Presidente. − L'ordine del giorno reca le dichiarazioni del Consiglio e della Commissione sulla relazione sull'allargamento alla Turchia.

  Nicolai Wammen, President-in-Office of the Council. − Madam President, on behalf of the Danish Presidency, I would like to thank Parliament, and in particular Mrs Ria Oomen-Ruijten for her work. The motion for a resolution highlights a number of significant issues and concerns, and comes at an important point in EU-Turkey relations.

Turkey is more to Europe than a candidate country. It is also an essential strategic ally, playing a key regional role. As such, it has a privileged relationship with a number of crucial actors in the region. Turkey is also an important and growing economic player. Turkey and the EU have an obvious mutual interest in upholding strong ties with each other. Only in this way can we contribute to containing and overcoming tensions in our neighbouring regions.

The EU-Turkey relationship is a close one and goes back several decades. This clearly not only illustrates our many shared interests; it also demonstrates the power of the enlargement process to give impetus to political and economic reform in Turkey.

We can all see that the accession negotiations are not advancing as quickly as we would like. However, if the opportunity for progress in negotiations arises, the Danish Presidency stands ready to seize it. We will do our utmost to facilitate progress, but needless to say, this will require additional significant efforts from the Turkish side.

We will also act in support of the Commission’s positive agenda. We must not lose sight of Turkey’s and the EU’s mutual interest in deepening our relations, in spite of the challenges encountered in the formal accession talks. It is clear that the positive agenda should be a complement to the negotiations and not a substitute for them. As stated by the Council last December, Turkey’s contribution to the EU will only be fully effective in the context of an actual negotiation process that makes progress. Work on the actual content of this agenda is still at an early stage, but we are following and supporting developments with great interest.

As far as the reforms in Turkey are concerned, I will begin with a few words about constitutional reform. Preparing a new constitution is now well under way. The process is an opportunity to address a number of important issues. It has to take place in a broad and inclusive way, and in a spirit of constructiveness and compromise. We very much welcome initial steps towards ensuring this. Much of the work on this key reform is of direct relevance for the enlargement negotiations with Turkey.

While constitutional reform is important, further progress by Turkey in other areas is required. As noted both in your resolution and in the Council conclusions of December, some very important issues have to be addressed. However, further progress is needed on issues such as fundamental rights and freedoms. I would especially like to highlight freedom of expression. We have witnessed a large number of cases brought against writers and journalists, and although there have been some positive developments, such as the recent liberation from prison of four journalists, the high number of cases against writers and journalists raises serious concerns, which need to be addressed.

Let me now turn to the one unresolved issue which has a direct bearing on both the negotiations and, more widely, on EU-Turkey relations. The Council notes with deep regret that Turkey – despite our repeated calls – has so far failed to fulfil its obligation under the Additional Protocol to the Association Agreement. The EU position on this has not changed, and in the absence of progress in the full non-discriminatory implementation of the Protocol, the EU will maintain its measures from 2006, which will continue to affect overall progress in the negotiations. We also continue to expect Turkey to make progress towards normalising its relations with the Republic of Cyprus without further delay.

I would like to recall that the Council has regretted statements by Turkey threatening to freeze relations with the EU Presidency during the second half of this year. The rotating presidency is a fundamental institutional feature of the EU provided for in the EU Treaty and must be fully respected – a position which I know is also included in your resolution.

In conclusion, the aim of the Presidency is to do our utmost to facilitate progress in the enlargement negotiations, to promote political and economic reform in Turkey and to strengthen the relationship between the EU and Turkey. This is a task that we can only realise with the support and cooperation of the Member States, the Commission, and not least this Parliament.

Let me also, on behalf of the Danish Presidency and the Member States, thank this Parliament, and in particular your rapporteur Ria Oomen-Ruijten, for your work on this issue. Your continued commitment to enlargement is vital to its success, as is your particular role in promoting popular support in the EU for this cause.

The resolution on Turkey and its endorsement in the plenary is indeed a forceful political and strategic message. I also believe that, in contacts with fellow parliamentarians from the Turkish Parliament, this House will be able to make an important and much-appreciated contribution to enhancing understanding of the EU, the values that we share and the way we work.

  Štefan Füle, Member of the Commission. − Madam President, I would like to thank the Parliament, and in particular, and with special appreciation, Mrs Oomen-Ruijten for her good and balanced report on Turkey. This debate and your resolution come at an important time for European Union-Turkey relations, and the draft resolution underlines a number of issues of great importance for the Commission.

Last Friday the High Representative and Vice-President of the Commission Cathy Ashton and I met ministers Davutoğlu and Bağış and we had a very positive and open political dialogue. Once again, I realised that we have much more in common at strategic level than there are differences. We discussed our ever closer foreign-policy dialogue and progress related to the political criteria and agreed in particular to work concretely and constructively to make the positive agenda a reality.

The positive agenda is there to provide a realistic and feasible way of injecting new life into EU-Turkey relations in general, and into the accession process in particular, and I wish to thank you for your support as expressed in the resolution we are discussing today. Let me emphasise once again that this agenda exists to complement and not to replace the accession process.

The positive agenda means renewed efforts in a number of key areas, including support for political reforms in Turkey, such as the alignment with our acquis, a closer cooperation on visas and migration and a closer dialogue on foreign policy. All are highlighted in your resolution.

I am happy to tell you that since the Member States endorsed the positive agenda last December we have made very good progress in putting it into practice.

The Commission and Turkey have agreed to work on eight chapters, including the chapters on company law, on the information society and the media, on the judiciary and fundamental rights and on justice, freedom and security. We have also agreed to work on bringing the relevant Turkish legislation closer into line with the EU acquis.

Working groups will be set up for each chapter in May/June. The Commission services will use kick-off meetings to update the Turkish authorities on all developments regarding the acquis. And we will of course involve stakeholders, as appropriate, at further stages of the process.

Work continues also in other areas of the positive agenda. As regards energy for instance, Turkey and the Commission have agreed to set up a joint working group, which will develop a road map by May to identify concrete actions for intensified cooperation.

Turning now briefly to some recent developments in Turkey which are also reflected in the resolution: I have welcomed the overall consensus on the need for a new constitution – which emerged after the general elections last June.

The specific work launched by the Turkish Parliament to bring this process forward, including constructive collaboration between the four main political parties, has started. Obviously, the real test will come with the first discussions on the substance. Consensus through a democratic, participatory process with the broadest possible consultation is essential if this new constitution is to serve all Turkish citizens.

Let me in this context also refer explicitly to the conclusions of the most recent meeting of the reform monitoring group, held in Istanbul on 16 March. These conclusions list a large number of political reforms already underway or planned for the near future by the Turkish Government. I would like to single out the intention to table a fourth judicial reform package which envisages further reforms in the area of freedom of expression and the media. We hope that his package will address the outstanding core concern as regards freedom of expression and the right to a fair trial. These issues are rightly highlighted as persistent concerns in the resolution you intend to adopt later. We hope that our cooperation with Turkey on these issues, notably as part of the positive agenda, will bring badly needed improvements in legislation and practice.

We will report in the 2012 Progress Reports on developments in trials and in investigations of alleged criminal networks, as we have done over the past years and as expressly requested in your resolution.

Let me in closing take this opportunity to raise the concerns increasingly being voiced by civil society in Turkey as regards recent developments relating to freedom of expression. Freedom of expression is intimately linked to political debate in a country, and thus to the quality and maturity of a democracy. In a mature democracy, the majority respects and protects the views of minorities and their rights. In a mature democracy, dissenting voices are not ridiculed or pushed into self-censorship, but valued for their contribution to the democratic fabric of society. In the words of Voltaire: we can disapprove of what someone says, but we need to defend to the death his or her right to say it. If this right is not defended, democracy inevitably withers.

The resolution of this House gives a fair assessment of the important challenges that Turkey is taking on in the area of the judiciary and fundamental rights. Only a mature domestic political debate, with full respect for dissenting voices, will ensure that these reforms deliver the democratic standards and practices the citizens of Turkey expect. Expect and deserve.

  Ria Oomen-Ruijten, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Madam President, first of all I would like to thank Mr Wammen and also Commissioner Füle, for the warm words of support for the resolution. We have such a balanced resolution because we all worked on it together, so my thanks also to all the shadow rapporteurs.

We want to convey in this resolution the message of interdependence between the EU and Turkey. Turkey is a key country for the security and prosperity of the European Union. Turkey has enormous potential for economic growth and it has a strategic role as a corridor for the European Union’s energy supply. Complemented by the value of potential synergies between the EU and Turkey, the foreign policy and security policy can do a lot for us both.

I believe, however, that interdependence can only produce positive results when it is framed in a context of mutual commitment.

This requires efforts from both sides. For Turkey, this means concrete results in the reform process and also an improvement in bilateral relations with its neighbours. From the EU and its Member States, I expect renewed efforts to create the conditions for the opening of chapters. I fully support Mr Füle’s new positive agenda for EU-Turkey relations. It was initiated by him and we support it. We must now increase our cooperation through that, but that also means we must have more coordination in areas like foreign policy and the fight against terrorism. There is much to gain for both of us.

This resolution expresses our concern about freedoms: the deterioration of press freedom and freedom of expression in Turkey. I have just met Mr Ahmet Şık who was released from prison just this week. He came here to visit us in Parliament. In Turkey pre-trial detention lasts too long, legislation on terrorism is too wide-sweeping and these sorts of things do not fit in with a country which should have independent and all-over impartial justice. The long pre-detention happening now is, de facto, a punishment. So I ask my colleagues to look into that.

Turning to bilateral relations: bilateral relations continue to affect deeply the negotiation process. I call on the government to do something, to come up with positive steps.

We have not just reported on negative elements in this resolution. We have also highlighted positive developments and I would like to stress once again that we fully support the Parliament of Turkey in its obligation to draw up a new constitution with checks and balances which are important for a modern and prosperous Turkey.

  Raimon Obiols, en nombre del Grupo S&D. – Señora Presidenta, nuestro Grupo cree que esta propuesta de resolución es clara y es equilibrada. Se aprobó por amplia mayoría en comisión y esto es un buen signo. Se ha hecho un buen trabajo partiendo de un buen borrador de nuestra colega Ria Oomen-Ruijten, y creo que todo ello es muy positivo. Es una contribución del Parlamento a la mejora y al impulso de la relación entre la Unión Europea y Turquía.

Sin embargo, esto no debe ser óbice para indicar que se produce en un contexto en el que no ha habido avances sustanciales en el proceso de negociación para la adhesión de Turquía a la Unión Europea, y ello en una situación de grandes cambios en el Mediterráneo y de grandes cambios en Oriente Próximo.

En este contexto, el desarrollo del programa positivo que propuso el Comisario Füle, no como sustitución del proceso de negociación pero sí para el impulso y la mejora de las relaciones bilaterales, merece nuestro apoyo más decidido.

En resumen, este informe tiene una característica positiva de apoyo a la mejora de la situación, pero también cumple con nuestra obligación de señalar aquellos aspectos negativos que se producen, tanto en la relación con el país como en su situación.

Hace hincapié en el programa positivo, pide la apertura de nuevos capítulos de la negociación, se mantiene firme por lo que respecta a la defensa de la libertad de expresión y la pluralidad de los medios, manifiesta su preocupación por la utilización abusiva de la legislación antiterrorista y la detención de periodistas, políticos y activistas. Creo, en definitiva, que puede contribuir a que el próximo período sea positivo para las relaciones entre la Unión y Turquía.

Acabo felicitando a la ponente, porque creo que ha hecho un buen trabajo.

  Andrew Duff, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – (microphone off) ... strongly supports the report, and I agree that it is possible to be positive – but it is impossible to be optimistic. Turkey seems distracted by the other pressing priorities that it faces. Europe is clearly not ready to move forward the accession process, and the central problem is Cyprus. Because Cyprus is shortly to assume the Council Presidency, I think it is appropriate for us to spotlight that problem.

Nothing could be more intelligent and strategic than for the Cypriot Presidency to call the bluff of Turkey and to open Chapters 23 and 24 on rights and justice. Such a move would not be about power and pride and prejudice but about the people – about Greeks and Turks, Christian and Muslims – who could then look forward to a period of reconciliation in which they could live together in freedom, security and justice. I strongly insist that the Cypriot Presidency of the Council should be made aware of its responsibilities.

  Hélène Flautre, au nom du groupe Verts/ALE. – Madame la Présidente, je me félicite vraiment de ce rapport et je félicite par la même occasion sa rapporteure, Mme Oomen-Ruijten, qui a fait un travail extrêmement inclusif. Je considère que ce rapport est, tout ensemble, un appel et un soutien aux réformes démocratiques et à la protection des libertés fondamentales en Turquie. Je crois que les messages qu'il adresse sont extrêmement clairs et précis et qu'ils s'adressent bien entendu aux autorités, mais aussi à l'ensemble des acteurs dans le champ politique et des acteurs de la société civile pour qu'ils s'engagent plus avant dans l'approfondissement de l'État démocratique en Turquie.

Le rapport ne manque pas de faire part de nos vives inquiétudes par rapport à la façon dont la loi contre le terrorisme est appliquée, menaçant directement le droit à l'expression, à l'opinion, à la manifestation, à la liberté de la presse et nous demandons un changement de cette loi, notamment de ses articles 6 et 7. Nous soutenons aussi et demandons une réforme approfondie du système judiciaire: il faut absolument que les citoyens – tous les citoyens en Turquie – puissent faire confiance à un système judiciaire efficace, impartial, indépendant et nous soutenons toutes les réformes qui iront dans cette direction.

Nous abordons également la question kurde et disons clairement que l'éducation dans la langue maternelle serait une proposition tout à fait adéquate pour répondre de manière politique à la question kurde et pas seulement de manière sécuritaire. Je crois que ces messages forts sont d'autant plus crédibles que nous ne mégotons pas non plus quant aux demandes à l'endroit du Conseil, notamment pour obtenir une vraie cohérence et pour que, finalement, l'Union européenne puisse retrouver sa capacité de référence pour les réformes en Turquie, et sa capacité de levier pour les promouvoir. Nous demandons que toutes les mesures soient prises en vue d'ouvrir les chapitres 23 et 24. Pour les visas également, la demande est claire: il nous faut une feuille de route pour la libéralisation des visas, car cette situation d'un pays en voie d'adhésion à l'Union européenne est tout à fait unique, et donc tout à fait discriminatoire.

Ces messages essentiels, nous voulons qu'ils soient entendus en Turquie et je ne voudrais pas que l'audience de cet excellent rapport et son importance au regard de la situation actuelle en Turquie soient amoindries ou détournées par des énoncés qui sont contestables. Que vient faire dans ce texte la référence à l'intégrité séculaire de l'armée? Nous nous félicitons de l'immense travail qui a été accompli en Turquie depuis plusieurs années pour faire en sorte que l'armée retrouve sa place, sous le contrôle du pouvoir civil, et pour que les dépenses militaires soient contrôlables par la Cour des comptes. Que vient faire cette référence à l'intégrité séculaire d'une armée qui sert l'OTAN depuis 1952, qui est une de ses plus grandes armées et dont on voudrait conditionner la présence, au sein de l'OTAN, à cette intégrité séculaire? Nous savons ce que c'est que l'armée d'un État séculier et laïque. C'est ce que nous souhaitons pour la Turquie et je crois que nous devons ensemble effacer ces mots.

Pour ce qui est du procès Ergenekon – et j'en termine –, il n'est pas sérieux de jeter le doute sur tous les cas du procès Ergenekon, parce que nous le savons – et la Cour européenne des droits de l'homme l'a redit, en décembre, dans un arrêt –, il y a des cas totalement fondés pour lesquels les arrestations pour accusations de crimes ou d'actes criminels sont considérées comme fondées par la Cour européenne des droits de l'homme. Nous ne pouvons pas nous permettre de jeter la suspicion et de disqualifier tous les cas impliqués dans le procès Ergenekon. Voilà mon avis: si nous enlevons ces deux références, nous aurons une audience maximale – et c'est très important – en Turquie, dans toute la société, dans toutes les composantes de son champ politique et social.

(Applaudissements)

  Geoffrey Van Orden, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Madam President, first of all can I join in the congratulations to Ria Oomen-Ruijten. It is a good report. Of course there are many aspects of the report which we might have liked to see worded in a rather different way and I appreciate that there are strong feelings on the subject of Turkey on all sides of the House.

For my part, I have always been supportive of Turkish aspirations towards the European Union and I am particularly appreciative of Turkey’s role as a key ally over the years. But I have to ask, is the European Union being helpful enough? Is it sending a really positive message to Turkey? In particular, we see consistent obstruction from certain rather obvious quarters regarding Turkey’s European aspirations and status. This is unrealistic, it is unjust and it prevents progress. We make demands of Turkey but we should reciprocate with movement in Turkey’s direction. For example, Cyprus, which my good friend and colleague Mr Duff has mentioned: this should not feature in Turkey’s accession but we all know that it is in fact a factor. There are constant demands for Turkey to make unilateral concessions and in return she gets nothing.

The EU is supposed to have ended the isolation of Northern Cyprus. Whatever happened to that? By all means call for reductions in Turkish troop numbers in the north of Cyprus and for agreement to the Additional Protocol, but match this with opening trade through the ports and airports in Northern Cyprus. I have to say that the assumption of the EU Presidency by the Republic of Cyprus in the second half of this year would present a great opportunity for progress if there was real courage. If there is a genuine desire to reunite the island of Cyprus then the Turkish Cypriots need to feel they are actually welcome and respected in the island that they share.

I have to say we regret that some unhelpful amendments have been tabled to the resolution, but overall the resolution is balanced and reasonable and the ECR Group will support it.

(The speaker agreed to take four blue-card questions under Rule 149(8))

  William (The Earl of) Dartmouth (EFD), blue-card question. – Madam President, Mr Van Orden used the phrase ‘Turkey is a key ally’. Do you accept that a country can be a key ally without political union, Mr Van Orden?

  Geoffrey Van Orden (ECR), blue-card answer. – Madam President, as my good friend and colleague knows full well, I am not overly enthusiastic about many aspects of the European Union, in particular political integration. But the fact is that Turkey does have an aspiration towards joining the European Union and I think Turkey’s strategic position is a very important one. Turkey has been an excellent ally for many years and we therefore need to meet her aspirations in a positive way. I have always said that, if we send negative signals to Turkey, we should not be surprised if she starts heading off in a rather different direction. Once or twice, in recent months and years, there have been one or two little indications that maybe there were feelers going out in different directions. We have to very careful about that.

So I would say that of course Turkey can be a good ally without being in the Union, because that is the situation at the moment. But we need to meet Turkey’s aspirations, and what she wishes is accession to the European Union. But I hope that by the time that happens – which I hope will not be too many decades distant – we will be talking about a very different European Union to the one that we have now, and a European Union that is heading in a rather different direction to the one that it is heading in at the moment.

  Bernd Posselt (PPE), Frage nach dem Verfahren der blauen Karte. – Frau Präsidentin! Herr Van Orden, Sie wissen, dass ich ein vehementer Gegner eines türkischen EU-Beitritts bin, und Sie haben mir einmal das, was Sie auch jetzt gesagt haben, darauf geantwortet: Wenn die Türkei beitritt, wird die EU eine ganz andere werden. Was meinen Sie damit? Wie wird die EU dann?

  Geoffrey Van Orden (ECR), blue-card answer. – Mr Posselt, I am delighted that you have asked that because there are certain Members who ascribe mischievous intentions to my support for Turkey. I would have to say that the whole question of the impact of Turkey on the European Union is not one of the major factors as to why we should be supporting European Union accession by Turkey. It is true that the European Union would inevitably be very different with a country like Turkey as a member. But, as I say, I hope that, by the time that comes about, the European Union will be very different to what it is today.

The European Union needs to get away from this course of insistence and obsession with political integration. What we need is a European Union of overlapping circles of engagement where, if there are those that want to push forward with intense integration, by all means let them. But others, including perhaps my own country, could be part of that Union without having to be intimately involved in that particular movement. So I hope it will be a very different European Union when Turkey joins and that Turkey will help that process.

  Κυριάκος Μαυρονικόλας (S&D), ερώτηση "γαλάζια κάρτα". – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, η έκθεση αναφέρεται στην Τουρκία και όχι στην Κύπρο. Θα ήθελα δε, ο κύριος Van Orden, που παρουσιάζεται ως γνώστης του κυπριακού προβλήματος, να παρουσιάσει την άποψή του για την παρουσία 700.000 εποίκων στην κατεχόμενη Κύπρο και την προσπάθεια που γίνεται από την Τουρκία να "τουρκοποιήσει" τα κατεχόμενα.

  Geoffrey Van Orden (ECR), blue-card answer. – Madam President, I have rather missed the point because actually there are significant references to Cyprus in a number of paragraphs of the resolution. Mr Mavronikolas, clearly you have not read it very carefully. I would ask you to read it carefully because it is very important that we get it right. There are references to Cyprus and indeed there are references to the Additional Protocol. But on the other hand it is saying that we should open ports as well. That is why I say it is a balanced resolution. There are many references to Cyprus in the resolution and I commend it to your reading.

  Αντιγόνη Παπαδοπούλου (S&D), ερώτηση "γαλάζια κάρτα". – Κύριε Van Orden έχετε πει ότι οι γνωστοί-ύποπτοι παρεμποδίζουν την ενταξιακή πορεία της Τουρκίας. Ποιοί είναι οι γνωστοί-ύποπτοι; Η χώρα μου, η Κύπρος, δεν έχει βάλει βέτο στην ενταξιακή πορεία. Ποιοί είναι οι άλλοι ύποπτοι; Μπορείτε να τους κατονομάσετε;

Και η δεύτερη ερώτηση: η Τουρκία, λέτε, κάνει μονομερείς υποχωρήσεις. Ποιες μονομερείς υποχωρήσεις έχει κάνει έναντι της Κύπρου αφού δεν την αναγνωρίζει;

  Geoffrey Van Orden (ECR), blue-card answer. – When I spoke I was trying to be polite, without referring to particular countries, but I seem to recall that in April 2004 the European Union agreed that the isolation of Northern Cyprus should be ended. A few weeks later the Republic of Cyprus joined the European Union and suddenly all that went off the agenda. I do not know whether this was coincidental. I sometimes get the impression that some of my very good friends and colleagues from Greece and the Republic of Cyprus are not as helpful as they might be.

When we talk about unilateral concessions, all the time we are making demands of Turkey, but it takes two to tango you know, and we have got to see some movement on the other side. Turkish friends say to me ‘when we make concessions, we never get anything in return’ or ‘when we offer to make concessions, we never get anything offered in return’. So I would say: open up Northern Cyprus, free the ports there, give them international access and then some of these other things might start flowing into place.

  Richard Howitt (S&D). - Madam President, I wonder if you could ensure the smooth functioning of Parliament and the proper allocation of political priorities at the next part-session by allocating on the agenda a full 60 minutes of Question Time with Mr Van Orden because I enjoyed that last session so greatly.

  Geoffrey Van Orden (ECR). - (microphone off) ... support from a colleague in my own region of the United Kingdom, albeit from another political party. Thank you, Richard.

  Τάκης Χατζηγεωργίου, εξ ονόματος της ομάδας GUE/NGL. – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, είναι αλήθεια ότι η συζήτηση που προηγήθηκε με παρακινεί και εμένα ν' αλλάξω λίγο τα κείμενά μου και ν' αναφερθώ στη μεγάλη λύπη του κ. Van Orden για την απομόνωση των τουρκοκυπρίων. Θα ήθελα να του πω ότι οι αγώνες οι δικοί μου για τους τουρκοκύπριους ξεπερνούν κατά δεκάδες χιλιάδες φορές τους αγώνες του ίδιου για τους τουρκοκύπριους, και ότι η απομόνωση τους, η οποία υπάρχει, οφείλεται στο γεγονός ότι εκεί βρίσκονται 40 χιλιάδες τούρκοι στρατιώτες, οι οποίοι κατέχουν αυτό το κομμάτι της Κύπρου και οι οποίοι επιβάλλουν, μόνο δια της παρουσίας, τους τη θέλησή τους στον τουρκοκυπριακό πληθυσμό.

Τούτο δεν θέλει πολύ νου για να το κατανοήσει κανείς: σαράντα χιλιάδες στρατιώτες ανάμεσα σε 100.000 τουρκοκύπριους σημαίνει ένας στρατιώτης έξω από κάθε σπίτι. Σκεφτείτε το λίγο: είναι δυνατόν να στέκει αυτό το πράγμα; Εμείς είμαστε υπέρ της άρσης της απομόνωσης των τουρκοκυπρίων η οποία οφείλεται στην τουρκική κατοχή.

Εάν ερχόσασταν σήμερα το πρωί κ. Van Orden, στην ακρόαση που οργάνωσε η Ομάδα της Αριστεράς, όπου δεκάδες τουρκοκύπριοι ήταν εκεί και εκπροσωπούσαν μεγάλες συνδικαλιστικές οργανώσεις και τουρκοκυπριακά κόμματα, θα ακούγατε την κραυγή αγωνίας των τουρκοκυπρίων για το ότι σήμερα είναι 100.000 ανάμεσα σε άλλες 500.000 τούρκους. Πως είναι δυνατόν αυτή η κοινότητα να έχει αυτόβουλη πίστη και θέληση για την εξέλιξη των πραγμάτων στην Κύπρο; Δεν νομίζω ότι χρειάζονται πολλά επιχειρήματα για να κατανοήσει κανείς ότι η τουρκοκυπριακή κοινότητα είναι δέσμια της κατοχής, πολύ περισσότερο δέσμια, αν θέλετε, απ' ό,τι είναι η ελληνοκυπριακή κοινότητα.

Έρχομαι τώρα στην έκθεση για την οποία - χωρίς καμιά αμφιβολία - δούλεψε πάρα πολύ η κ. Oomen-Ruijten. Όμως, τελικά δεν είναι δυνατόν παρά να διαπιστώσουμε ότι πρόκειται για μια άσκηση πολιτικής ισορροπιών που δεν υπογραμμίζει εν τέλει, παρά μόνο τις πραγματικότητες που υπάρχουν μέσα στο Κοινοβούλιο. Δεν μπορεί να μένουμε στα ευχολόγια για τα προβλήματα που έχει ο κουρδικός πληθυσμός της Τουρκίας, ήτοι δέκα εκατομμύρια άνθρωποι. Γιατί δεν δίνει η Τουρκία αυτά τα δικαιώματα που αναζητάτε για τους τουρκοκύπριους (και εγώ πρώτος τ' αναζητώ) και στους κούρδους, κ. Van Orden; Γιατί δεν τα εφαρμόζει για τον πληθυσμό της; Και σας έπιασε το δάκρυ και το κλάμα για το γεγονός ότι παραβιάζονται τα δικαιώματα των τουρκοκυπρίων - και πολύ καλά κάνετε - αλλά τούτο οφείλεται στο ότι η Τουρκία δεν είναι έτοιμη να δείξει αυτή τη θέληση. Η άρνηση της Τουρκίας να έχει επαφές με την προεδρεύουσα χώρα που θα είναι σε μερικούς μήνες η Κυπριακή Δημοκρατία δεν προσβάλλει μόνο την Κύπρο, αλλά προσβάλλει και εμάς, τους θεσμούς μας, την ίδια Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, τους τρόπους λειτουργίας της.

Θέλω να κλείσω λέγοντας ότι εμείς είμαστε υπέρ της ένταξης της Τουρκίας, το αποδείξαμε δίνοντας την ψήφο μας για την έναρξη διαπραγματεύσεων όσον αφορά την ένταξη της Τουρκίας. Ήταν μια πολύ κρίσιμη στιγμή και η Κύπρος έχει δώσει αυτό το πράσινο φως. Όμως, η Τουρκία πρέπει να υλοποιήσει τις δεσμεύσεις της όπως κάθε άλλη χώρα.

(Ο ομιλητής δέχεται να απαντήσει σε ερώτηση με γαλάζια κάρτα (άρθρο 149, παράγραφος 8 του Κανονισμού)

  Andrew Duff (ALDE), blue-card question. – Madam President, can I ask my good colleague Takis Hadjigeorgiou, who is from the AKEL Party, which is at the centre of the Cypriot Government, what he expects of the Presidency of the Council. Does he agree that it is the duty of the Presidency of the Council to project the values and principles of the European Union and to complete that process of integration which is at present, so sadly, not applicable to the island of Cyprus?

  Τάκης Χατζηγεωργίου (GUE/NGL), απάντηση "γαλάζια κάρτα". – Η Κύπρος όταν θα προεδρεύσει της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, θα υποστηρίξει το σύνολο των ιδεών του τι εστί η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση. Αυτό είναι το καθήκον της και αυτό θα κάνει.

Λαμβάνω όμως την ευκαιρία να υπενθυμίσω στον, επίσης εξαίρετο, συνάδελφο τον κ. Duff, επειδή προηγουμένως είχε αναφέρει γιατί η Κύπρος να μη εξετάσει το θέμα ανοίγματος κεφαλαίων όταν θα προεδρεύει, ότι εγώ προσωπικά ρώτησα τον κ. Μπαγίς στην Τουρκία όταν συναντηθήκαμε, τι προτίθεται να κάνει η Τουρκία εάν η Κύπρος δείξει ετοιμότητα να ανοίξει κεφάλαια και απάντησε : "Δεν θ' ανοίξουμε εμείς κανένα κεφάλαιο εάν το επιχειρήσει η Κύπρος". Αυτή είναι συμπεριφορά αποδεκτή;

  Bastiaan Belder, namens de EFD-Fractie. – Voorzitter, het volstrekt verwerpelijke Turkse reclamespotje met Adolf Hitler bevestigt mijn vaste voornemen, commissaris Füle, u in dit debat aan te spreken op de realiteit van het antisemitisme in toetredingskandidaat Turkije. Ik onderstreep daarbij de dringende oproep van de Turks-joodse wetenschapper en publicist Rifat Bali, waarmee ik in correspondentie sta. Hij schreef mij: "De EU dient heel krachtig te verklaren dat de passieve houding van de Turkse regering en rechterlijke macht tegenover antisemitische uitingen in de Turkse media onaanvaardbaar is. Dergelijke manifestaties moeten streng worden bestraft".

Ik verwacht van u, commissaris Füle, dat u premier Erdogan rechtstreeks aanspreekt op dit abjecte antisemitisme. Want de Turkse regeringsleider ontkent deze naargeestige realiteit met het irrationele argument dat de islam antisemitisme zou uitsluiten.

Namens de protestantse gemeenschap - en dat is mijn tweede punt - heb ik ook nog een drietal urgente verzoeken aan het adres van de Commissie. Deze actiepunten richting de Turkse overheid houden in: veel meer vergunningen en een ruimhartig beleid voor kerkbouw, afschaffing van de aparte vermelding van godsdienst op identiteitskaarten, want dat leidt tot talrijke gevallen van discriminatie van Turkse christenen, en tenslotte afschaffing van facultatief islamitisch godsdienstonderwijs in het lesplan, want dat maakt christelijke scholieren tot constant mikpunt van leraren en klasgenoten.

  Barry Madlener (NI). - Voorzitter, commissaris en islamliefhebber Füle en mevrouw Ria Oomen-Ruijten zijn volledig de weg kwijt. Het gaat de verkeerde kant op met Turkije. Er zitten veel journalisten in de gevangenis en cartoonisten worden voor de rechter gesleept. De vrijheid van meningsuiting wordt steeds verder beperkt onder de islamiseringsagenda van de AK-partij.

De corruptie stijgt en de illegale immigratie via Turkije neemt steeds verder toe; het meest schandalige is wel, Voorzitter, dat de illegale Turkse bezetting van een deel van EU-lidstaat Cyprus nu al meer dan 35 jaar voortduurt. De Turkse minister Baris dreigt zelfs om Noord-Cyprus te annexeren en gaat binnenkort illegaal gasboringen verrichten op Cyprus. Dit is pure oorlogsdreiging van Turkije aan het adres van Europa. Dit is onacceptabel. Ieder jaar zien we kritische rapporten over Turkije, maar dit Parlement doet niets. Turkije wordt zelfs beloond met meer dan 500 miljoen euro belastinggeld van Europa.

Het verslag van mevrouw Oomen-Ruijten is een lachertje. Er staat geen enkele sanctie tegen Turkije in. Als de Turken de EU boycotten tijdens het Cypriotisch voorzitterschap, zal Turkije wat ons betreft nooit meer naar de onderhandelingstafel hoeven terugkeren.

(De spreker is bereid een "blauwe kaart"-vraag te beantwoorden (artikel 149, lid 8 van het Reglement)).

  Ria Oomen-Ruijten (PPE), "blauwe kaart"-vraag. – Voorzitter, op de taal van de heer Madlener wil ik niet ingaan, maar wel heb ik een vraag. Staat er niet in de Universele Verklaring van de rechten van de mens dat je iedereen ongeacht zijn godsdienst mag liefhebben? Betekent uw opmerking dat u niet meer achter die verklaring staat? Want dan bent u dus echt de weg kwijt.

  Barry Madlener (NI), "blauwe kaart"-antwoord. – Voorzitter, collega Oomen-Ruijten weet dat de PVV de islam in Europa wil tegengaan. Meer islamisering willen wij niet. Er is al genoeg islam in Europa, en een Turks lidmaatschap, wat u zo graag wilt, zou ertoe leiden dat miljoenen Turken naar West-Europa komen. Dat is slecht voor Nederland, en ik denk ook slecht voor uw achterban.

  Francisco José Millán Mon (PPE). - Señora Presidenta, en relación con el proceso de adhesión de Turquía a la Unión Europea me gustaría detenerme en tres puntos.

En primer lugar, su política de visados respecto de nacionales de terceros países. Ya hace dos años expresé en este Parlamento mi sorpresa por que Turquía no acercara esta política a la de la Unión Europea. El informe de situación de 2011, elaborado por la Comisión Europea, indica que Turquía ha concluido recientemente acuerdos de supresión de visados con Sudán y con Yemen. Según mi información, tampoco necesitan visados los nacionales de Irán, Libia, el Líbano y Siria.

La semana pasada, un periódico español muy difundido señalaba lo siguiente: «La excepción de visado a algunos países y miles de kilómetros de frontera terrestre hacen de Turquía el corredor favorito de las mafias».

Turquía, en mi opinión, debe hacer un esfuerzo serio y acercarse progresivamente a la política de la Unión en materia de visados. Es parte del acervo. Debe alinearse y no proseguir la línea actual, que sigue la vía contraria, alejándose de la política de la Unión Europea. Lo que debe haber es un alineamiento progresivo y creo que la Comisión debe seguir atentamente este asunto.

En segundo lugar, creo que la Unión Europea y Turquía deben estrechar su diálogo político. Últimamente Turquía se ha acercado al mundo árabe, ocupa un lugar destacado en una región muy próxima y muy importante para Europa y que está experimentando grandes transformaciones. El diálogo y la cooperación entre Bruselas y Ankara serán muy positivos.

Por último, Señorías, yo celebro el conjunto de reformas que Turquía ha hecho y espero que las prosiga con determinación y firmeza, como pide el informe que mañana aprobaremos.

  Μαρία-Ελένη Κοππά (S&D). - Κυρία Πρόεδρε, θέλω αρχικά να συγχαρώ την εισηγήτρια για μία ακόμη εξαιρετική έκθεση. Η Τουρκία συνεχίζει να στέλνει αντιφατικά μηνύματα σχετικά με τις προθέσεις της και την Ευρωπαϊκή της πορεία. Από τη μία έχει ξεκινήσει έναν διάλογο για το νέο Σύνταγμα που θα είναι απαλλαγμένο από την κληρονομιά του στρατιωτικού καθεστώτος. Από την άλλη συνεχίζει τις διώξεις κατά δημοσιογράφων και αντιφρονούντων διανοουμένων. Σήμερα πάνω από 100 δημοσιογράφοι παραμένουν στις φυλακές, ενώ πρόσφατα ο ίδιος ο Ερντογάν δήλωσε ότι ένα βιβλίο μπορεί να είναι τόσο επικίνδυνο όσο και μια βόμβα. Σε κάθε ευκαιρία η Τουρκία υποστηρίζει ότι δεν προτίθεται να εγκαταλείψει τον Ευρωπαϊκό της προσανατολισμό. Όμως εξακολουθεί να απειλεί με χρήση βίας κράτη-μέλη και να προκαλεί με το να ισχυρίζεται ότι δεν προτίθεται να έχει καμία επαφή με την επερχόμενη Κυπριακή Προεδρία. Εφόσον η Τουρκία επιθυμεί πράγματι την ένταξη, πρέπει να καταλάβει ότι αυτή η στάση έχει συνέπειες. Οι ενταξιακές της διαπραγματεύσεις πράγματι δεν προχωρούν και έχουν παγώσει. Είναι καιρός λοιπόν να αναλογιστούν οι ιθύνοντες στην Άγκυρα, τι δεν έχει γίνει σωστά και να αναλάβουν τις ευθύνες τους. Η ένταξη δεν είναι μια αυτόματη διαδικασία. Απαιτεί σταθερή δέσμευση που αποδεικνύεται με έργα και πράξεις και όχι παλινδρομήσεις. Η λογική της Τουρκίας ένα βήμα μπρος, δύο βήματα πίσω, δεν μπορεί να γίνει αποδεκτή.

  Метин Казак (ALDE). - Г-жо Председател, уважаеми колеги, уважаеми г-н Комисар, аз също искам да приветствам г-жа Ria Oomen-Ruijten за постигнатото в доклада, в който тази година са добавени нови елементи, които са доста окуражителни.

Много е важно да се подчертае, че Турция е единствената страна кандидатка с толкова строг визов режим. Затова поздравявам конструктивния подход на докладчика, който призовава Съвета да даде мандат на Комисията за започването на диалог по визите и да определи пътна карта за либерализиране на визовия режим, след като споразумението за реадмисия бъде подписано от Турция. Това не само ще засили икономическите и търговските отношения между Европейския съюз и Турция, но също така е и основополагаща предпоставка за сближаване на гражданите.

Приветствам и призива на Комисията да обмисли мерки, които да доведат до отварянето на Глава 24 относно правосъдието и вътрешните работи, както и Глава 23, засягаща съдебната система и основните права. Смятам, че наистина, ако искаме европейската перспектива да бъде все така катализатор за политическите реформи в Турция и да бъде фактор за дискутирането на такива проблеми като свободата на словото и на медиите, трябва държавите членки, които все още се противопоставят на това отваряне, да преосмислят позицията си.

Също така бих искал да подчертая и засилването на съществуващия между Европейския съюз и Турция политически диалог, както и ролята на Турция като източник на вдъхновение за демократизацията на арабските държави.

Съжалявам в същото време, че все още в доклада не е постигнат балансиран подход по отношение на Кипър. Изцяло съм убеден, че не бива да очакваме едностранни отстъпки от страна на Турция, но и държавите от Европейския съюз, и по-специално Република Кипър, трябва да поемат отговорността си и да се изпълнят заключенията на Съвета от 26-ти април 2004 година за прекратяване на икономическата изолация на кипърските турци. Мисля, че това е от ключово значение за постигане на компромисно решение.

(Ораторът приема да отговори на въпрос, зададен чрез вдигане на синя карта (член 149, параграф 8 от Правилника за дейността).)

  Bastiaan Belder (EFD), "blauwe kaart"-vraag. – Prettig om juist een lid van de ALDE-Fractie, die erg liberaal en voor ongelimiteerde vrijheid van meningsuiting is, een "blauwekaart"-vraag te stellen. Kunt u mij, collega Kazak, vertellen wat op dit kritieke moment het aantrekkelijke is van toetreding van de Republiek Turkije voor wat betreft de vrijheid van meningsuiting en de vrijheid van de media in de Arabische wereld? Ook de rapporteur maakt zich er schuldig aan daar losjes overheen te glijden en te denken dat dat kan. Hoe denkt de Arabische wereld over Turkije als model? Kunt u nu eens concreet aangeven wat het aanlokkelijke is van Turkije als model voor de democratisering van de Arabische wereld, iets waar we tot nu toe tevergeefs op wachten.

  Метин Казак (ALDE), отговор на въпрос, зададен чрез вдигане на синя карта. – Аз мисля, че отговорът на Вашия въпрос, уважаеми г-н Belder, се съдържа в параграфите на проектодоклада на г-жа Ruijten, както и в изявленията на Комисията. Ролята на Турция като вдъхновител на демократичните промени в Северна Африка е безспорна и ще се съгласите, че този модел на светска демократична държава вдъхновява не една или две държави от региона. Мисля, че тази роля трябва да бъде подкрепяна и окуражавана от страна на Европейския съюз и Турция да продължава да служи като онзи посредник между Европейския съюз и тези държави за налагането на демократичен модел в тях.

(Ораторът приема да отговори на въпрос, зададен чрез вдигане на синя карта (член 149, параграф 8 от Правилника за дейността).)

  Charles Tannock (ECR), blue-card question. – Mr Kazak, according to the interpretation you talked about the fact that Turkey was being demanded to make unilateral concessions and you accused Cyprus of not living up to its ‘commitments’ – the word in interpretation – towards the Turkish Cypriots in the north of the island. Is it not true that Turkey made a commitment under the Ankara Protocols to allow Cypriot-registered vessels to dock at Turkish ports and it has never actually fulfilled that commitment or allowed it to come to pass? Who is actually in breach of their commitments here, Turkey or the Republic of Cyprus?

  Метин Казак (ALDE), отговор на въпрос, зададен чрез вдигане на синя карта. – Уважаеми г-н Tannock, аз съм съгласен, че при изпълнението на ангажиментите и Турция, и Европейският съюз не успяват да постигнат това, което наистина са поели като ангажимент. Но моята критика е свързана с това, че в проектодоклада се обвинява единствено Турция в неизпълнение на нейните ангажименти. Но за пореден път в този доклад не се позволява да бъде повдигната каквато и да е критика, по-скоро самокритика, и към неизпълнение от страна на Европейския съюз на ангажименти, публично поети в заключенията от 2004 година за слагане край на икономическата изолация на кипърските турци вследствие на проведения през същата година референдум по плана за уреждане на конфликта, така наречения план "Кофи Анан". Това имам предвид.

  Димитър Стоянов (NI), въпрос, зададен чрез вдигане на синя карта. – Г-н Казак, бих искал да Ви попитам не бихте ли желали да декларирате конфликт на интереси, когато се изказвате по този доклад, при положение, че и Вие, и брат Ви сте завършили Сорбоната на разноски на турското правителство?

  Метин Казак (ALDE), отговор на въпрос, зададен чрез вдигане на синя карта. – Уважаеми колеги, г-н Стоянов, това е клевета за пореден път, която изричате. Аз не съм завършил във Франция на разноски на турското правителство, а съм бил стипендиант на френското правителство - за информация на всички тук - и нямам никакво отношение към това, което Вие повдигате като клевета.

  Κυριάκος Μαυρονικόλας (S&D), ερώτηση "γαλάζια κάρτα". – Κύριε Kazak μπορείτε να μας πείτε ένα μέτρο καλής θέλησης και κοινής εμπιστοσύνης στο οποίο να έχει προχωρήσει η Τουρκία μετά από 40 χρόνια κατοχής και εποικισμού της Κύπρου; Ένα μέτρο καλής θέλησης απέναντι στην Κυπριακή Δημοκρατία. Μπορείτε να το ονομάσετε;

  Метин Казак (ALDE), отговор на въпрос, зададен чрез вдигане на синя карта. – Уважаеми г-н Mavronikolas, мога да Ви спомена само факта, че броят на турските войски на остров Кипър беше намален значително от 1974 година досега. В същото време знаете, че по нито един от ангажиментите, поети от Европейския съюз - и за „зелената линия”, и за премахването на ограниченията пред кипърските турци, не беше постигнат почти никакъв напредък. Така че аз мисля, че тук наистина трябва двете страни, подчертавам двете страни, да продължат усилията си с добра воля, с желание за постигане на трайно решение. Тази конфронтация трябва да престане.

  Franziska Keller (Verts/ALE). - Madam President, I would also like to congratulate the rapporteur, Mrs Oomen-Ruijten, on her good work. Many problems still remain unsolved in Turkey – press freedom, minority rights (especially those of transgender people and homosexuals), the environment and the Kurdish question, to mention just a few – and also in Cyprus, where a sustainable settlement needs to be reached and the isolation of the northern part brought to an end. Solving these issues will be very beneficial for Turkey and its citizens.

The accession process is an important incentive for change and reform in Turkey, as it is for other enlargement countries as well. However, this will only be an incentive as long as we are clear in our commitment to welcome Turkey as soon as it fulfils the Copenhagen criteria, just as we have done with other countries.

Our most important tool for change and reform is the accession negotiations. It is incomprehensible why we deprive ourselves of this tool by not opening the chapters on justice and fundamental rights as well as on home affairs, in which a lot of the problems I just mentioned – and a lot of the concerns raised in this House – are included. We should open them as soon as possible. We should be sincere in our wish to help Turkey solve those problems. Therefore, Chapters 23 and 24 should be opened as soon as possible so that we can welcome Turkey to the EU as soon as the criteria are fulfilled.

VORSITZ: RAINER WIELAND
Vizepräsident

  Peter van Dalen (ECR). - Voorzitter, de in Turkije populaire film Fetih 1453 heeft duistere kanten. De Nederlandse krant NCR-Handelsblad tekende dat op uit de mond van een filmbezoeker die sprak: "Jammer dat in 1453 niet meteen alle christenen zijn uitgemoord, dan hadden we er nu geen last meer van". Turks-nationalisme vermengt zich met de schaduwkanten van de islam. Dat zien we ook aan de koers van de regering-Erdoğan. Die wordt steeds inniger met Hamas. Erdoğan is de grote leider van de zogenaamde Arabische Lente, een lente die in Egypte inmiddels heeft geleid tot uitzetting van de Israëlische ambassadeur.

Het is geen toeval dat recentelijk veel processen zijn begonnen tegen het grondbezit van Aramese kloosters. Erdoğan zit namelijk stevig in het zadel en is bezig met zijn islamitische AK-partij de machtsbasis uit te breiden, onder andere door die rechtszaken. Een gevaarlijke cocktail van Turks-nationalisme en de duistere kanten van de islam. Het toelaten van Turkije tot de EU zou een fout van historische proporties zijn. Goed nabuurschap is genoeg.

  Jürgen Klute (GUE/NGL). - Herr Präsident! Ich möchte zunächst sagen, dass die Abschnitte in dem Bericht von Frau Oomen-Ruijten, die sich mit dem Thema Justiz und Verfassungsreform befassen, aus meiner Sicht sehr gelungen sind. Dazu möchte ich ihr gratulieren. Allerdings möchte ich anmerken, dass das Thema der Situation der Kurden in der Türkei aus meiner Sicht bei weitem zu kurz kommt. Es gibt ja nicht nur – wie schon mehrfach angemerkt wurde – einige hundert inhaftierte Journalisten, sondern es gibt mehrere tausend inhaftierter kurdischer Menschen, insbesondere kurdische Politiker, die der BDP angehören. Es sind zum Teil gewählte Parlamentarier darunter.

Ich denke, dies ist keine Art und Weise, den Konflikt zwischen der türkischen Regierung und den Kurden zu lösen. Es wäre angemessen, wenn zu diesem Thema in dem Bericht ein deutlicheres Wort gesagt würde. Wir haben dazu auch mit einigen Abgeordneten für morgen noch Änderungsanträge eingebracht. Ich würde es begrüßen, wenn diese Änderungsanträge eine Mehrheit finden. Ich glaube, es hilft nicht, an dieser Stelle die Augen zuzumachen. Hier braucht es ein paar deutlichere Worte seitens der EU!

  Νικόλαος Σαλαβράκος (EFD). - Κύριε Πρόεδρε, αναμφισβήτητα η Τουρκία, όπως τονίζεται και μέσα στην έκθεση, αποτελεί μια αναπτυσσόμενη οικονομία, είναι πολυπληθής χώρα και έχει στρατηγικό ρόλο στη σταθερότητα και την ασφάλεια στην ευρύτερη Ανατολή.

Ευχόμαστε η Τουρκία να πάρει τα μηνύματα της εκθέσεως τα οποία χαρακτηρίζονται από πλήρη αντικειμενικότητα. Ωστόσο, θεωρώ ότι η Τουρκία δεν καταφέρνει να λύσει τα προβλήματά της με τον αρμόζοντα τρόπο και τη δυτική νοοτροπία, παρά την Ευρωπαϊκή πορεία την οποία επιθυμεί. Ενδεικτικά αναφέρω: διατηρεί στρατεύματα εισβολής και κατοχής σε τμήμα της Κύπρου, χώρα της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, κατά παράβαση αποφάσεων των Ηνωμένων Εθνών. Επιπλέον, απειλεί με ανοίκειο ύφος ότι αν δεν λυθεί το Κυπριακό όπως αυτή θέλει, θα διακόψει κάθε επικοινωνία, επίσημη ή ανεπίσημη, με την Κυπριακή Προεδρία που θα αρχίσει το επόμενο εξάμηνο. Θεωρώ ότι αυτό είναι καταφρόνηση κυρίως της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης και, αν το πράξει αυτό η Τουρκία, θα πρέπει να σταματήσουν οι περαιτέρω ενέργειες ...

(Ο Πρόεδρος διακόπτει τον ομιλητή)

  Andreas Mölzer (NI). - Herr Präsident! Herr Kommissar! Der Bericht von Frau Oomen-Ruijten ist sicherlich insofern verdienstvoll, als er immerhin die Einschränkungen der Medienfreiheit, der Meinungsfreiheit und auch Menschenrechtsverletzungen in der Türkei aufzeigt. Insgesamt aber muss man den Eindruck haben, dass die EU und auch dieses Parlament in gewisser Form im Hinblick auf die Türkei Realitätsverweigerung betreibt.

Die Türkei bewegt sich nämlich trotz der neuen Verfassung zunehmend von Europa weg. Auch die neue Verfassung ändert nichts daran, dass Premierminister Erdoğan zunehmend autoritär regiert. Diese Abwendung von Europa zeigt sich in einer zunehmenden Islamisierung des Landes, sie zeigt sich in der Haltung der Türkei in der Frage des Armeniergenozids, und sie zeigt sich in der arroganten Haltung der Türkei gegenüber dem nächsten Ratsvorsitzenden, Zypern. Insgesamt muss man sagen, die Türkei bewegt sich von Europa weg. Sie nimmt allerdings die Heranführungshilfe in Anspruch. All das sollte dazu führen, dass wir uns endlich einmal eingestehen, dass die Türkei kein europäisches Land ist und niemals wirklich Mitglied dieser Union sein sollte.

  Jarosław Leszek Wałęsa (PPE). - Panie Przewodniczący! W tym roku chciałbym skupić się na jednym bardzo ważnym aspekcie, który jest również poruszany w tym sprawozdaniu. Chodzi o procesy dziennikarzy, którzy są aresztowani pod różnymi pretekstami, na przykład na podstawie prawa antyterrorystycznego za rzekome rozpowszechnianie poglądów i propagandę organizacji terrorystycznych z powodu poruszania w swojej pracy niewygodnych dla władz w Ankarze tematów.

Ustawa antyterrorystyczna ma bardzo duży wpływ na wolność wypowiedzi dziennikarzy. Na podstawie art. 6 i 7 tej ustawy wystarczy, by dziennikarz opublikował informację o manifestacji kurdyjskiej, aby trafił do więzienia. Aresztowania są faktem i – jako Parlament Europejski – musimy nalegać, aby toczące się przeciwko dziennikarzom procesy sądowe były prowadzone w sposób przejrzysty, z poszanowaniem prawa i w odpowiednich warunkach. Niestety cały czas nie dysponujemy dokładnymi danymi dotyczącymi liczby dziennikarzy zatrzymanych oraz liczby spraw aktualnie otwartych przeciwko dziennikarzom. Prace nad reformą konstytucji i kodeksem karnym trwają. Rozwiązaniem nie będzie jednak zniesienie obowiązujących regulacji. Turcja musi zmienić podejście do stosowania istniejącego prawa. Nawet najlepiej sformułowane regulacje prawne nie zapewnią sprawiedliwości i poszanowania praw człowieka bez rozsądnego ich interpretowania.

  Richard Howitt (S&D). - Mr President, with other international observers I was prevented this year from observing the KCK trials in Diyarbakır and, had we been let through the door, we would have seen prosecutions taking place without the defence present and with the use of the Kurdish mother tongue prohibited. So it is right that we keep the pressure up for judicial reforms to show full respect for human rights. The release of jailed journalists, Nedim Şener and Ahmet Şık, shows that our criticisms are effective. Indeed I was honoured recently to meet the daughter of murdered Armenian-origin journalist Hrant Dink, to speak in support of her appeal against the findings that this was not an organised crime, and to hear from Etyen Mahçupyan, the proprietor of his newspaper at the time, that popular revulsion to his murder has eased attitudes in Turkey towards the Armenian question.

I have nothing but praise, on the other hand, for the help Turkey has given to the 17 000 Syrian refugees who have crossed its borders. I join with the Commissioner in welcoming the constitutional debate but ask him to join with me in asking that the submissions be republished on the website from which they were abruptly taken off.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 149(8))

  William (The Earl of) Dartmouth (EFD), blue-card question. – Mr President, has Mr Howitt ever considered the impact on his constituents of giving 90 million Turkish citizens, including an oppressed Kurdish minority of approximately 15 million, the absolute right to live, work and settle in the United Kingdom, which will be the consequence of admitting Turkey as a member of the European Union? Have you ever considered that, Mr Howitt?

  Richard Howitt (S&D), blue-card answer. – Mr President, a young Turkey with a growing skilled workforce and growing business can improve prosperity, not just for that country but for my country and my constituency. The honourable Member knows a few things about losing elections. Perhaps if Nicolas Sarkozy loses the election on 6 May there will be a fairer hearing for Turkey in the European Union.

  Anneli Jäätteenmäki (ALDE). - Arvoisa puhemies, Turkin naiset ovat menestyneet erinomaisesti lentopallon mestarien liigassa, ja joukkue on vahvasti matkalla kohti finaalia. Sen sijaan Turkin journalisteilla ei mene yhtä hyvin. Useat ovat joutuneet ja ovat edelleen matkalla kohti vankilaa. Media- ja sananvapaus eivät toteudu Turkissa. Ihmisoikeuksissa on paljon korjattavaa.

Ongelmista huolimatta on tunnustettava, että Turkki on ollut aktiivinen ja rakentava ulkopoliittinen toimija omalla alueellaan. On tervehdittävä sitä kehitystä, mikä on tapahtunut, ja toivottavasti Turkki tekee rakentavaa yhteistyötä EU:n kanssa, puolin ja toisin. Elämää on laajentumisneuvotteluiden ulkopuolellakin. Tämä mietintö on erinomainen ja yhdyn mietinnön laatijan vaatimukseen avata neuvottelukappaleet 23 ja 24.

(Puhuja lupasi vastata työjärjestyksen 149 artiklan 8 kohdan mukaiseen sinisen kortin kysymykseen.)

  Charles Tannock (ECR), blue-card question. – Mrs Jäätteenmäki – this was again in the interpretation – you said that Turkey had been a force for good in the work it has done in its region. How then do you account for the fact that it has kept the border closed and imposed an embargo on peaceful, democratic Armenia for 20 years, for no other reason than the fact that it sides with its cousins in Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh? How can you justify a boycott on a country like Armenia purely because of your solidarity with some other country? This is absolutely unparalleled in any other place in the world. So what good is it doing in terms of keeping its border with Armenia shut?

  Anneli Jäätteenmäki (ALDE), Vastaus sinisen kortin kysymykseen. – Arvoisa puhemies, Turkilla on ongelmia Armenian kanssa, mutta meidän on myönnettävä, että sillä alueella on tapahtunut paljon kehitystä ja Turkki on ollut tässä asiassa aktiivinen ja se on toiminut rakentavasti.

  Marina Yannakoudakis (ECR). - Mr President, Turkey is still lagging behind when it comes to equality between men and women. The rigid role which women play in Turkish society means lower participation by women in the workplace, politics and civil society. Worse still, attacks against women are commonplace, and the authorities are too lenient on the perpetrators of gender-based violence. More women’s shelters are needed in order to protect the vulnerable.

Turkey must work harder to eradicate the practice of honour killings, with dozens of Turkish women murdered each year. I also call on Turkey to criminalise forced marriages. Turkish women are still less educated than their male counterparts, and there needs to be a special focus on rural women, especially with regard to literacy. Three million rural Turkish women remain illiterate. Kurdish women in particular are disadvantaged by the double burden of being women and Kurds. I call on the Commission to put women’s rights at the forefront of negotiations with Turkey.

  Lorenzo Fontana (EFD). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, c'è da dire che ci troviamo ciclicamente in quest'Aula a parlare dell'adesione della Turchia in Europa. Devo dire che però ogni anno i passi avanti sono pochi, se non c'è addirittura una regressione rispetto all'anno precedente.

Io mi chiedo, dopo quello che ha detto il ministro degli Esteri turco riguardo alla Presidenza cipriota, se già questo non sia abbastanza per la Commissione europea, per il Parlamento europeo e anche per il Consiglio europeo per decidere che forse è ora di dire basta al cercare di far entrare la Turchia in Europa. È evidente che ci sono degli interessi completamente diversi ed è evidente che forse bisogna intraprendere una strada diversa con questo paese che è sicuramente strategico per l'Europa e con il quale si possono avere sicuramente buone relazioni commerciali. Tuttavia, l'adesione all'Unione europea creerebbe sicuramente degli scompensi anche alle nostre basi e ai nostri valori fondamentali.

Quindi io lancio un appello proprio alla Commissione perché riveda questa politica di adesione, anche perché noi stiamo dando dei soldi per questa politica di preadesione, ma di certo non li diamo per l'invasione di Cipro né tantomeno per l'incarcerazione dei giornalisti.

  Димитър Стоянов (NI). - Г-н Председател, много пъти съм говорил в тая зала за Турция и за проблемите, свързани с нея. Виждам, че колегите се опитват да изброят всички нарушения. Но те са толкова много, че те просто не могат да бъдат изброени по никакъв начин.

Толкова много нарушения прави Турция на основните принципи на демокрацията, на човешките права, че миналата седмица многоуважаваният от всички нас колега José Bové от групата на Зелените, заедно с още трима колеги, ми изпратиха и ме помолиха да подпиша писмо до Главния секретар на Съвета на Европа, с което се иска суспендиране на членството на Турция в Съвета на Европа. И ние, при положение, че има такава инициатива от този Парламент, какво седим и какво обсъждаме за нейното членство в Европейския съюз?

Съветът на Европа е една много по-либерална институция, отколкото Съюза. И накрая ще се обърна към гражданите на Европа и ще ги попитам: Граждани на Европа, вие съгласни ли сте в Европейския съюз да има една страна, извършила няколко геноцида, която не само не се разкайва за това, но и се гордее?

  Μαριέττα Γιαννάκου (PPE). - Κύριε Πρόεδρε, συγχαίρω την κ. Oomen-Ruijten για την πολιτική πληρότητα της έκθεσής της. Τα θεσμικά όργανα της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης διατηρούν πάντα την πολιτική τους βούληση για την Ευρωπαϊκή προοπτική της Τουρκίας.

Το ερώτημα είναι εάν η ίδια η Τουρκία έχει την πραγματική βούληση να γίνει Ευρωπαϊκή χώρα. Οι μειονεξίες του συστήματος στην Τουρκία αφορούν κυρίως τα περί δημοκρατίας κατά την κρατούσα αντίληψη. Βασικά δομικά στοιχεία μιας πραγματικά δημοκρατικής διακυβέρνησης είναι η ελευθερία του λόγου, οι θρησκευτικές ελευθερίες, η ελευθερία των διαφόρων εθνικών κοινοτήτων να διατηρούν την πολιτισμική τους ταυτότητα, η συνταγματική προσαρμογή στο σύγχρονο μοντέλο δημοκρατίας, η διπλωματική προσέγγιση των θεμάτων εξωτερικής πολιτικής και η αποφυγή απειλών, η προσήλωση στις αρχές καλής γειτονίας, η αποφυγή παραβίασης του εθνικού χώρου άλλων κρατών και οι προκλήσεις έναντι των γειτόνων, ο σεβασμός των αρχών και αξιών του οικοδομήματος του οποίου ζητά να γίνει τμήμα η Τουρκία και, συνεπώς, η υποχρέωση που έχει να αναγνωρίσει όλα τα μέρη που απαρτίζουν την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση. Επιπλέον, το ζήτημα της παράνομης μετανάστευσης μέσω της Τουρκίας και η άρνησή της να εφαρμόσει τις ήδη υπάρχουσες συμφωνίες, δημιουργεί πολλά ερωτηματικά.

Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η Τουρκία είναι καλώς αποδεκτή στην Ευρώπη, εάν και εφόσον η ίδια αποφασίσει ότι θέλει να λάβει τα αναγκαία μέτρα και δεν θέλει να παραμείνει με το ένα πόδι στις ασιατικές αντιλήψεις και με το άλλο στις ευρωπαϊκές.

  Wolfgang Kreissl-Dörfler (S&D). - Herr Präsident! Verehrte Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Wir Sozialdemokraten haben immer unmissverständlich klargemacht, dass wir an der Beitrittsperspektive für die Türkei festhalten. Dazu stehen wir nach wie vor.

Leider müssen wir auch feststellen, dass uns die derzeitige Politik Erdoğans und seiner Regierung gar nicht gefällt. Es wurden zwar viele Reformen durchgeführt und Demokratisierungsprozesse vorangetrieben; die Wirtschaft boomt. Doch dem stehen auf der anderen Seite besorgniserregende Entwicklungen gegenüber: Innenpolitisch wird die Meinungsfreiheit erneut eingeschränkt, Journalisten und Politiker werden verhaftet. Sorgenvoll stimmt uns auch die Drohung des türkischen Ministerpräsidenten, während der zypriotischen Ratspräsidentschaft die Beziehungen zur EU einzufrieren. Dies ist völlig inakzeptabel.

Der Reform- und Demokratisierungsprozess muss dennoch weitergehen und fortgesetzt werden. Klar ist auch: Die Türkei ist kein Bittstellerland, sondern ein Partnerland, mit dem die EU auf der Grundlage ihrer eigenen einstimmigen Beschlüsse Beitrittsverhandlungen führt. Vielleicht ist das manchen hier noch nicht aufgefallen. Und manche, die hier von Werten sprechen: Da graust es mir, diese Werte auch nur im Ansatz zu sehen. Wir müssen an unseren Zusagen festhalten. Ich finde, dass es ein sehr guter Bericht ist, aber leider lassen hier manche Redebeiträge in ihrer Qualität sehr zu wünschen übrig; dies ist eine Schande.

  Marietje Schaake (ALDE). - Mr President, today we call for a renewed boost in EU-Turkish relations and to open the negotiation chapters on the most essential issues now: the chapters on fundamental freedoms, justice and the rule of law.

Our emphasis on these key issues prompts the Turkish authorities, the government first and foremost, to ensure the rule of law is upheld. While we are open to cooperation in relation to the Middle East and on mutual security challenges, we strongly condemn the abuse of anti-terrorism laws. It is, after all, NATO’s second largest army, but a significant portion of this army’s leadership now faces the most serious charges of committing terrorist activities or of plotting a coup. It is essential for Turkey, its role in NATO and its relations with the EU that both process and outcomes of these trials are fairly conducted and that suspects get a due process.

The same goes for the high number of journalists imprisoned, as many colleagues have mentioned. The climate of fear and mistrust in institutions in Turkey is undermining its potential to be a leader in a changing world and we urge the Turkish Government to take its responsibilities.

  William (The Earl of) Dartmouth (EFD). - Mr President, Turkey’s Prime Minister Erdogan has described UN sanctions against Iran as, and I quote, ‘a mistake’. Since March last year, Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria have issued tourist visas valid for those four countries together. Turkey, of course, has a customs union with the EU, but it also has a customs union with the five Turkic-speaking countries of Central Asia. The inconvenient truth is that Turkey is a regional power of the Middle East, and this is because of the actuality. Turkey is an Asian country, moreover one that does not tolerate meaningful dissent. Turkey should not even be considered for membership of the European Union, and it certainly should not be receiving almost one billion euros a year in pre-accession funding.

  Philip Claeys (NI). - Voorzitter, hoe lang gaan we ons nog bezighouden met het opstellen van zogenaamde voortgangsverslagen over Turkije, die totaal geen vooruitgang bevatten. Dit is nu al het zesde of het zevende sinds 2005, en ik vraag mij af of er in Turkije en in Europa nog iemand is die deze teksten serieus neemt. We weten allemaal dat Turkije destijds al niet voldeed aan de criteria om überhaupt aan de onderhandelingen over de toetreding te beginnen, en het is intussen van kwaad naar erger gegaan.

Momenteel zitten er ongeveer 100 mensen in Turkije in de gevangenis, louter omwille van de mening die ze hebben verkondigd. Daar zitten professoren, ambtenaren, legerofficieren, schrijvers, journalisten en verkozen politici bij. Willen we dat soort landen in de Europese Unie hebben? Ook de houding van Turkije tegenover Cyprus is een schandaal, net zoals het buitenlands beleid dat zich steeds meer van Europa afkeert.

Laat ons dus eindelijk de stekker eruit trekken en eens en vooral beslissen dat Europa Europees moet blijven.

  Ελένη Θεοχάρους (PPE). - Πρόεδρε, είναι ξεκάθαρο ότι και από μόνο του το επίπεδο εφαρμογής των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων στην Τουρκία δεν επιτρέπει σε αυτή την χώρα να φιλοδοξεί να γίνει μέλος της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης. Η Τουρκία δεν μπορεί να καταστεί μέλος της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, ακόμη και για το γεγονός ότι απειλεί με προσάρτηση το κατεχόμενο τμήμα της Κύπρου, και για αυτό δεν φταίει ούτε η Κύπρος, ούτε η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση.

Η παραβίαση βεβαίως των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων επεκτείνεται στην Κύπρο και εναντίον των ελληνοκυπρίων και εναντίον των τουρκοκυπρίων, και εύχομαι να είχατε ακούσει σήμερα την αγωνιώδη κραυγή των τουρκοκυπρίων για τον κίνδυνο αφανισμού τους από την παρουσία του τουρκικού στρατού.

Βεβαίως, συγχαίρω την εισηγήτρια για το δύσκολο έργο της, αλλά παρόλο που η έκθεση είναι ισοζυγισμένη και προϊόν συμβιβασμού, η Τουρκία αρνείται πεισματικά να αναγνωρίσει την καλή μας θέληση. Συνεπώς, εάν η Τουρκία θέλει να προχωρήσει η ενταξιακή της διαδικασία και να ανοίξουν κεφάλαια, οφείλει να συμμορφωθεί με τις αποφάσεις του Ευρωπαϊκού Συμβουλίου και του Ευρωπαϊκού Δικαστηρίου Ανθρωπίνων Δικαιωμάτων. Οφείλει να σεβαστεί το ευρωπαϊκό κεκτημένο.

Αλλά, πως δείχνει τον σεβασμό της στην καλή μας θέληση η Τουρκία; Πώς αντιδρά στη θετική ατζέντα και στα θετικά μηνύματα που στέλνουμε; Απαντά με απειλές εναντίον της Κυπριακής Δημοκρατίας, οδηγεί τις διαπραγματεύσεις σε αδιέξοδο και αντί να συμμορφωθεί με τα ψηφίσματα του Οργανισμού Ηνωμένων Εθνών, καλεί τους νομίμους κατοίκους της Αμμοχώστου να επιστρέψουν ως πολίτες του ψευδοκράτους.

Γιατί λοιπόν να έχει ευνοϊκή μεταχείριση;

(Ο Πρόεδρος διακόπτει την ομιλήτρια)

(Ο αγορητής συμφωνεί να απαντήσει σε ερώτηση "γαλάζια κάρτα" (άρθρο 149, παράγραφος 8 του Κανονισμού).)

  Emine Bozkurt (S&D), "blauwe kaart"-vraag. – Voorzitter, ik heb eigenlijk een heel eenvoudige vraag. Vandaag is door onze Grieks-Cypriotische collega's meerdere malen gerefereerd aan wat de Turks-Cyprioten zouden willen, wat hun wensen zijn en wat zij vinden. Kunt u mij uitleggen waarom de Turks-Cypriotische collega's niet hier in dit Parlement vertegenwoordigd zijn, zodat ze dat zelf kunnen vertellen?

  Ελένη Θεοχάρους (PPE), απάντηση "γαλάζια κάρτα". – Γιατί τους το απαγορεύει ο τουρκικός στρατός κατοχής και αυτό το έχουν αποδείξει χιλιάδες φορές, τόσο με τις διαδηλώσεις πέρυσι στη Λευκωσία εναντίον του στρατού κατοχής και του Ερντογάν, όσο και με τη σημερινή τους παρουσία στο Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο, αλλά και κάθε φορά που έχουν την ευκαιρία να έρθουν εδώ στο Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο. Έρχονται εδώ με την ταυτότητα και το διαβατήριο του κυπριακού κράτους και σέβονται την κυπριακή πολιτεία, κάτι το οποίο δεν κάνουν δυστυχώς πολλοί εδώ μέσα.

  Κυριάκος Μαυρονικόλας (S&D). - Κύριε Πρόεδρε, συμπληρώνονται σαράντα χρόνια συνομιλιών για τη λύση του Κυπριακού προβλήματος, ο δε τελευταίος γύρος των ομιλιών συμπληρώνει μια τριετία, χωρίς να έχει επιτύχει τίποτα σε σχέση με τις προσπάθειες εκ μέρους της Τουρκίας για λύση του προβλήματός μας. Ο στρατός δεν έχει μειωθεί. Διατηρούν 50.000 κατοχικό στρατό σε μια τουρκοκυπριακή κοινότητα των 100.000, ενώ παράλληλα κρατούν την πόλη της Αμμοχώστου σαν πόλη φάντασμα χωρίς να την αποδίδουν στους κατοίκους της και διατηρούν τη Λευκωσία χωρισμένη και αυτά, ενώ όλοι εμείς εδώ στο Κοινοβούλιο, αγωνιούμε επανειλημμένα για τον εποικισμό παλαιστινιακών εδαφών από το Ισραήλ.

Δυστυχώς, ο εποικισμός ο οποίος γίνεται στα κατεχόμενα είναι ανυπολόγιστος. Ο στόχος του Ερντογάν είναι να πετύχει ένα εκατομμύριο εποίκους και τότε η λύση του κυπριακού προβλήματος πραγματικά θα είναι ανέφικτη. Θα είμαστε εδώ μετά από πέντε και δέκα χρόνια για να εξακριβώσουμε ότι δεν υπάρχει λύση για το κυπριακό πρόβλημα.

(Ο αγορητής συμφωνεί να απαντήσει σε ερώτηση "γαλάζια κάρτα" (άρθρο 149, παράγραφος 8 του Κανονισμού).)

  Метин Казак (ALDE), въпрос, зададен чрез вдигане на синя карта. – Г-н Председател, аз имам въпрос към г-н Mavronikolas. С какво Република Кипър подпомага намирането на трайно решение на кипърския въпрос през последните години? Може ли да изброите конкретни инициативи, които да доведат до едно такова разрешение. Защо се противопоставяте на предложението на Комисията за директни търговски контакти със Северен Кипър?

  Κυριάκος Μαυρονικόλας (S&D), απάντηση "γαλάζια κάρτα". – Δεν ήμασταν εμείς εναντίον του απευθείας εμπορίου, έχει αποφασίσει σχετικά η Επιτροπή Νομικών Θεμάτων ότι πρέπει να αλλαχθεί η νομική βάση αυτής της πρότασης από την Επιτροπή. Επομένως, εμείς θέλουμε να υπάρχουν εμπορικές συναλλαγές νοουμένου ότι η νομική βάση δεν δίνει αναγνωρισιμότητα στα κατεχόμενα και επαναλαμβάνω ότι οι προσπάθειες οι οποίες έγιναν από την Κύπρο ήταν ουκ ολίγες. Ανταπόκριση δεν υπάρχει, όμως, από μία Τουρκία όπου ο Πρωθυπουργός δηλώνει ότι στόχος του είναι να μεταφέρει...

(Ο Πρόεδρος διακόπτει τον ομιλητή)

  Magdi Cristiano Allam (EFD). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, leggendo la proposta di risoluzione mi sono domandato di quale Europa si stia parlando e a quale Turchia si faccia riferimento.

Se voi consideraste l'Europa come una semplice entità geografica, dovreste rendervi conto che la Turchia non è Europa, dal momento che il 97% del territorio turco è in Asia. La Turchia laica, fondata nel 1924 da Atatürk non esiste più. Al suo posto si è imposto un regime islamico, il cui primo ministro Erdogan è stato condannato e arrestato nel 1998 per incitamento all'odio religioso per aver declamato pubblicamente: "Le moschee sono le nostre caserme, le cupole i nostri elmetti, i minareti le nostre baionette e i fedeli i nostri soldati". Erdogan ha favorito l'avvento al potere di islamici integralisti ed estremisti in Medio Oriente. Secondo Erdogan, Israele sarebbe uno Stato terrorista e Hamas un'organizzazione da sostenere, ma soprattutto ...

(Il Presidente interrompe l'oratore)

  Birgit Schnieber-Jastram (PPE). - Herr Präsident! Danke an Frau Oomen-Ruijten für diesen Bericht. Er zeigt uns, was für eine wichtige Rolle die Türkei für die EU nicht nur wirtschaftlich, sondern auch politisch als ein Bindeglied für die Regionen Zentralasien, Arabien und Afrika spielt. Trotz aller Fortschritte, die die Türkei in den letzten Jahren gemacht hat, gibt es Vieles nachzuholen. Stichworte: kurdische Minderheiten, inhaftierte Journalisten. Das ist hier sehr deutlich geworden. Deshalb müssen wir uns bemühen, gemeinsam mit der türkischen Regierung und der türkischen Gesellschaft nach Lösungen für tatsächlich noch bestehende Probleme zu suchen und die Türkei bei Reformen zu unterstützen.

Ich bin übrigens ziemlich erschüttert, in welcher Weise manche Kollegen hier elementare Grundrechte der Union in Frage stellen: das Recht auf freie Religionsausübung, das Recht auf freie Meinungsäußerung.

Zum Schluss eine Bitte an die Kommission: Sehr geehrter Herr Kommissar Füle! Die positive Agenda zur Türkei sollte möglichst bald vorgelegt und möglichst weit entwickelt werden.

  Emine Bozkurt (S&D). - Mr President, Turkey’s importance keeps increasing. Turkey’s economy is growing and Turkey is becoming a regional and global power. Europe and Turkey need each other more than ever. But ironically the accession negotiations have entered a stalemate. The Commission has no real leverage on important issues, due to the blocked chapters. The positive agenda is important to keep supporting the reforms, but if we want real changes we must support the opening of Chapters 23 and 24.

The report we will vote on tomorrow is important because it recognises these issues and it gives support to the positive agenda. It supports the reforms but also says that there are still reforms that need to be carried out, especially on freedom of speech and press freedom. We are concerned about the wide margin of appreciation allowed by the anti-terror law; we are concerned about the arrested journalists and those working under the threat of being arrested. But I am also concerned about attacks in Europe on Turkish press offices and ask for investigations to be carried out in Europe to find the perpetrators.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 149(8))

  William (The Earl of) Dartmouth (EFD), blue-card question. – Mrs Bozkurt, you used the phrase in your speech that Turkey is a growing economy and a regional power. Well the same could be said of South Korea. Why do these two facts, if they are facts, justify political union with Turkey?

  Emine Bozkurt (S&D), "blauwe kaart"-antwoord. – Vast staat dat er onderhandelingen gaande zijn; volgens mij is het in het kader van die onderhandelingen belangrijk om te bekijken wat belangrijk is voor Turkije en wat belangrijk is voor de Europese Unie. Dat heb ik onderstreept. Dat u tegen bent, is uw probleem; ik denk dat het belangrijk is dat wij bekijken hoe op een juiste manier verdere onderhandelingen kunnen worden gevoerd. Daar gaat mijn speech over.

  Alf Svensson (PPE). - Herr talman! Jag gratulerar fru Oomen-Ruijten till ett utomordentligt betänkande. Man undrar om rapporten har skrivits för att ta reda på hur lång vägsträcka som Turkiet har kvar till medlemskap, och för att man vill ta upp allt som brister i Turkiet, eller om man har skrivit detta betänkande för att så småningom få se Turkiet som medlem i EU.

Herr talman, jag tycker att det krävs ett större mått av ärlighet i den här debatten och att man säger om man vill se Turkiet som medlem i EU eller inte, för då får man faktiskt finna sig i att försöka få en annan ton från en del håll än vad jag tycker har varit fallet här.

För min personliga del tycker jag att det är mycket angeläget att arbeta för att Turkiet kommer med som medlem. Jag tror att Turkiet är mindre beroende av EU än vad EU är av Turkiet. Det är klart att vägsträckan är ganska lång, men vi måste ändå våga uttala om vi vill att Turkiet ska klara av den eller inte.

Turkiet är en stormakt, och förblir en stormakt, och kan agera som en stormakt.

  Pino Arlacchi (S&D). - Mr President, I support this resolution because I am in favour of full EU membership for Turkey and because I am convinced that its accession process should be completed as soon as possible. I have heard many objections to this process and I believe many of them are well grounded, but I believe also that these objections are overshadowed by three facts.

First, the contribution of Turkey to the stability of the world economy. Its economic growth, along with the performance of the BRICS, averted the transformation of the financial crisis in Europe and the USA after 2008 into a genuine catastrophe.

The second fact is the strengthening of global peace generated by Turkey’s democratisation process and its related problem-free foreign policy. There has been a huge change of course of Turkish foreign policy in the right direction, which is positively affecting all East-West relationships.

The third is the quality of Turkish social policies. In just six years, from 2003 to 2009, the country reduced its poverty rate by an astonishing 36%, and as Socialists and Democrats we particularly appreciate this achievement.

  Γεώργιος Κουμουτσάκος (PPE). - Κύριε Πρόεδρε, κύριε Επίτροπε, κύριοι συνάδελφοι, προσέξτε την αλληλουχία των εξής γεγονότων: 23 Φεβρουαρίου ο τούρκος Υπουργός Άμυνας ανακοίνωσε στην Μεγάλη Τουρκική Εθνοσυνέλευση την αγορά 100 μαχητικών αεροσκαφών F15 για την επόμενη τετραετία. Κόστος: 16 δισ. δολάρια. Ένα μήνα μετά, 21 Μαρτίου, το τουρκικό ερευνητικό σκάφος "Πίρι Ρέις" κάνει παράνομες ερευνητικές δραστηριότητες στην ελληνική υφαλοκρηπίδα.

Στις 24 Μαρτίου η τουρκική φρεγάτα Gaziantep εισήλθε σε ελληνικά χωρικά ύδατα φθάνοντας ανοιχτά του Σουνίου. Πιστεύω κυρίες και κύριοι συνάδελφοι να ξέρετε που βρίσκεται το Σούνιο και ο ναός του Ποσειδώνα και σε ποιά απόσταση από την Αθήνα! Ο παράνομος αυτός πλους της τουρκικής φρεγάτας ανάγκασε το ελληνικό πολεμικό ναυτικό και την αεροπορία να κινητοποιηθεί και ερωτάω κύριε Επίτροπε: είναι εθνικός μαζοχισμός που η Ελλάδα καταβάλλει 3,5% του Ακαθάριστου Εθνικού Προϊόντος για αμυντικές δαπάνες; Περισσότερο από κάθε άλλο κράτος μέλος; Τι έχετε να πείτε γι' αυτό στην Τουρκία;

  Ana Gomes (S&D). - Senhor Presidente, como assinala o relatório Oomen-Ruijten, a Turquia já fez notáveis progressos, mas tem ainda caminho a percorrer para garantir direitos humanos, democracia e Estado de direito. A nova Constituição deve consagrar valores e princípios basilares da União Europeia, assegurando uma real separação de poderes, controlo civil sobre os militares e uma definição inclusiva da cidadania turca que respeite plenamente os direitos das minorias, nomeadamente a curda, e da maioria, que são as mulheres.

A liberdade de expressão e de imprensa são fundamentais para garantir outros direitos humanos e a democracia. Intelectuais, jornalistas e ativistas de direitos humanos continuam a ser postos nas prisões. É urgente que a Turquia reveja as leis perversas penais e antiterroristas, que pare com o abuso de tribunais especiais contra oposicionistas e garanta a independência do sistema judicial.

A atuação da Turquia no próximo semestre, em que Chipre vai assumir a presidência da União Europeia, não vai testar apenas a União Europeia: porá à prova o entendimento turco do que implica pertencer a esta União, do que implica construir a União Europeia.

  Theodor Dumitru Stolojan (PPE). - Locul Turciei este în Uniunea Europeană. Avem tot dreptul ca în negocierile cu Turcia să fim exigenţi pentru respectarea deplină a valorilor europene, dar consider că aceeaşi exigenţă trebuie să o aibă unele state membre faţă de motivele reale pe care le invocă an de an pentru a bloca procesul negocierilor cu Turcia.

Îmi exprim speranţa că viitoarea Preşedinţie cipriotă va fi o surpriză pozitivă în progresul acestor negocieri.

  Krzysztof Lisek (PPE). - Panie Przewodniczący! Panie Komisarzu! Dziękuję pani poseł Oomen-Ruijten za – jak powiedział mój przedmówca – bardzo dobre, wyważone sprawozdanie, pokazujące zarówno to, co się pozytywnego działo przez ostanie lata i miesiące, jak i wyzwania, przed którymi wspólnie stoimy, i my, i Turcja. Bowiem musimy wszyscy zdawać sobie sprawę w jednego podstawowego faktu politycznego – prowadzimy w Turcją negocjacje akcesyjne jako Unia Europejska, czyli prowadzą je również poniekąd Niemcy, Austria, Francja, Grecja i Cypr. Jeżeli je prowadzimy, to – jak pamiętam – w historii wszystkie negocjacje akcesyjne doprowadziły finalnie do członkostwa danego kraju w Unii Europejskiej, co zresztą władze tureckie deklarują. Musimy sobie na pewno odpowiedzieć na podstawowe pytanie: czy chcemy Turcji w Unii Europejskiej?

Jeszcze jedna rzecz do kolegów z Cypru. Chciałbym zaapelować, aby na pewne procesy spojrzeć z punktu widzenia historii. Polska z Niemcami przez stulecia toczyły wojny, a dzisiaj nie ma lepszych partnerów w Unii Europejskiej niż Polska i Niemcy.

„Catch the eye“-Verfahren

  Danuta Jazłowiecka (PPE). - Panie Przewodniczący! Gratuluję pani sprawozdawczyni Rii Oomen-Ruijten doskonałej pracy nad sprawozdaniem. Tym bardziej gratuluję, że zmarnowanych zostało wiele lat, nie wyznaczając konkretnych działań w sprawie rozszerzenia dla Turcji. Dotychczasowa stagnacja jedynie mnoży problemy, o których mówili moi koledzy, a ich nie rozwiązuje. Zaproponowany obecnie plan działań daje natomiast nadzieję, że po jednej i po drugiej stronie rozpoczniemy wspólną drogę do zbliżenia Turcji do Unii Europejskiej, do osiągnięcia lepszych standardów w rozwiązywaniu spornych spraw.

Jak słusznie zauważył pan komisarz, jest wiele spraw łączących nas, warto zatem pracować nad rozszerzeniem obszarów, które bardziej zbliżą Turcję do Europy. W naszym interesie jest wspierać, zachęcać i współpracować z Turcją na różnych polach, by problemy rozwiązywać. Wierzę w turecką demokrację, tylko ona może zapewnić nienaruszalność godności obywateli tureckich i respektowanie ich praw, ale także rozwiązywanie problemów niektórych krajów członkowskich, które wskazywali moi koledzy.

  Αντιγόνη Παπαδοπούλου (S&D). - Κύριε Πρόεδρε, το Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο δεν νομιμοποιείται να κλείνει τα μάτια στη συνεχιζόμενη παραβίαση ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων στην ίδια την Τουρκία, στην Κύπρο, στις χουντικές περιοχές. Η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, δεν δικαιούται να ανέχεται απειλές από μια υποψήφια χώρα εναντίον κράτους μέλους, επειδή θα προεδρεύσει του Συμβουλίου της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης.

Περίμενα από την έκθεση Oomen-Ruijten, κυρώσεις κατά της Τουρκίας για τη μη εφαρμογή του πρόσθετου πρωτοκόλλου, για τις τουρκικές απειλές, για τη συνεχιζόμενη κατοχή στην Κύπρο. Η έλλειψη κυρώσεων αποθρασύνει την Τουρκία, όπως επίσης την αποθρασύνουν επικίνδυνες αναφορές για σύνδεση του απευθείας εμπορίου με το θέμα της Αμμοχώστου και για τροχοδρόμηση του ανοίγματος δύο νέων ενταξιακών κεφαλαίων με πρόσχημα τη θετική Ατζέντα. Ήδη, η Τουρκία προετοιμάζεται για παράνομο εποικισμό της κλειστής περιοχής της Αμμοχώστου.

Τι θα πράξει η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση σε μια τέτοια περίπτωση; Θα δεχθεί μια νέα παραβίαση των ψηφισμάτων του ΟΗΕ ή θα συνεχίσει να μιλάει για ...

(Ο Πρόεδρος διακόπτει την ομιλήτρια)

  Ivo Vajgl (ALDE). - Morebitno članstvo Turčije v Evropski uniji polarizira.

To smo danes ponovno doživeli in to se bo ponavljalo, to stanje duha, vse dokler ne bomo, kot je kolega rekel, odkrito priznali, ali Turčijo želimo v Evropski uniji, ali jo zmoremo v Evropski uniji, ali si tega ne želimo.

Tudi k temu stanju duha bo prispevalo dejstvo, če bodo vsi grški in kolegi iz Cipra v vsaki razpravi želeli sodelovati, prav vsi.

Jaz mislim, da je vendarle osnovni kriterij tega, ali je neka država za sprejem v Evropsko unijo sposobna in primerna ali ne, acquis, acquis communitaire. In dokler se pogajanja ne začnejo, jih po tem merilu ne moremo soditi.

Mislim, da je prav, da obsojamo obsodbe novinarjev in preganjanje intelektualcev v Turčiji, vendar pa moramo to državo obravnavati z neko naklonjenostjo kot bodočo tehtno in pomembno članico Evropske unije.

  Ana Miranda (Verts/ALE). - Mr President, we have heard here some opinions about the violation of human rights and the lack of separation of powers. We have heard here some opinions also about the lack of freedom of expression in Turkey. What is Turkey doing about the separation of powers? What is Turkey doing to use the constitutional drafting process as a chance for developing a moral and democratic identity, allowing for the full recognition of all ethnic groups including Kurds, Laz, Gypsies, Roma, Alevis, Syriacs, Arabs, Greeks, Armenians, Jews and others? What is Turkey doing to consider a process of decentralisation and meaningful local government in order to meet the demands of the diverse segments of its population?

  Bernd Posselt (PPE). - Herr Präsident! Der Kollege Vajgl hat den Vertrag nicht richtig zitiert. Das Hauptkriterium, ob ein Staat Mitglied werden kann, ist, ob er ein europäischer Staat ist und die Kriterien erfüllt.

Die Türkei ist kein europäischer Staat. Ich bin für ein föderalistisches, starkes Europa. Das wird es mit einer Türkei als Vollmitglied nicht geben. Deshalb müssen wir andere Formen der Integration finden. Außerdem bin ich für eine ehrliche Türkeipolitik. Wie hat einer Ihrer Vorgänger, Herr Füle, einmal gesagt: Was machen Sie sich Sorgen, Herr Posselt. Die Türkei wird ja sowieso nie Mitglied. Das war einer, der öffentlich dauernd dafür gesprochen hat. Diese Unehrlichkeit spüren die Türken. Wir wollen eine klare Partnerschaft, aber keine Vollmitgliedschaft. Dann wird die Türkei auch stabilisiert. Alles andere dient der Destabilisierung, sowohl der Türkei als auch der EU.

Ende des „catch the eye“-Verfahrens

  Štefan Füle, Member of the Commission. − Mr President, the Turkish accession process has to move forward. It is urgent now for Turkey to comply with its obligation of full implementation of the additional protocol to the association agreement, and to make progress towards normalisation of bilateral relations with the Republic of Cyprus – the same Cyprus which is soon to become a proud and, I am confident, effective Presidency of the Council to the benefit of the European Union and to the benefit of the interests of the European Union.

It has been a fascinating debate. It is only a pity that not that many people who were so outspoken during the debate have stayed until the end, because I would like to share a couple of thoughts here.

Number one – what really surprised me, though maybe I was occasionally not attentive enough, is that no one has really mentioned the comprehensive talks on Cyprus, and tomorrow’s important meeting, and the road map as put forward by the United Nation’s Secretary-General and implemented by special representative Alexander Downer. Is it a sign of this House being content with the status quo? I hope not. I hope that the energy which I have sensed in your discussion will be turned towards supporting the two leaders who will be meeting tomorrow, addressing the core issues and allowing Downer to recommend to the Secretary-General to go for the finalisation of the process and not to leave it for a plan B – because I have news for you: there is no plan B.

(Applause)

Secondly, as for the reform process, looking at the progress achieved in the past years we can conclude that Turkey is moving forward. Even if progress is sometimes too slow or uneven a lot of taboos have been removed, a lot of questions are now being debated. Who could have imagined Turkey restoring properties to non-Muslim religious communities, the latest example being the title deeds of the Greek primary school of Galata in Istanbul?

My third point concerns the remarks about my predecessor and about double standards. I have only one standard, and it is to be sincere and truthful both in open meetings and in meetings behind closed doors. Despite my age I have enough experience and diplomacy to be aware that the worst enemy of success is to say one thing in an open arena and something different behind closed doors. I will never, ever do it.

What this House should not be split on, I believe personally, is the issue of clear rules of the game at the end of this process. What are these rules of the game?

The first is the accession treaty which clearly reflects Turkey’s position in this case, approximating its legislation fully with the European Union acquis, as stipulated by all negotiating chapters. Number two is the consensus of all Member States, and the procedure to ratify this approval. And the third is an impact study showing clearly the impact of, in this case, Turkish membership and also showing clearly to all Member States and all of us that we are going to talk about how the process is to be managed to the benefit of both the European Union and Turkey.

Those are the rules of the game and I hope the House is not split on this particular issue. I also hope that this House is not going to split on the issue that the best way to achieve this, the best way to help Turkey, to strengthen democracy, is actually the accession process. Does anyone in this House believe that building a big wall between us and Turkey would improve the very fundamental rights so many of you referred to? Because I do not.

The accession process is the only way to make the European Union the benchmark of the reforms in Turkey. The accession process is not there to compromise on our values. The accession process is for Turkey to embrace the values the European Union is so firmly based on. Why should this House be split on this process? Because, interestingly enough in this debate, I have not heard one single idea how to do it better and more efficiently to the benefit of the Turkish people. I have not heard it and I am afraid I will not hear it in the future.

Now coming to particularities, but important ones: as regards a paragraph in the resolution on civil/military relations I would like to agree that the formulation of the sentence on the integrity of the armed forces could be improved in order to clarify more precisely what is meant and take away any ambiguity that might arise.

The next point: at the start of the debate I also expressed my concerns about the respect for freedom of expression in general. It is something I will continue to raise with my counterparts. I will not miss any opportunity. In Turkey we will continue to exchange views on civil society.

Let me stress, in conclusion, something I feel personally very strongly about. The European Union should continue to encourage the reform process in Turkey. Our leverage and influence in Turkey will become all the more credible and stronger if our commitments, as outlined in 2005 when we launched the accession negotiations, remain unambiguous.

  Nicolai Wammen, formand for Rådet. − Hr. formand, ærede medlemmer, kommissær Füle! EU's udvidelse har historisk vist sig at være et af EU's mest succesrige udenrigspolitiske instrumenter. EU's tiltrækningskraft er brugt aktivt til at få en række lande til at gennemføre vidtrækkende samfundsmæssige, politiske og økonomiske reformer. Vi har fået et stadig større fællesskab, hvor vi deler de samme værdier, hvor vi udveksler og handler med hinanden på kryds og tværs til fordel for sikkerhed og velfærd i hele Europa. Præcis de værdier, som kommissær Füle i sin stærke tale netop har berørt. Jeg ser frem til det videre konstruktive og positive samarbejde med Europa-Parlamentet under det danske formandskab - ikke alene hvad angår Tyrkiets tiltrædelsesproces, men også i forhold til de andre kandidatlande.

Vi ved alle, at processen er kompliceret og vanskelig, og at den stiller store krav til de lande, som vælger at være en del af den. Selv om forhandlingerne med Tyrkiet på ingen måde er lette, synes jeg, at debatten i dag har vist, at fortsatte forhandlinger er den bedste måde at hjælpe Tyrkiet på på dets videre vej mod politiske og økonomiske reformer. Som det er fremhævet i Parlamentets beslutning, er det grundlæggende både i EU's og Tyrkiets interesse, at vi fortsætter ad den vej.

Det danske formandskab vil sammen med medlemsstaterne, Europa-Parlamentet og Kommissionen gøre, hvad vi kan, for at fremme processen, men jeg vil også gerne i dag gøre det klart, at den endelige beslutning ligger hos Tyrkiet. Tiltrædelsesforhandlingerne kan kun skride frem, hvis der sker fremskridt i Tyrkiets egen reformindsats. Det er hårdt arbejde, som ikke skal undervurderes, og som også beror på politisk vilje og engagement. Fra det danske formandskabs side vil vi fortsat følge udviklingen tæt og støtte op om processen, hvor vi kan.

Endelig vil jeg understrege vigtigheden af Europa-Parlamentet i den bredere politiske sammenhæng. Diskussioner som den, vi har haft i dag, er afgørende for at skabe engagement hos befolkningerne både i Tyrkiet og i EU's medlemslande og sikre fortsat opbakning til og forståelse for vores fælles projekt. Det er et vigtigt arbejde, som ikke må undervurderes, og som vi alle burde fokusere mere på. Her har Europa-Parlamentet en utrolig vigtig rolle at spille.

IN THE CHAIR: EDWARD McMILLAN-SCOTT
Vice-President

  President. − I have received one motion for a resolution(1) tabled in accordance with Rule 110(2) of the Rules of Procedure.

The debate is closed.

The vote will take place tomorrow (Thursday, 29 March 2012).

Written statements (Rule 149)

  Cristian Dan Preda (PPE), în scris. – Doresc să-i adresez mulţumiri Riei Oomen-Ruijten pentru acest raport echilibrat despre progresele realizate de Turcia în 2011, în drumul său spre aderarea la UE. Apreciez în mod special îndemnul de a deschide negocierile pentru capitolul 23 - Justiţie şi Drepturile Omului, ceea ce susţineam şi eu anul trecut printr-unul dintre amendamentele depuse.

Sunt mulţumit, de asemenea, că R. Oomen-Ruijten a decis să susţină amendamentul meu despre cooperarea în zona Mării Negre şi importanța pe care Turcia o are în zonă.

Apreciez, în fine, susținerea pentru „agenda pozitivă” propusă de Comisia Europeană şi sper să existe și rezultate concrete. Turcia joacă un rol tot mai important la nivel regional şi nu numai. Sper în mod sincer că ea va continua eforturile de aderare în cursul acestui an, astfel încât în decembrie să putem vorbi despre un moment pozitiv în procesul de negociere.

  Tunne Kelam (PPE), in writing. – I welcome the ongoing work on drafting the new constitution, which has to represent and protect the rights of all groups and minorities in Turkish society. Broadening the scope of the restoration of property rights to all non-Muslim communities since August 2011 is an encouraging development. It is equally important for the religious communities to obtain the status of a legal personality. I refer in particular to Aramean (Syriac) Christians who live mostly in the south-east of Turkey and represent one of the oldest cultures in that region. Owing to their very limited numbers, they are one of the most vulnerable ethnic and religious groups. They are exposed to assimilation by surrounding cultures; therefore, it is vital for Arameans to be able to freely teach their language in schools and to be granted officially the legal status of a minority group as suggested in Council of Europe Resolution 1704/2010. So far, the Arameans have been refused such a status, which could guarantee their cultural survival in the future. The legal ownership of the 4th Century St Gabriel’s Monastery and its surrounding lands, which is a major cultural treasure for all Turkey, should be secured and the monastery and lands protected in their entirety.

  Czesław Adam Siekierski (PPE), na pismie. – Turcja to przykład udanej transformacji gospodarczej na obszarze Bliskiego Wschodu. Imponuje poziom wzrostu PKB Turcji, który od 2009 r. wynosi ponad 6% średniorocznie. Biorąc pod uwagę kryzys w strefie euro, różnice rozwojowe między Turcją a Europą są więc w ekspresowym tempie niwelowane. Według danych MFW w 2010 r. gospodarka turecka była 16. największą na świecie. Duże postępy w rozwoju gospodarczym są możliwe dzięki korzystnemu profilowi demograficznemu oraz ciągłemu wzrostowi produktywności. Dzięki swojemu strategicznemu położeniu na styku trzech kontynentów: Europy, Afryki i Azji, Turcja odgrywa kluczową rolę w zapewnieniu stabilizacji w tym niezwykle zapalnym regionie. Będąc członkiem NATO, Turcja jest niezwykle ważnym partnerem UE w jej dążeniach do stworzenia obszaru stabilizacji i dobrobytu w najbliższym sąsiedztwie.

Największe braki Turcja ma nadal w obszarze demokracji i praw człowieka. Wydaje się, że reformy wprowadzane przez rząd premiera Erdogana mają charakter głównie kosmetyczny i nastawione są raczej na łagodzenie krytyki zewnętrznej. Nadal niewystarczające są działania na rzecz zapewnienia praw kobiet czy mniejszości narodowych. Ponadto w przypadku Turcji brak jest realnej oceny przeszłości, a wiele przyjmowanych rozwiązań prawnych nie znajduje odzwierciedlenia w ich implementacji. Bez rozwiązania sporów historycznych z sąsiadami czy mniejszościami narodowymi Turcji trudno będzie tworzyć pomyślną przyszłość.

  Zbigniew Ziobro (EFD), na piśmie. – Turcja jest dziś silnym i ważnym graczem na arenie międzynarodowej. Jest niezbędnym elementem układanki dającej europejskiej Wspólnocie perspektywy energetycznej niezależności. Jest również ważnym partnerem gospodarczym i 77-milionowym rynkiem zbytu dla naszych produktów.

Przy wszystkich swoich zaletach Turcja wciąż jest krajem, który nie potępił pierwszego masowego ludobójstwa w XX-wiecznej Europie – rzezi Ormian w latach 1915–1917. Jest krajem bardzo biednym, ze znacznymi różnicami w rozwoju pomiędzy zachodnią a wschodnią częścią. Stan wolności mediów jest niewystarczający, podobnie jak przestrzeganie praw człowieka. Nierozwiązana pozostaje również sprawa północnego Cypru. Między innymi dlatego przyjęcie Turcji do Unii Europejskiej wydaje się całkowicie nierealne i nielogiczne. Byłoby to klęska takich filarów Wspólnoty jak: obrona praw człowieka, wspólny rynek czy polityka spójności.

Unia i Turcja muszą pozostać partnerami gospodarczymi, dlatego powinniśmy dążyć do ułatwień handlowych pomiędzy krajami tworzącymi UE a Turcją, budowy wspólnych projektów infrastrukturalnych jak np. gazociąg Nabucco, jednak wciąż pozostawać osobnymi bytami prawnymi bez możliwości i potrzeby dalszej integracji.