom, či BRIC je reálne ekonomické alebo politicko-ekonomické zoskupenie, alebo je to len naša skratka pre súbor krajín, ktoré majú veľmi silnú a dynamicky sa rozvíjajúcu ekonomiku. Na tomto sa rozvíjala veľmi živá diskusia.

Ja osobne si myslím, že BRIC nie je integračným zoskupením, že k nemu netreba pristupovať ako k jednotnej politickej jednotke – aj keď je pravdou, že BRIC môže ad hoc vytvárať jednotné stanoviská, napríklad v Organizácii Spojených národov. Nesmieme však túto polohu preceňovať. Oveľa väčší dôraz je potrebné klásť na vytváranie dvojstranných partnerstiev – strategických partnerstiev – medzi Európskou úniou a jednotlivými krajinami, ktoré my v skratke označujeme BRIC, pretože tieto krajiny sú skutočne historicky mimoriadne diferencované. Nielen historicky diferencované, ale aj v praktickej geopolitike, aj v hospodárskom rozvoji sú to úplne odlišné krajiny.

Ale napokon sme v tejto živej diskusii našli kompromis, že treba BRIC strážiť, aby to nebol partner, ktorý by nám ušiel z našej pozornosti, a Európska únia musí zároveň rozvíjať strategické partnerstvá s veľkými ekonomikami a politickými geopolitickými jednotkami, či už je to Brazília, India, Čína atď. Myslím si, že tu sme dospeli napokon k dobrému kompromisu – treba rozvíjať oba nástroje. A je to aj dôkazom toho, že nikto sme napokon tú hlavu v tom piesku nemali, a ak aj mali, tak sme ju všetci odtiaľ vytiahli.


  Anneli Jäätteenmäki, ALDE-ryhmän puolesta. – Arvoisa puhemies, ensiksi onnittelut kollegalleni Saryusz-Wolskille, hän on saanut ellei nyt kivet vierimään niin ainakin kivet liikkumaan ulkoasiainhallinnossa, kuten Lady Ahston totesi, ja se on paljon.

BRICS-maat – Brasilia, Venäjä, Intia, Kiina ja Etelä-Afrikka – eivät toimi tiiviinä blokkina kansainvälisillä areenoilla, mutta niiden keskinäisellä yhteistyöllä on vaikutusta kansainvälisiin neuvotteluihin, asialistoihin ja loppupäätelmiin, muun muassa G20-kokouksissa. YK:ssa ja turvallisuusneuvostossa ne ehkä toimivat vähän eriytyneemmin.

BRICS-maat siis pystyvät vaikuttamaan hyvin usein neuvotteluiden asialistaan ja painopisteisiin, ja tämä on heikentänyt joskus EU:n asemaa ja meidän omien tavoitteidemme ajamista. On siis aivan ensiarvoisen tärkeää, että EU pystyy nyt kehittämään strategisia kumppanuusohjelmia, ja on hyvä asia, että Lady Ashton vierailee ensi viikolla Brasiliassa ja muissakin maissa. On kiire kehittää näitä suhteita, ja toimitaan aivan oikein, jos nämä maat katsotaan erillisiksi ja toimitaan kunkin oman historian ja nykytilanteen mukaisesti. Ne eivät muodosta blokkia, vaikka ne toimivatkin joskus yhdessä. EU:n on kiireesti tehtävä myös näiden valtioiden kanssa yhteistyötä, ja on todella tarkkaan mietittävä painopistealueet.


  Franziska Keller, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Mr President, coming back to development policies, we need to acknowledge that the BRICS countries are also new and increasingly important players in development policy. In fact, we should welcome this. We should try to include them in our international agreements on principles of development – including, for example, aid effectiveness principles – without using their inclusion as an excuse for watering down our own commitments.

We need to foster south-south cooperation because experience from, for example, Brazil on how to fight poverty has been very useful: the poverty reduction programmes that have been implemented in Brazil have been a great success, and now they are being implemented in other countries as well. Such proven best practices will be very important and they represent an important step for developing countries and societies.

Another crucial recommendation in the Committee on Development opinion is to push forward the reform of global financial and economic governance institutions – notably the Bretton Woods institutions – with the aim of ensuring broad representation of all member countries while reflecting changes in their economic weight. Can you tell us, Baroness Ashton, what steps the Commission and the EEAS intend to take in that regard?

We must also not forget that a large proportion of the world’s poorest people still live in the BRICS countries and therefore we cannot treat those countries as high-income countries. The EU-India free trade agreement, for instance, will have massive implications for India’s small farmers, fishermen, fisherwomen and other poor people. It is not right to look only at a country’s overall GDP because that is not a true reflection of the reality. We need to find new ways of dealing with emerging countries. Helping the poorest in these countries will continue to be necessary and important.

The Committee on Development also asked the Commission to define specific areas of cooperation with the BRICS countries in the field of development policy, for instance cooperation in the health sector, including access to basic healthcare services and infrastructure, the fight against AIDS and other matters. Maybe you could also give your view on that, Baroness Ashton, and tell us what steps you will be taking.

I will conclude with a word about our own position. Too often we have heard that what we are doing in developing countries may not be the greatest thing – but if we did not do it, China would come along and do it even worse. So I hope we will never hear that excuse again.


  Valdemar Tomaševski, w imieniu grupy ECR. – Panie Przewodniczący! Rosnące znaczenie polityczne i gospodarcze Brazylii, Rosji, Indii, Chin oraz RPA wymaga opracowania spójnej i skutecznej polityki Unii wobec tych krajów. Nie powinna ona wynikać z naszych lęków czy obaw przed pojawieniem się nowych potęg, lecz opierać się na współpracy i budowaniu wzajemnego zaufania. Stosunki z państwami BRIC powinny się opierać na rzeczywistym partnerstwie, ale – co ważne – również na wspólnych wartościach. Unia musi należycie uwzględniać nowe znaczenie polityczne i gospodarcze wschodzących potęg, aby zachować własną pozycję międzynarodową. Z tych powodów kilka priorytetów ze sprawozdania pana Saryusza-Wolskiego wymaga podkreślenia i wsparcia.

Koncepcja dwustronnych partnerstw strategicznych z każdym z wymienionych państw wzmocni pozycję Unii. Należy wspierać odnowione partnerstwo z Brazylią na bazie stowarzyszenia UE-Mercosur, które będzie najważniejszym układem, jaki do tej pory został podpisany przez Unię. Brazylia może być też dla nas doskonałym przykładem budowania samowystarczalności energetycznej dzięki wspieraniu produkcji biopaliw. Należy również podkreślić rolę partnerstwa strategicznego z Rosją, które sprzyjać będzie zachowaniu pokoju i bezpieczeństwa w Europie.

Na koniec chciałbym wyrazić nadzieję, że Unia właściwie doceni znaczenie Chin jako przyszłej głównej potęgi gospodarczej i stanie się liderem w kontaktach z tym państwem w celu ożywienia gospodarczego na naszym kontynencie.


  Νικόλαος Σαλαβράκος, εξ ονόματος της ομάδας EFD. – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, απόψε είναι μια βραδιά συγχαρητηρίων. Σας συγχαίρω για την εκλογή σας, συγχαίρω τον κ. εισηγητή για την εξαιρετική έκθεση που εκπόνησε και δηλώνω ότι και η κ. Ashton με ικανοποίησε απολύτως με τις θέσεις που έλαβε. Είναι βέβαιο ότι οι χώρες BRICS αποτελούν κινητήρια δύναμη της παγκόσμιας οικονομικής ανάπτυξης. Η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση πρέπει να λάβει σοβαρά υπόψη το νέο ειδικό βάρος, σε πολιτικό και οικονομικό επίπεδο, που αποκτούν οι χώρες BRICS αξιοποιώντας το πολιτικό κύρος το οποίο αναπτύσσουν. Συμφωνώ επίσης με τον εισηγητή ότι υπάρχει ανάγκη διαφοροποιημένης προσέγγισης για κάθε χώρα. Οι δομές των τεσσάρων οικονομιών είναι διαφορετικές, όπως είναι διαφορετικές επίσης οι εμπειρίες τους από την παγκόσμια ύφεση. Δεν πρέπει όμως να ξεχνούμε ότι, παρά την πρόσφατη εντυπωσιακή οικονομική ανάπτυξη που σημειώθηκε στις περισσότερες από τις χώρες αυτές, εξακολουθεί να παρατηρείται σε αυτές η μεγαλύτερη συγκέντρωση φτώχειας σε ολόκληρο τον κόσμο. Πέραν τούτου, αν και πληθυσμιακά αντιπροσωπεύουν το 42% της ανθρωπότητας, παράγουν μόλις το 17,4% του παγκόσμιου ΑΕΠ. Οι συγκρίσεις για την ώρα είναι υπέρ της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης. Το ερώτημα είναι τι θα γίνει αύριο.


  Jacek Protasiewicz (PPE). - Panie Przewodniczący! Szanowny Panie Jacku Saryusz-Wolski, autorze sprawozdania Parlamentu Europejskiego na temat relacji pomiędzy UE a państwami BRICS. Chciałbym pogratulować Panu autorstwa tego projektu, ponieważ rzeczywiście w sposób właściwy i bardzo dobry ujmuje on to, co jest istotą czasów, w których żyjemy. Świat wokół nas zmienia się dynamicznie, a jedną z oznak tych zmian jest szybki, zwłaszcza gospodarczy, rozwój krajów, które jeszcze niedawno uznawano zaledwie za tzw. rozwijające się. Rezultatem tego szybkiego rozwoju jest oczywiście wzrost znaczenia politycznego. Dzisiaj to już nie tylko potęgi gospodarcze, ale coraz poważniejsi aktorzy polityczni, wobec których, tak jak zauważa pan poseł Saryusz-Wolski w swoim projekcie sprawozdania, Unia musi wypracować spójną strategię postępowania.

Zgadzam się jednak z tymi głosami, które podkreślają, że są to kraje zróżnicowane. Różnice te są jasno widoczne, gdy przypatrujemy się chociażby realiom wewnątrzpolitycznym, a zwłaszcza sposobowi podejścia do swobód obywatelskich i praw człowieka. To są te wartości, które dla nas Europejczyków, europejskich polityków, są ważne: nie tylko współpraca gospodarcza, ale troska o wartości, które nam są bliskie i promocja tych wartości w relacjach z państwami, których znaczenie w świecie coraz bardziej rośnie. Zgadzam się z tymi konkluzjami i propozycjami zapisu w sprawozdaniu, które mówią, że powinniśmy wypracowywać wspólną strategię postępowania wobec tych krajów z naszym partnerami podzielającymi ten sam system wartości, jak chociażby Stany Zjednoczone.

I wreszcie absolutnie chciałbym przyłączyć się do tych wniosków, które mówią, że Parlament Europejski powinien mieć większy wpływ na wypracowywanie stanowiska i wspólne strategie oraz uczestniczyć w szczytach pomiędzy Unią Europejską a jej partnerami strategicznymi, również spośród krajów, które określamy dzisiaj jako BRICS.


  Ana Gomes (S&D). - Cumprimento o colega Saryusz-Wolski pelo seu trabalho e por acomodar as sugestões por mim feitas e pelo meu grupo.

A emergência dos BRICS oferece novas oportunidades à União Europeia, mas também grandes desafios para concretizar o seu propósito de contribuir para uma ordem global baseada na rule of law, na universalidade dos direitos humanos, no desenvolvimento sustentável, para alcançar segurança humana e paz para todos.

Investindo na articulação com os BRICS nos diversos Fora, incluindo o G7, o G8 ou o G20, a União Europeia poderá encontrar valiosos aliados para tecer a regulação financeira e a governação económica globais de que a humanidade tanto necessita, como demonstra a atual crise com um impacto destruidor à escala global.

Mas isto supõe que a União Europeia saiba desenvolver parcerias especiais, de geometria variável como cada um dos BRICS, tendo em atenção o seu percurso histórico, as suas distintas especificidades civilizacionais, as suas alianças, mas também a sua falta de coesão e as suas ostensivas divergências. Por vezes os BRICS concertarão a sua atuação externa numa linha dissonante com a União Europeia, como sucedeu no Conselho de Segurança no ano passado, no voto da Resolução 1973 sobre a Líbia, mas também aí, um Estado-Membro, desgraçadamente, divergiu.

Em situações semelhantes cabe à União Europeia empregar todo o seu engenho e todas as suas ferramentas diplomáticas para fazer ver a cada um dos BRICS que é também do seu interesse contribuir para o reforço de uma ordem internacional coerente, respeitável e respeitada e é evidente que se a União Europeia se empenhar na reforma e alargamento do Conselho de Segurança da ONU, o que não tem feito, terá mais capacidade de audição junto dos candidatos a membros permanentes entre os BRICS, o Brasil, a Índia e a África do Sul, sem nada perder junto da Rússia ou da China que preferem o status quo apesar de não terem a coragem de o assumir. Cabe à União Europeia saber mostrar a cada um dos BRICS que, quanto mais relevância assumem internacionalmente, maiores são também as responsabilidades que lhes são exigidas na defesa dos princípios e valores universais e numa ordem global que garanta a paz e a justiça para todos.

E é evidente que nos BRICS, cujas sociedades são hoje genuínas democracias e que têm enraizadas ligações com a cultura europeia, como é o caso do Brasil, que com Portugal, o meu país, partilha a história, a língua, a cultura e boa parte das idiossincrasias populares, há um potencial extraordinário a desenvolver em partenariados e cooperações, em todos os domínios do comércio ao desenvolvimento científico aplicado, à indústria, à proteção ambiental e climática, às energias renováveis, no combate à pobreza e na promoção da democracia.

Não foi por acaso que a presidente Dilma Roussef recentemente em Cuba recitou o refrão da canção portuguesa antifascista o povo é quem mais ordena.




  Kristiina Ojuland (ALDE). - Mr President, later today we will be discussing the own-initiative report of Sir Graham Watson on consistent policy towards regimes against which the EU applies restrictive measures.

I appreciate the growing economic importance of BRICS countries. However, the EU policy towards them must take into account the principles that have been outlined in Sir Graham’s report. European values must always take precedence over economic interests. The common values referred to in Mr Saryusz-Wolski’s report are still in formation in these countries. The EU and the EEAS should make sure that constructive partnership with BRICS and other emerging powers brings about the spill-over of democracy, human rights, civil liberties, the rule of law and gender equality.

The future role of BRICS in the international arena should not be underestimated. If we cannot engage them positively, they might become extremely difficult competitors for the EU in economic terms while disregarding human values.


  Paulo Rangel (PPE). - Em primeiro lugar eu queria naturalmente cumprimentar o relator, o nosso colega Saryusz-Wolski, pela elaboração deste relatório. Julgo que ele é uma peça importante para a definição da estratégia da política externa da União Europeia e por isso espero que a Comissão e, em particular, a Senhora Vice-Presidente/Alta Representante possam incorporar na sua estratégia a visão que o relator Saryusz-Wolski aqui deixa.

Queria especialmente congratular-me, como português, pela circunstância de se abrir a porta, embora apenas abrir a porta, à criação de uma delegação do Parlamento Europeu para o Brasil, porque é incompreensível que todos os BRICS tenham uma delegação própria menos o Brasil, que curiosamente é o único BRIC que tem uma língua nacional europeia, que tem uma cultura claramente ocidental, atlântica e europeia e portanto, que tem connosco afinidades únicas, que tem um papel decisivo como exemplo junto dos outros BRICS em matéria de direitos humanos, em matéria digamos de padrões de atuação internacional e que o Parlamento Europeu, ao contrário da Comissão e do Conselho, não criou para o Brasil ainda uma delegação própria.

A Comissão e o Conselho têm uma aliança, uma parceria estratégica com o Brasil, mas nós, Parlamento Europeu, muito por causa do grupo socialista, não temos ainda uma delegação para o Brasil e não podemos acompanhar a política do Brasil. Podemos acompanhar no Mercosul os assuntos económicos, mas as posições políticas internacionais do Brasil, nós não as podemos acompanhar porque não dispomos de uma delegação própria e isto é uma falha total do Parlamento Europeu que eu espero que seja reparada depois da grande visão que está neste relatório Saryusz-Wolski.


  Ioan Mircea Paşcu (S&D). - Mr President, the report we are now debating is strategic, comprehensive and sophisticated, addressing Europe’s challenge generated by the changing distribution of power within the international system: a process accelerated by the current world crisis.

Europe, which has created a modern international system, is now facing a double challenge. She has to keep her central place within it while having to fight a nasty internal crisis. In the past century, given Europe’s centrality within the international system, war in Europe has twice become world war. Today, even if war in Europe is unthinkable, our continent could still rock the world boat hard, both financially and economically.

The West – the US and Europe – now has to make room for the newcomers, either in existing bodies such as the UN Security Council or by creating new ones for them such as the G20. BRICS is a nascent grouping which is relatively heterogeneous, while Russia and China are well-established powers. There is a big question mark over the ambitions of Brazil and South Africa, with India apparently preoccupied primarily with China, which embodies this challenge. How can Europe best engage these emerging power centres without destroying the current world international institutional architecture? To engage this power successfully, Europe, which will have first to ensure coherence between the national and EU approaches towards them, will need to strike the right balance between change, namely permitting these emerging power centres to achieve their aims, and continuity, namely safeguarding her interests.


  Niccolò Rinaldi (ALDE). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signora Ashton, io credo che la parte più visibile dei cambiamenti legati ai BRICS, che anche quella più significativa in termini di conseguenze per la vita delle nostre società, sia quella che riguarda la penetrazione economica e commerciale di queste potenze emergenti. Si tratta di cambiamenti che possono portare a stabilità e diffusa prosperità, ma rispetto ai quali occorre un'adeguata velocità, tanto con le risposte nelle regole internazionali – e sappiamo che in sede di OMC purtroppo i negoziati sono fermi – quanto con una maggiore integrazione della nostra politica estera con la politica commerciale, tenendo conto del fatto che la nostra politica estera per alcuni aspetti è purtroppo ancora embrionale, mentre la politica commerciale, grazie alle competenze esclusive del trattato di Lisbona, è perfettamente funzionante.

Mi chiedo, ad esempio, quale sia il ruolo degli addetti commerciali nelle nostre ambasciate. Questi addetti commerciali non fanno parte del Servizio europeo per l'azione esterna ma avranno un ruolo nei BRICS tanto importante, se non più importante, quanto quello dei nostri diplomatici.


  Diogo Feio (PPE). - Senhor Presidente, Senhora Alta Representante, eu queria começar esta minha intervenção cumprimentado o nosso Colega, o Senhor Saryusz-Wolski, pelo excelente relatório que aqui nos trouxe. Nele é claro que o mundo de hoje conhece a ascensão de novos Estados à categoria de potências, o que, na minha opinião, reclama uma nova abordagem e posicionamento da União Europeia face a estes fenómenos.

Os chamados BRICS são países com histórias, culturas, sociedades e sistemas políticos muito diversos. Entre eles existem antagonismos geopolíticos, históricos e é evidente que acolhem diferentemente os nossos valores fundamentais, como a democracia, a liberdade e o respeito pelos direitos humanos.

Sem descurar os restantes países, creio que devemos estreitar as nossas relações com aqueles que não apenas partilham nominalmente esses valores, como os aplicam de forma consistente e empenhada, como é o caso do Brasil. Sendo certo que os mundos da Guerra Fria e do momento unipolar americano puderam conviver com o Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas, desgarrada e efetiva representatividade militar, demográfica e cultural, tenho as maiores dúvidas que tudo possa continuar como está.

A perceção de uma cidadania global não pode deixar de ser composta também por símbolos e imagens dos outros. Esta constitui uma valiosa condição para mantermos a universalidade dos valores ocidentais. Devemos dar sinais concretos de que merecemos a confiança dos nossos parceiros, de que não só contamos com a adesão e valores comuns, como estamos dispostos a trabalhar em conjunto e a dar-lhes voz à escala global e a permitir a interpretação daqueles que possa ser ouvida nitidamente.

Recordo, a este título até, o papel precursor do meu país, Portugal, no acolhimento e integração da linguagem do outro.


  Kristian Vigenin (S&D). - Mr President, our report was not only political, it was also an intellectual challenge – an attempt to describe the current situation, to foresee future developments and, on that basis, to outline policy proposals for our relations with the BRICS countries.

It is time for us to wake up. In many cases the EU institutions and the European leaders still live in a world of the past that no longer exists. Our eurocentric views and approaches often lead to failures, or half successes, for us on the global scene. We need to catch up with reality. Baroness Ashton, you should take this report not as a criticism of you, but rather as a call for action.

However, I would like to warn against attempts to simplify the picture and to regard the BRICS countries as a kind of unified political bloc. Indeed, we have no interest in seeing them move closer to one another to create a counterweight to the EU that will not necessarily be based on the principles and values we find important. That is why I would recommend an intensification of bilateral relations without artificially pushing these countries towards greater cohesion.

The European Parliament can play an important role here. Parliamentary cooperation with some of these countries is producing good results. Others seem to be less interested, but that should not discourage us. A good step would be for the European Parliament to be invited to participate in bilateral summits.

As regards Brazil, I am one of those who very much supported the establishment of a bilateral parliamentary cooperation committee and I am sure that this will be a reality as of 2014. By the way, the amendment which mentions this possibility in the report was introduced by the S&D Group, and specifically by Ana Gomes.


  předseda. − Vidím tady modrou kartu. Máte slovo. Vy. Viděl jsem Vás, slovo dostanete jako druhá. Chcete odpovědět na modrou kartu, pane Vigenine? Přijmete otázku? Jak jsem řekl, paní Gomes dostane slovo po kolegovi. Přijímáte otázku? Ještě jednou se ptám. Ne. Čili otázku zvednutím modré karty ruším.


  Kristian Vigenin (S&D). - Mr President, it was not possible to give the floor to Ana Gomes for a blue-card question, and since no time has suddenly arisen to allow a blue-card question from my colleague from the PPE Group, I will not respond to that question.


Zahájení vystoupení na základě přihlášení se zvednutím ruky.


  Petru Constantin Luhan (PPE). - Ca membru al delegaţiei cu Mercosur, aş vrea să fac câteva precizări legate de relaţia cu Brazilia, statul cu cea mai mare influenţă în America de Sud şi cu cele mai mare şanse de a deveni factor de stabilitate în această regiune.

Ca principal partener comercial al Braziliei, Uniunea Europeană generează nu mai puţin de 22,2% din volumul total al comerţului acesteia. Consider că Uniunea Europeană şi Brazilia pot, şi ar trebui, să colaboreze mult mai intensiv, printre altele în ceea ce priveşte suplimentarea volumului tranzacţiilor comerciale, în special în urma planului comun de acţiune până în 2014, şi în mod special în dobândirea unui rol de conducere în cadrul forurilor internaţionale pe tematici precum schimbările climatice, guvernanţa economică şi, nu în ultimul rând, drepturile omului.


  Silvia-Adriana Ţicău (S&D). - Subliniez importanţa intensificării cooperării industriale în domeniul politicii spaţiale dintre Uniunea Europeană şi statele BRICS.

Ca membru al delegaţiilor Parlamentului European pentru relaţiile cu Mercosur şi cu India, subliniez importanţa acordului de asociere UE-Mercosur, care va fi cel mai important acord de asociere semnat vreodată de Uniunea Europeană, şi care vizează schimburi comerciale în valoare de 125 de miliarde de dolari anual. Totodată, subliniez rolul Braziliei ca actor principal în regiunea Mercosur, şi salutăm reînnoirea parteneriatului strategic UE-Brazilia, planul de acţiune comună 2012-2014. Regretăm faptul că acordul UE-Brazilia privind transportul aerian nu a fost semnat în cadrul summitului UE-Brazilia din octombrie 2011.

În ceea ce priveşte relaţiile UE-India, o atenţie deosebită trebuie acordată cooperării în domeniul securităţii cibernetice şi protecţiei datelor cu caracter personal. Apreciez rolul Băncii Europene de Investiţii, care a alocat 1 miliard de euro prin facilitatea privind energiile regenerabile şi securitatea energetică, pentru realizarea de proiecte energetice în India.


  Inês Zuber (GUE/NGL). - Senhor Presidente, Senhora Vice-Presidente, Senhores Deputados, no processo de rearrumação de forças em curso no plano mundial, a maioria do Parlamento Europeu defende agora uma convergência com os chamados países BRICS, separadamente, temendo a sua unidade e o que ela poderá significar para o enfraquecimento da influência e do domínio da tríade capitalista, que nós consideramos ser os Estados Unidos da América, o Japão e a União Europeia, nas instituições do capitalismo internacional.

Querem conter o seu crescimento e a diversificação da atividade económica que coloca em causa a divisão internacional do trabalho e o papel que lhe queriam acometer, o papel de produtores de produtos de baixo valor acrescentado. Já lá vai o tempo em que estes países eram sobretudo exportadores de matérias-primas e produtos agrícolas. Hoje tornam-se progressivamente grandes potências mundiais, rivalizando com a tríade, e alguns deles fazem mesmo um percurso inverso ao da União Europeia no plano do combate à fome e à pobreza que o rumo e as políticas erradas da União Europeia e dos Estados-Membros farão aumentar entre nós. Pela nossa parte defendemos o estabelecimento de relações com todos os países, recusando a sua catalogação e independente de diferenças, de conceções políticas, económicas, sociais e culturais, assegurando o interesse mútuo.


  Jaroslav Paška (EFD). - Myslím si, že vzťahy medzi Európskou úniou a krajinami BRIC by bolo potrebné naozaj hlbšie rozvíjať a najmä zmluvne koordinovať tak, aby tá spolupráca bola podchytená aj z hľadiska ekonomického a hospodárskeho, ale aj z hľadiska podpory rozvoja alebo ochrany životného prostredia. Chcel by som podporiť tých, ktorí hovoria o tom, že tieto vzťahy by mali byť budované predovšetkým na základe bilaterálnych hospodárskych zmlúv, ktoré naozaj vzhľadom na rôznorodosť týchto krajín, rozšírenie vo svete, rozličnú produkciu bude zrejme dobré uprednostniť.

Ale hlavný dôraz, myslím si, treba klásť najmä na podporu a budovanie ekonomických a spoločenských štruktúr v týchto krajinách tak, aby neobchádzali, povedal by som, práva pracujúcich na ochranu pred zdravotnými a pracovnými úrazmi.


  Elena Băsescu (PPE). - Aş dori să-l felicit şi eu pe colegul meu, domnul Saryusz-Wolski pentru redactarea acestui raport amănunţit. Parteneriatul cu economiile BRICS reprezintă baza unei dezvoltări durabile pentru Uniune. Doresc să subliniez atât evoluţia demografică accelerată din aceste state, precum şi creşterea lor economică rapidă. Atrag atenţia asupra paragrafului S, care pune accentul pe valorile şi principiile împărtăşite de cele două grupuri. Trebuie încurajată cooperarea cu statele BRICS într-un mod adaptat specificului naţional. Totodată, forumurile de dialog trebuie să includă probleme precum combaterea schimbărilor climatice sau accesul la pământuri rare. Colaborarea în aceste domenii dintre statele BRICS şi UE poate duce la o intervenţie mai eficientă şi rezultate vizibile. Este nevoie de elaborarea unor strategii comune, care să ia în consideraţie diferenţele economice şi culturale existente.


(Konec vystoupení na základě přihlášení se zvednutím ruky.)


  Catherine Ashton, Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. − Mr President, with your indulgence, can I just inform the honourable Members about what has happened in Egypt tonight. There has been an incident at a football stadium in Port Said and approximately 73 people have been killed and hundreds injured. It appears to have come at the end of the match, when fans went onto the pitch. I have already sent condolences directly to the Foreign Minister of Egypt, for which I have had his thanks and acknowledgement, but I am sure the honourable Members would want to be informed and of course would want to join me in expressing our condolences and shock at this terrible incident. Mr President, I just thought it was worth interrupting my own remarks to inform the honourable Members about this terrible tragedy.

In returning to the subject of our debate, I would like to say that this is a big area of priority for our work and to thank again Mr Saryusz-Wolski and all of those who have contributed to the report and to the debate tonight. As I said at the beginning, when I laid out my own priorities for my work, strategic partnerships were critical – not just for the bilateral relationships which so many have spoken about, but also because of their significance as partners as we tackle some of the global challenges. I have already indicated some of the ways in which we work with them individually.

We have strong relationships with all the countries that we call the BRICS. We have delegations, which are very active, and we have a considerable number of meetings – not just myself, and not just in country, or in Brussels, but across the different international meetings that we have. It is not unusual to be meeting with Ministers many times in the course of a year. These are important because they keep us in touch, as well as serving as regular contacts.

My fellow Commissioners also spend a great deal of energy on developing those strong links on some of the issues that honourable Members have raised, whether it is climate change or development, education or other areas of work. Perhaps I should pick up especially on two.

We talk about the strong economic weight, and a number of honourable Members have raised that. I think the work that we do together in developing and enhancing our bilateral trade work is very significant. With some countries, like Brazil, it is all part of a broader strategic approach in Mercosur. With others, such as India, we are in the final stages of trying to close a free trade agreement. With others, such as China, we are developing those links that are so important if we are to tackle some of the issues, for example intellectual property rights and the level playing field of trade and investment that are so critical to European industry and business and our future.

So it is extremely important work, not just with ministries but with Chambers of Commerce and supporting industry. In our delegations, as the honourable Members know, we have officials from the Commission who work on these issues as their priority, and this is how they spend their time while they are in country.

I just want to focus in my final remark on development, because this is a theme that has also been raised. We have enormous engagement with all these countries in two different ways. First of all, honourable Members have pointed to the fact that for some of them there are still real challenges of poverty: India is an obvious example. So, although the engagement may change and may not be in the way that it used to be, it is about engaging with them to provide support, for example with climate change, energy and some of the key areas of work where the Commission has played such a vital role and will continue to do in the future.

But it is also about them as partners in development. Talking with our colleagues in Brazil, we have worked hard to develop how we can work together, for example in delivering our development in Africa. This is an area that I think we need to consider working on further, where we are able to collaborate and use our contributions more effectively by thinking through the strategy of how we work on our development priorities.

So all of these areas are ways in which we can continue to develop our individual bilateral relations. But I accept that when they coordinate, they create in a sense a collaborative approach on certain issues. We certainly need to be able to respond to that approach, while recognising that, primarily, they are distinct and separate countries with different histories and traditions and certainly different relationships with us.

I would just like to thank Mr Saryusz-Wolski again for this work and to commend him for putting forward this important report and to say to honourable Members that we will of course continue actively to pursue our work with Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, together and, most importantly, individually.


  Jacek Saryusz-Wolski, rapporteur. − Mr President, first let me thank Lady Ashton for the openness with which she has received the report, which calls for more action, as somebody has rightly said. I would also like to thank my colleagues, who understood the message and contributed to the richness of this report.

I am happy because what has a name exists. It is named – the phenomenon has been named, so it does exist. So we should treat this report as an early notification – not a warning – about forthcoming challenges.

I did not deny in this report that there are huge differences between them, but I tried to extract the tiny part which is common to them, even if it is only 1% of the picture and even if it is only restricted to issues on which they have similar positions and act as an entity and foreign policy in the making.

You said, Lady Ashton, that we should avoid a ‘West versus the rest’ confrontation. This is also my dream, but the world is not as we would wish. My comment would be ‘yes, but...’. In some cases, we see that democracies there – India and Brazil – were seduced by autocracies regarding their common positions, and regarding human rights and democracy (and I see the convergence with the Watson report), Libya, Syria, the Ivory Coast and Sudan. In some cases they were jointly challenging the current system of international governance.

The question of the EU voice in the UN was an appalling and most regrettable case. Having strategic partners (as we call them with all due respect) means having reliable partners sharing values. Very often they neither share nor practice our values.

In the policy towards the BRICS we should avoid the creation of coalitions of the lowest common denominator on democracy and human rights. Our policy should be inclusive, in order to involve them in the system of governance – but on the basis of universal values. They should be our partners and not our opponents, as has happened in the past. In the EU we should think strategically. In 2050 they will be immensely bigger than we are. Let us be prepared. The EU has to act together under your leadership, Lady Ashton, to avoid Member States’ divergent policies, for example on Libya. Regarding Libya, BRICS were more united than the Union itself. We need strong European foreign policy.


  předseda. − Rozprava skončila.

Hlasování: 2. února 2012

Písemná prohlášení (článek 149)


  Luís Paulo Alves (S&D), por escrito. – Tal como esta iniciativa refere, o Acordo com o Mercosul, a acontecer, será o acordo de associação mais importante jamais assinado pela UE, abrangendo 750 milhões de pessoas e com um comércio no valor de 125 mil milhões de dólares anuais. No passado dia 8 de novembro de 2011, num debate com o Comissário e Ministros de Agricultura, tive oportunidade de questionar o Senhor Comissário relativamente às respostas que a nova Politica Agrícola apresentaria, para que os produtores pudessem enfrentar com sucesso os problemas de concorrência que o Acordo com o Mercosul lhes traria. A Comissão propôs, então, que a resposta a este problema fosse o Fundo Europeu de Ajustamento à Globalização. Mas a resposta devia ter sido a defesa da agricultura europeia no Acordo, e não esta desajustada proposta que foi apresentada. Considero que esta proposta está longe de ser a resposta aos verdadeiros problemas que os nossos agricultores precisariam para enfrentar as consequências que um possível Acordo, que não proteja os interesses da agricultura europeia, lhes pode trazer. Levantando mesmo interrogações, sobre se não se tratará de uma forma expedita, mas atabalhoada, de legitimar uma negociação que não proteja a nossa agricultura.


  Sebastian Valentin Bodu (PPE), în scris. – Pentru a deveni tot mai importante în domeniul politicii externe pe plan mondial, ţările BRICS şi alte puteri emergente, este necesar ca creşterea lor economică să continue şi să se consolideze. Aşa cum criza economică actuală o demonstrează, există o puternică interdependenţă între puterile existente şi puterile emergente. Astfel pentru a se consolida creşterea economică a acestora din urmă este necesar în mod clar o creştere economică şi o bunăstare economică a celor dintâi. În acest context UE trebuie să acţioneze ca o singură entitate politică şi economică solidă pentru a continua să promoveze valorile universale în noul sistem multipolar de guvernanţă globală. O atenţie mare trebuie însă acordată tendinţei de a reglementa excesiv piaţa financiară, acest lucru nefăcând decât să ducă la o migrare a capitalurilor către statele BRIC cu reglementări corecte. Efectele asociate acestui fenomen sunt deosebit de grave, începând cu creşterea costurilor de finanţare pentru companiile europene până la pierderea competitivităţii acestora. Încercări transnaţionale ca schimbările climatice, chestiunile de reglementare mondiale, accesul la materiile prime şi elementele rare, terorismul, dezvoltarea sustenabilă, stabilitatea politică şi securitatea mondială vor necesita o abordare bazată pe valori comune, consens, consultare şi cooperare strânsă cu noile puteri emergente.


  Cătălin Sorin Ivan (S&D), in writing. – I agree with the statement that there are significant political, economic and social divergences among the BRICS countries. We also have to take into consideration the instrument of strategic partnerships in the EU’s relationships. Furthermore, it is not in the interest of the EU to consider BRICS countries as a bloc. We have to be aware of our place in the world and the importance of our relationship with other actors. The report points out that BRICS have shown regional integration capacity and hence the capacity to engage in multipolar governance systems. There is a potential interest of the BRICS in contributing to global governance. What I want to point out is that opportunities for collaboration can appear in investments, exchange of experience, technology and research partnerships in major projects.


  Filip Kaczmarek (PPE), na piśmie. – Sformułowanie polityki UE wobec państw występujących pod skrótową nazwą BRICS jest szczególnie trudnym zadaniem. Z jednej strony są to bowiem kraje, które cieszą się szybkim rozwojem gospodarczym. Z drugiej strony warto pamiętać, że ponad 70% najbiedniejszych ludzi świata mieszka w krajach o średnich dochodach. Nie ulega wątpliwości, że kraje BRICS różnią się od państw UE nie tylko w zakresie wskaźników ekonomicznych, ale również w stosunku do wartości, które my uznajemy za powszechne i niezbywalne.

Polityka UE i państw członkowskich wobec BRICS powinna też cieszyć się wsparciem naszych obywateli. Aby coś wspierać, trzeba najpierw to zrozumieć. Obawiam się, że wielu Europejczyków nie rozumie, dlaczego Chiny są odbiorcą stosunkowo dużej pomocy rozwojowej (ODA) ze strony Europy. To rzeczywiście jest trudne do wytłumaczenia i zracjonalizowania.

Jestem przekonany, że osią strategii politycznej UE wobec BRICS powinno być konsekwentne budowanie wspólnych standardów, które zmniejszą różnice zarówno w zakresie konkurencyjności, jak i w stosunku do wartości. Nie osiągniemy tego celu przez jednostronne podnoszenie standardów w UE. Mam na myśli na przykład plany zmniejszania emisji CO2. Każdy, kto choć trochę zna kraje BRICS, doskonale wie o tym, że obecnie państwa te nie zamierzają w żaden sposób ograniczać swego rozwoju. Zmiana tej postawy jest dla UE poważnym wyzwaniem.


  Jaromír Kohlíček (GUE/NGL), písemně. – Největší státy EU trpí dlouhodobě přesvědčením o své výjimečnosti, velikosti, významu a rozhodujícím postavením ve světě. To pochopil i autor zprávy z vlastního podnětu a prakticky celá zpráva se zabývá možností, jak se vyhnout například nebezpečí, aby se země BRICS bez ohledu na zájmy rozhodujících států EU a USA staly rozhodující silou tohoto světa. Z některých pasáží jasně vyplývá, že bude snaha na různých úrovních EU na jedné straně co nejvíce sjednocovat stanoviska nejen v zahraničněpolitické, ale i v dalších oblastech tak, aby EU mohla vystupovat jako jediný dostatečně velký partner. Na druhé straně jde o individuální jednání s jednotlivými zeměmi BRICS za účelem odstranění nebezpečí jejich jednotného postupu. Výbor pro rozvoj pochopil, že právě spolupráce v oblasti životního prostředí, regionální spolupráce a zavádění systémů snižování sociálních nerovností (bod 1 stanoviska výboru uvádí „účinné daňové systémy a systémy sociální ochrany“) znamená směr od dnešního neoliberálního kapitalismu k něčemu jinému. Ani Výbor pro rozvoj si netroufl toto nazvat socialismem, přesto se zdá, že právě jeho členové to pochopili. Každopádně pouze dialog s nejsilnějšími a rychle rostoucími státy světa umožní plnohodnotné zapojení EU a USA do budoucího nového světového pořádku. Panika není na místě, ale je třeba se zeměmi BRICS jednat jako s plnohodnotnými partnery.


  Vladko Todorov Panayotov (ALDE), in writing. – Until recent times, Europe’s diplomatic efforts were mainly turned towards the US and other industrialised countries. Nowadays, globalisation and the emergence of the BRICS as major exporters on international markets are the driving forces behind the industrialised countries’ loss of global market shares. This has brought the EU to reconsider its foreign policy towards these countries which have gained colossal power on the international political chessboard. Nevertheless, the approach on how to reshape our foreign policy towards the BRICS is, in my opinion, too often based on the fear of industrial competition, especially in the case of China. As a matter of fact, if all BRICS present common challenging features, such as a prominent land size, a large population, a rapid economic growth, they also provide formidable opportunities for the EU’s market in the fields of exports. That is why our foreign policy should be built on the grounds of these positive prospects as opposed to dreading irreversible rivalry.

Letzte Aktualisierung: 29. Februar 2012Rechtlicher Hinweis