Puheenvuorot
Tiistai 3. heinäkuuta 2012 - Strasbourg Lopullinen versio
1. Istunnon avaaminen
 2. Vastaanotetut asiakirjat: ks. pöytäkirja
 3. Keskustelu ihmisoikeuksien sekä demokratian ja oikeusvaltion periaatteiden loukkauksia koskevista tapauksista (käsiteltäväksi jätetyt päätöslauselmaesitykset): ks. pöytäkirja
 4. Yhteenveto Tanskan puheenjohtajakaudesta (keskustelu)
 5. Eurooppa-neuvoston kokouksen (28. ja 29. kesäkuuta 2012) päätelmät (keskustelu)
 6. Äänestykset
  6.1. Pyyntö kuulla Euroopan talous- ja sosiaalikomiteaa eurooppalaisen sosiaalisen merkin perustamisesta (äänestys)
  6.2. Vakuutus- ja jälleenvakuutustoiminta (Solvenssi II) (A7-0198/2012 - Sharon Bowles) (äänestys)
  6.3. Merentakaisten maiden ja alueiden assosiaatio Euroopan yhteisöön (A7-0169/2012 - Maurice Ponga) (äänestys)
  6.4. EU:n makroaluestrategioiden kehitys: nykyiset käytännöt ja tulevaisuudennäkymät erityisesti Välimeren alueella (A7-0219/2012 - François Alfonsi) (äänestys)
  6.5. Yhtenäinen eurooppalainen rautatiealue (A7-0196/2012 - Debora Serracchiani) (äänestys)
  6.6. Tieliikenteen valvontalaitteet (A7-0195/2012 - Silvia-Adriana Ţicău) (äänestys)
  6.7. Teollis- ja tekijänoikeuksien tullivalvonta (A7-0046/2012 - Jürgen Creutzmann) (äänestys)
  6.8. EU:n vesilainsäädännön täytäntöönpano (A7-0192/2012 - Richard Seeber) (äänestys)
  6.9. eCall: uusi 112-palvelu kansalaisille (A7-0205/2012 - Dieter-Lebrecht Koch, Olga Sehnalová) (äänestys)
  6.10. Eurooppaan tehtävien investointien houkuttavuus (A7-0190/2012 - Rodi Kratsa-Tsagaropoulou) (äänestys)
  6.11. Itäisen kumppanuuden kauppaan liittyvät näkökohdat (A7-0183/2012 - Miloslav Ransdorf) (äänestys)
 7. Äänestysselitykset
 8. Äänestymiskäyttäytymistä ja äänestysaikeita koskevat ilmoitukset: ks. pöytäkirja
 9. Edellisen istunnon pöytäkirjan hyväksyminen
 10. EU:n ja sen jäsenvaltioiden sekä Yhdysvaltojen, Australian, Japanin, Kanadan, Korean tasavallan, Marokon, Meksikon, Singaporen, Sveitsin ja Uuden-Seelannin välinen väärentämisenvastainen kauppasopimus (keskustelu)
 11. Talousarvio 2013 - kolmikantakokouksen neuvotteluvaltuudet (keskustelu)
 12. Teollisuustuotteiden vaatimustenmukaisuuden arviointia ja hyväksymistä koskeva EU:n ja Israelin sopimus (keskustelu)
 13. Peruspankkipalvelujen saatavuus (keskustelu)
 14. Viljelijöille myönnettävät suorat tuet (keskustelu)
 15. Suoria tukijärjestelmiä koskevat yhteiset säännöt ja tietyt viljelijöiden tukijärjestelmät - Maaseuturahaston tuki maaseudun kehittämiseen - Maatalouden yhteinen markkinajärjestely ja tiettyjä maataloustuotteita koskevat erityissäännökset - Yhteisen maatalouspolitiikan rahoitus - Luonnonmukainen tuotanto ja luonnonmukaisesti tuotettujen tuotteiden merkinnät - Euroopan maatalouden tukirahaston rahoitusjärjestelmä (keskustelu)
 16. Seuraavan istunnon esityslista: ks. pöytäkirja
 17. Istunnon päättäminen


  

VORSITZ: MARTIN SCHULZ
Präsident

 
1. Istunnon avaaminen
Puheenvuorot videotiedostoina
 

(Die Sitzung wird um 8.35 Uhr eröffnet.)

 

2. Vastaanotetut asiakirjat: ks. pöytäkirja

3. Keskustelu ihmisoikeuksien sekä demokratian ja oikeusvaltion periaatteiden loukkauksia koskevista tapauksista (käsiteltäväksi jätetyt päätöslauselmaesitykset): ks. pöytäkirja

4. Yhteenveto Tanskan puheenjohtajakaudesta (keskustelu)
Puheenvuorot videotiedostoina
MPphoto
 

  Der Präsident. − Als erster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgen die Erklärungen des Rates und der Kommission zur Bilanz des dänischen EU-Ratsvorsitzes. Dazu begrüße ich die bisherige Präsidentin des Europäischen Rates und Ministerpräsidentin von Dänemark, Frau Helle Thorning-Schmidt, recht herzlich. Ich freue mich auch, dass der Kommissionspräsident, Herr Barroso, heute morgen hier ist.

 
  
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  Helle Thorning-Schmidt, President-in-Office of the Council . − Mr President, President of the Commission, distinguished leaders of the political groups, Members of the European Parliament and Members of the Commission, it is a privilege and a great honour to address this Parliament again. When I last stood here, back in January, I ended my speech by saying that the economic crisis had put the European Union to the test. That was when we took over the Presidency at a time of unprecedented crisis in the history of the Union.

The gravity of the situation, the depth of the challenge, the severity of the predicament facing our Union could not and should not be underestimated, and I said this right at the beginning of our Presidency – not to lower the expectations for the Danish Presidency but rather to make clear exactly what is at stake as the EU tries to work its way out of this crisis.

During the past month the EU has been forced to take critical decisions which will lay the foundation for the Europe of tomorrow, of next year and of decades to come. This is no easy task in a Union as vast, diverse and complex as ours, but leaders throughout Europe must never lose sight of the core of the problem facing the EU today: that our very economic foundation, our future prosperity, the hopes and dreams and aspirations of our children are at risk.

The storm has not passed yet and we are still facing a number of different and intertwined challenges. So I am reminded at this time of the inspirational words of the first Chancellor of West Germany, Konrad Adenauer, who once said: ‘The unity of Europe was the dream of a few. It became the hope of many. Today it has become a necessity for all of us.’

Those words have perhaps never been as true as they are today. The EU is a necessity to all of us. As representatives of the European institutions we have and we feel an obligation to find the solutions which will bring our Union forward, and we know that we owe that to our citizens.

When I stood here in January I proudly stated that I am a European at heart, and the past six months have only reassured me in my belief in the European project. I believe in our institutions, our cooperation and our common responsibility. If we seek to ensure solidarity, growth and prosperity we must seek it together through common solutions to common problems.

And that is what our Presidency has been all about: ensuring solidarity, growth and prosperity together. We took upon ourselves the task of proving that the EU still works and is still capable of delivering necessary results for our citizens, and we did this inspired by someone that we all know. In 1950 he said: ‘Europe will not be made all at once, or according to a single plan. It will be built through concrete achievements which first create a de facto solidarity.’ Of course, it was Robert Schuman who said this, and the subsequent history of European integration has proved him absolutely right.

There is an unequivocal truth in Schuman’s words. Our Union is built from its very foundation with bricks made of solidarity. Some stones have been small, some have been enormous but, brick by brick, we have strengthened our cooperation and solidarity with one another. This is to me the essence of our Union: and this is what we have tried to do – to work inch by inch in creating results.

Jobs and growth, financial responsibility, a greener economy and a safe Europe: these have been the priorities of the Danish Presidency. But priorities without tangible results are just empty words, and I believe that Europe has, in fact, delivered over the past months. The Compact for Growth and Jobs adopted last week in the European Council is the perfect completion of our Presidency. The Compact does not solve all Europe’s problems but it is a light in the dark for the many European citizens feeling the harsh effects of the economic crisis. For those outside the labour market, for those without opportunities, for those facing poor prospects, including not least our young generations, we are presenting a way forward.

It is a result of our persistent efforts to promote growth and new jobs in Europe but, of course, our work does not end here. We must be vigilant in transforming this Compact from a piece of paper into practical reality. We must find a way to ensure that together – Member States, the Commission and the European Parliament – we roll out the measures contained in the Compact.

We have a situation in which, for the first time in the history of the European Union, we cannot assume that the coming generations will enjoy more prosperity and better opportunities than we have enjoyed. That, of course, leaves us with a huge responsibility for the conditions of our citizens and businesses, which has been a top priority for our Presidency.

Let me highlight a few of the main results reached during our Presidency.

Under the headline of ‘a more dynamic Europe’, the Danish Presidency has pushed for robust EU measures in areas such as research and education, infrastructure and the single market, and we have done this to boost growth and to kick-start a job-rich recovery. I am particularly pleased that we have succeeded in achieving a historic compromise in the European Council on the patent reform, after more than 30 years of negotiations. This could mean drastic cost savings for businesses across Europe: savings that can be used to promote new jobs. We may not see eye to eye on all elements of this compromise but I truly hope that we can work as co-legislators to see the patent reform become a reality to benefit our companies.

I am also very pleased that we have adopted the Roaming Regulation. This regulation will lower prices significantly for cellphone users in Member States and will reduce costs to and the burden on companies. In short, it can contribute to growth.

Another important result is the regulation on the European system of standardisation. The agreement reached here will modernise the single market. Furthermore, we have reached agreement on the proposal on venture capital and social entrepreneurship funds. This will boost access to funding for European businesses and social entrepreneurs. Of course, this is also an important step in trying to create growth in the EU. We know that the single market has been one of the greatest achievements of the EU, and in order to realise its full potential we must continue to reform and modernise it.

The second main objective of our Presidency was to ensure a more responsible Europe. The need for fiscal consolidation and greater budget discipline is crucial if we want to safeguard against the financial crisis of tomorrow. We have also taken important steps in this field during the Danish Presidency. The Council agreement on the two-pack will enable stronger European monitoring of budgetary plans being drafted by members of the eurozone. Stronger common rules will reinforce the vigilance of Member States in avoiding large imbalances and unsustainable debt levels. We have come far, and I urge a rapid agreement between the Council and Parliament during the Cypriot Presidency.

A similar important step is the directive on capital requirements, on which the Council agreed its position last month. This directive will help minimise the cost and the risk of a financial crisis hitting us again as it did in 2008. Furthermore, we have worked for a stronger commitment by Member States to implement structural reforms. The completion of the first full round of the European semester is a decisive step towards a more responsible Europe. All these results will help to increase confidence in Europe’s financial system, and I am in no doubt that these surveillance measures will lead to greater political accountability and stronger budget discipline.

Finally, we have been working hard to streamline the next EU budget so that it helps to create growth in the Union, and we took an important step last week in the European Council. Here too, I would very much like to thank Parliament for its constructive cooperation throughout.

It is our firm conviction that we need to direct more funds towards growth-enhancing areas such as research, education, energy efficiency and green technology. That has to be the way forward for the EU.

‘Measures that will inspire growth and stronger job creation’ has been the mantra for the Danish Presidency throughout these six months, and I am pleased to note that the European Council placed strong emphasis on this last week. As you also know, the transition to a green economy has been among the most important political priorities for the Danish Presidency, and I warmly welcome the common agreement reached on the Energy Efficiency Directive. This was a landmark result which required a good deal of flexibility, patience and hard work on both sides, and I would like to thank everyone here who was involved in reaching this significant milestone. Without you we could not have done it.

This directive is of key importance in our efforts to achieve our two interrelated goals, of transforming Europe into a competitive, low-carbon economy and increasing our energy security, all at once. In addition, the directive will create up to hundreds of thousands of new jobs in Europe, and it will of course ensure that the EU gets much closer to our target of 20% energy savings by 2020. I consider this an excellent result.

I would like to underline my appreciation of the dedication, high level of ambition, and willingness to compromise demonstrated by the European Parliament on this road to the green transition. Your continued engagement in making our economy greener will be ever more needed in the years to come.

Underpinning our aspiration for a dynamic, responsible and greener Europe is the need to ensure a safe Europe. Denmark’s Presidency has reached a wide range of tangible results in this field. We have granted candidate status to Serbia and are opening accession negotiations with Montenegro, which will influence the regional dynamics and contribute to stabilising the Western Balkans. We have also reached agreement on essential elements of the asylum package, which will help ensure efficiency, legal rights and more uniform asylum procedures in the Member States.

Together with Parliament and the Commission, we have managed to conclude a lot of important business. And today I am pleased to say that we were able to reach important agreements only thanks to constructive cooperation with you – the Parliament, with the Commission and, of course, with the Member States in the Council. As I see it, the achievements of the Danish Presidency are also the achievements of the European Parliament.

We all play our part in realising the huge potential of the Community method. Having different responsibilities, playing different roles, and on some occasions defending diverging interests, the Council and Parliament will not always share the same view. The heated debate on the legal basis of the Schengen evaluation mechanism was, indeed, a case in point, but I drew great encouragement from the fact that our negotiations over the past six months have been characterised by flexibility, a willingness to find common ground and, most importantly perhaps, a strong commitment to deliver on the needs and demands of the citizens. The relentless focus on results, stone by stone, brick by brick, represents the spirit of our cooperation within the EU. At the end of the day, as we strive to put Europe on a path for future growth and prosperity, we have to be guided by our vision for the society that we want to create. For me, this is what sets the Union apart and what makes our social model so unique.

That is what I believe in. That is what has made our economies so successful over the years and that is what we must fight to obtain and sustain and develop in the future. Moving Europe beyond this crisis is not about abandoning our social model. It is, in fact, the opposite. It is about bringing our countries through the crisis with our fundamental values intact – values such as solidarity, safety nets and equal opportunities for all. The difficult decisions we are taking today and tomorrow should not be a departure from solidarity. On the contrary, we are doing these things to protect our way of life, our European social model and our values, and we will continue to do so. The only way forward is through stronger cooperation among all of us. The answer to our current challenges facing the Union is more Europe, not less, and that has been the guiding principle for the Danish Presidency throughout.

(Applause)

 
  
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  José Manuel Barroso, President of the Commission . − Mr President, I would like to thank Prime Minister Helle Thorning-Schmidt and her whole team, particularly Europe Minister Wammen, for a very engaged and dynamic Presidency. The Presidency programme was called ‘Europe at work’ and I think it is fair to say that you were a Presidency at work. You made a real effort to contribute to ensuring stability for Europe in these difficult times. I particularly congratulate you, Prime Minister, for your personal commitment to competitiveness and growth and to the green agenda, areas in which your country, Denmark, is a great inspiration for many of us in Europe, and indeed in the world.

The results of this work are to a large extent reflected in the conclusions of the European Council and cover the full range of the Union’s activities. Since we will be discussing the results of the European Council and the euro area summit in the following debate, in this speech I will only highlight a number of specific issues.

Let me start with the economy. We have almost completed the second European semester. Very serious and in-depth work has taken place on the Commission’s proposals for country-specific recommendations and I am satisfied with the consensus that has emerged around them. This work cannot, of course, be separated from our agenda for economic growth. As the Commission has made very clear, growth can be achieved only through the combination of structural reforms and targeted investment. The Growth Compact, which has now been approved, recognises this and, indeed, paves the way for determined pro-growth action.

I therefore appreciate in particular the speedy and constructive manner in which the proposal on the pilot project bonds for transport, energy and telecommunications infrastructure has been handled. I am very happy that we have reached a final agreement on the Commission proposal. The initiative will stimulate investment in infrastructure at European level.

I also appreciate the efforts to reach an agreement on the so-called two-pack, which is a central element in the EU-level drive to strengthen economic and budgetary surveillance. This would also represent a first step towards implementing important elements of the fiscal treaty. Thus I welcome the general approach in Council and I strongly hope that Parliament and the incoming Cypriot Presidency can come to a final agreement before the end of this year.

Equally important is our progress in the area of financial markets and financial services. Agreement could be reached on our proposals on derivative markets and on the single European payment area. Very importantly, we are making enormous progress on the bank capital requirements package, as well as on credit-rating agencies.

While the Commission proposal for a financial transaction tax has unfortunately not met with unanimous support from Member States, I would like to welcome the decision to start negotiations, under enhanced cooperation, for all Member States that wish to join the initiative. This is a very important development. After all, we have seen once again in recent months and weeks – both in the United States and in Europe, including in some of the major banking institutions – that practices which fuelled the financial crisis have not yet been eradicated from the sector. Once again we have been confronted with reckless trading and market manipulation. It is time for these practices to stop once and for all, and for a sector that owes so much to taxpayers’ support to agree to hand back a fair share to society.

Regarding the very difficult negotiations on the proposed directive on energy efficiency, the agreement found by the co-legislators at first reading will be a major step in delivering the objective of 20% primary energy savings in 2020. The Commission estimates that the outcome reached would allow the delivery of approximately two thirds of the total energy savings in the Commission’s original proposal. So, while we welcome what has been achieved, we must also say that further work on reaching our 2020 objectives will be needed.

I was very pleased by the agreement reached on the Roaming III Regulation. This is an example of legislation that truly benefits European citizens and consumers. The regulation entered into force on 1 July 2012. By putting a cap on data roaming, we are taking an important step towards protecting consumers against shock bills, and completing the digital single market.

Europe should be a global standard-setter. Therefore I also welcome the agreement reached on reform of the standardisation system, which will enable more efficient standard-setting in Europe. Furthermore, the general approaches agreed in the Council on the Accounting Directives, on venture capital funds and social entrepreneurship funds, and on alternative dispute resolution will hopefully prove to be a good basis for reaching agreement with Parliament very soon. On the matter of professional qualifications, we could have wished for more progress, but work will continue.

It is, of course, necessary to make special mention of the debate on the European patent, something which has been under discussion for decades. There was a compromise on this between the participating Member States, but unfortunately it comes at the price of the deletion of important Community elements of the original Commission proposal. While recognising the great efforts made by the Danish Presidency on this difficult issue, and indeed thanking you sincerely for those efforts, Prime Minister, the Commission has therefore reserved its position, and I made this very clear to the Heads of State and Government during the European Council. The situation will now require an assessment by the three EU institutions. We are ready to work with you on this.

A central theme of the past semester was the effort made in bringing forward the multiannual financial framework (MFF). Last week the European Council considered that the negotiating box prepared by the Danish Presidency provided a basis and orientations for the final stage of negotiation during the Cypriot Presidency, with a view to reaching an agreement by the end of 2012. In this respect, let me reiterate that the Commission is fully aware of and will call for full observance of the institutional prerogatives of all the EU institutions. It was the Commission, by the way, which strongly insisted on this point during the preparation for this European Council and, indeed, when its conclusions were adopted.

The debate on the MFF will now enter its decisive stage. The Commission considers that the negotiating box is still missing some important elements or, in our view, is not the appropriate answer in some areas. While fully recognising the very serious work done so far, the Commission will therefore continue to defend its proposals under the incoming Presidency. I believe it is now clearer that the European Union budget is an essential instrument for achieving sustainable growth and jobs through investment.

I am particularly happy that we managed to agree on a new Financial Regulation. I want to extend my thanks to the relevant players in Parliament and the Council who have worked closely with the Commission. I know we went through a process of long and difficult negotiations. The final adoption of the Financial Regulation before the end of the year will allow for proper implementation of all the sectoral programmes of the MFF. Thus I strongly hope that the Council and Parliament, with the support of the Commission, will manage to reach agreement on the MFF by the end of this year. The European Union needs to send a signal that, until the end of this decade, it will have a strong budget for growth and cohesion. The European Union needs to show that it is able to take difficult decisions in difficult times.

In the area of justice and home affairs, there has been good progress on important issues. Let me mention the asylum package, notably the Dublin II Regulation and the Reception Conditions Directive. Negotiations have also advanced on the Asylum Procedures Directive, and reform of the Visa Regulation is on track.

However, the same cannot yet be said of another important issue, namely the legal basis and nature of the Schengen evaluation mechanism. We are all aware of the sensitivity of this issue. As far as the Commission is concerned, we want solutions that can work. That is why we believe, together with this Parliament, that we need a Schengen evaluation mechanism with a strong European dimension. We are convinced that an intergovernmental peer review model does not deliver on the mandate set by the European Council of March 2011, and that it would have limited added value in practice. Since the Lisbon Treaty in particular, free movement of people has been a genuine Community concern. As I have said before, the Commission cannot accept the current outcome as final, and it will continue to work for a better solution.

Let me end with a look at the external dimension. The focus on internal European issues has always had to be combined with a broader perspective on Europe’s role in the world, and never more so than in relation to the preparations for, and decisions in, the Rio+20 summit for sustainable development. Although a number of our most ambitious objectives were not fully achieved, the European Union remained committed and constructive throughout the negotiations, and our positions had a very important impact on the debate. I would like particularly to welcome the very good cooperation between the Commission and the Danish Council Presidency. In fact, both Prime Minister Thorning-Schmidt and I were present at this Rio conference. And let me tell you that without European leadership in this conference we would not have achieved what appears to me to be a significant outcome. Green growth is now explicitly and formally accepted by the international community as an indispensable part of our sustainable development agenda.

Important progress has been achieved during the past six months of the Danish Council Presidency. I wish to reiterate my thanks for what has been very good cooperation. However, we are only too aware of how serious the situation is and how much we still need to accomplish in the time ahead. I therefore count on the ongoing commitment and ambition of all the EU institutions in meeting our common challenges.

 
  
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  Krišjānis Kariņš, PPE grupas vārdā . – Godātais priekšsēdētāja kungs, cienījamā premjerministres kundze, komisāra kungs! Krīzes apstākļos visbiežāk ir tendence veltīt visus spēkus konkrētās krīzes risināšanai, atstājot visu citu novārtā. Kā mēs labi zinām, pēdējā pusgada laikā — un ne tikai — galvenā uzmanība vispār un galvenā runa presē ir bijusi par finanšu un ekonomikas krīzi. Un Dānijas prezidentūrai ir bijis ļoti liels kārdinājums veltīt visu enerģiju un visas savas pūles tikai šiem jautājumiem, atstājot visu pārējo, kas mums arī ir svarīgs, novārtā. Bet Dānijas prezidentūra to nav darījusi. Un šeit man jāsaka — visu cieņu (īpaši ņemot vērā to, ka tā ir maza valsts), ka tā ir spējusi vienlaikus gan veltīt uzmanību, varētu teikt, galvenajām problēmām, kas mums ir, gan arī risināt daudzus citus jautājumus. Es nerunāšu par daudzajiem citiem jautājumiem. Par tiem runāja jau Barroso kungs un runās citi, es vēlos uzsvērt tieši enerģētiku.

Domājot par mūsu interesēm nākotnē, protams, ir ļoti svarīgi, ka mēs virzāmies uz vienotu Eiropas enerģētikas politiku. Tas palielinās mūsu energopiegādes drošību, palīdzēs samazināt CO2 izmešus un — ļoti svarīgi — palīdzēs samazināt mūsu importa atkarību. Un Dānijas prezidentūras vadībā ir risināti jautājumi gan par energoefektivitātes likumdošanu, gan likumdošanu, par ko nobalsosim tikai septembrī šajā namā, Parlamentā, par energopiegādēm no trešajām valstīm. Un šajā likumdošanā par energopiegādes līgumiem ar trešajām valstīm Dānijas prezidentūra sastapa absolūtu pretestību no pārējās Padomes. Faktiski vairums Padomes dalībvalstu nevēlējās šo likumdošanu vispār pieņemt jebkādā redakcijā, un, pateicoties Dānijas prezidentūras vadībai, ir panākts kompromisa risinājums, par ko Parlaments varēs arī septembrī nobalsot, kas tomēr mūs virzīs vienu soli tuvāk kopējai enerģētikas politikai. Tātad visu cieņu un paldies Dānijas prezidentūrai, kura ir veltījusi enerģiju un pūles ne tikai ekonomikas krīzes risināšanai, bet arī citiem mums svarīgiem jautājumiem.

 
  
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  Hannes Swoboda, im Namen der S&D-Fraktion . – Herr Präsident, Frau Ministerpräsidentin! Herzlichen Dank für Ihren Vorsitz und herzlichen Dank vor allem für die Liste, die Sie heute vorgelesen haben, was alles unter der dänischen Präsidentschaft geschehen ist. Es ist eine eindrucksvolle Liste, das muss ich wirklich bekennen. Natürlich war die dänische Präsidentschaft von zwei Faktoren überschattet, die es ihr nicht leicht gemacht haben, erstens von der Wirtschaftskrise – ich bin sehr froh, und wir werden wohl darauf zurückkommen, dass wir es beim letzten Gipfel letztendlich doch noch geschafft haben, einige positive Schritte in Richtung Wachstum zu setzen, denn das ist absolut notwendig, um die Krise zu überwinden – und dann natürlich auch vom Vorgehen des Europäischen Rates.

Die Patentrichtlinie ist erwähnt worden. Dieses Haus hat seit Jahren für ein europäisches Patent gekämpft. Das Ergebnis wird die Streitigkeiten und die Animositäten zwischen einzelnen Ländern überwinden. Im letzten Moment haben es aber einige Länder noch geschafft, das gute Resultat zu verunstalten. Ich finde es eigentlich schon sehr merkwürdig, dass z. B. Großbritannien, das immer kritisiert, dass wir drei Sitze des Europäischen Parlaments haben, darauf gedrängt hat, dass es für die gerichtliche Behörde für das Patent drei Sitze gibt.

(Beifall)

Das ist doch eine Linie, die absolut unverträglich ist. So sieht man also, worum es manchen Regierungen wirklich geht.

Beim Budget war es ähnlich. Wieder hat sich der Europäische Rat eingemischt, aber das konnte noch von den Kollegen des Parlaments und der dänischen Ratspräsidentschaft gerettet werden. Der Europäische Rat – ich werde das Herrn van Rompuy auch sagen – soll sich um das kümmern, was seine Aufgabe ist! Er soll nicht Detailgesetzgebung machen! Das ist nicht Aufgabe des Europäischen Rates, es ist die Aufgabe des Rates, gemeinsam mit dem Europäischen Parlament Gesetzgebung zu machen. Das muss endlich klargestellt werden!

Zweitens: Ein Punkt, den ich ganz besonders herausstreichen möchte, ist die Energieeffizienzrichtlinie. Dabei geht es nicht nur um eine Richtlinie, es geht um eine Haltung, eine Richtung! Ich bin dem Kollegen Turmes und der Kollegin Britta Thomsen und allen anderen dankbar, dass sie so gekämpft haben. Wir wollten natürlich noch mehr haben, sie wollten auch mehr haben, aber wieder waren es einige Länder, die verhindert haben, dass wir wirklich einen großen Schritt nach vorne machen.

Aber ich hoffe, auch mit Ihrer weiteren Unterstützung als Land Dänemark, dass wir diese Energiewende zustande bringen, dass es uns gelingt, diese Tausenden und vielleicht sogar Millionen Arbeitsplätze zu schaffen, für die es hier ein Potenzial gibt. Wir alle fragen: Wo ist die Arbeit? Die Arbeit geht uns aus. Nein, die Arbeit geht uns nicht aus, wenn wir uns insbesondere auf die Energiewende konzentrieren, wenn wir das so genannte Greening of economy durchführen wollen. Hier gilt es viele, viele Jobs auch in Europa zu schaffen und gleichzeitig die Abhängigkeit von den Importen von Öl und Gas zu verringern. Wir haben hier eine sehr große Leistung zustande gebracht, und ich hoffe, dass manche Länder, die jetzt noch Widerstand leisten, die Einsicht gewinnen, dass man in Zukunft wirklich zwingende Vorschriften zur Energieeffizienz haben sollte.

Zum Abschluss, Frau Ministerpräsidentin, möchte ich Ihnen zu Ihrer Wahl, nämlich zur Wahl von Herrn Wammen als Europaminister, gratulieren, denn er hat wirklich sehr, sehr viel getan, damit die dänische Präsidentschaft in vielen Bereichen Erfolge erzielen konnte. Ich möchte Ihnen, Herr Wammen, dafür danken. Sie haben ein gutes Beispiel gegeben, wie man europäisch agieren und trotzdem die Interessen des eigenen Landes vertreten kann. Wenn also die dänische Präsidentschaft viele Erfolge aufzuweisen hat, dann ist das vor allem Ihnen zu verdanken. Danke für Ihre Arbeit!

(Beifall)

 
  
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  Alexander Graf Lambsdorff, im Namen der ALDE-Fraktion . – Herr Präsident, Frau Ratspräsidentin, Herr Kommissionspräsident! Wir haben eben viel darüber gehört, dass das europäische Haus aus den Ziegeln der Solidarität gebaut wird. Allerdings muss jedes Haus auf einem Fundament stehen, das solide ist. Das war die prägende Linie in den letzten sechs Monaten: die Verbindung von Solidarität und Solidität. Ich hätte mir deswegen gewünscht, Frau Ministerpräsidentin, Sie hätten hier auch etwas mehr zum Thema Solidität gesagt und darüber gesprochen, wie wir es schaffen, die Situation, in der wir sind – die Schuldenkrise in den Mitgliedstaaten, die unsere Währung in Mitleidenschaft gezogen hat –, stärker und besser zu kontrollieren.

Sie haben das Two-Pack erwähnt, das fällt in der Tat in Ihre Präsidentschaft. Beim Two-Pack haben wir als Europäisches Parlament einen Schuldentilgungspakt verlangt. Ich glaube, dass wir einen mutigen Schritt nach vorne brauchen, wenn wir hier Erfolg haben wollen. Die Beschlüsse des Rates vom Wochenende lassen doch viele Fragen offen. Kollege Swoboda hat den Wachstumspakt erwähnt. Ich weiß, dass das etwas ist, was ihm besonders am Herzen liegt. Der Spiegel hat das Ganze eine Mogelpackung genannt. 50-55 Milliarden Euro sollen aus Strukturfonds kommen – da sagt sogar Kommissar Hahn, er wisse auch nicht, wie man auf solche Zahlen komme. Ich bin nicht sicher, ob das wirklich solide ist, ob man so bei den Bürgern Vertrauen wecken kann. Haftung und Kontrolle müssen zusammengehören, das ist wirklich entscheidend.

Wir wollen Wachstumskräfte freisetzen, wir wollen das Europäische Patent. Aber – und da gebe ich dem Kollegen Swoboda völlig Recht – es ist absolut absurd, was der Rat beschlossen hat: Einen Gerichtssitz mit drei verschiedenen Orten – London, Paris und München –, das ist geradezu grotesk und zeigt, dass die Mitgliedstaaten ganz offensichtlich nicht in der Lage sind, bei einem so wichtigen, innovationstreibenden Thema zu vernünftigen Beschlüssen zu kommen.

Ich habe eine Frage: Auf der Grundlage von Artikel 127 Absatz 6 des Vertrags soll jetzt eine neue Bankenaufsicht gebildet werden. Ich dachte, wir hätten eine European Banking Authority. Werden wir jetzt auch eine Bankenaufsicht mit zwei Sitzen bekommen, bekommen wir zwei verschiedene Bankenaufsichten? Wie stellt sich der Rat das genau vor? Sie werden es ziemlich schwierig haben, die Proliferation von Sitzen verschiedener Organisationen diesem Parlament zu erklären und dafür Unterstützung zu gewinnen.

Ansonsten herzlichen Dank für Ihre engagierte Präsidentschaft. Sie haben einige andere Themen wirklich erfolgreich vorangebracht. Ich habe Schengen nicht erwähnt, das war sicher ein wunder Punkt Ihrer Präsidentschaft. Aber die Erweiterungspolitik mit Serbien und Montenegro zählt sicher zu den positiven Aspekten.

 
  
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  Daniel Cohn-Bendit, au nom du groupe Verts/ALE . – Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Président, imaginons qu'un jour, un Président de la Commission nous dise après six mois: "Vous savez tous ce que nous avons fait. Nous avons fait beaucoup, c'est vrai, nous l'avons fait avec énergie, mais maintenant, nous allons vous dire ce qui a bloqué." Le problème que nous avons ici, c'est que vous aviez bel et bien un projet, mais qu'on ne comprend toujours pas pourquoi celui-ci n'a pas pu aboutir.

Vous avez parlé de la directive sur l'efficacité énergétique. Peut-on se mentir à soi-même? Ce sont deux pays qui ont bloqué: l'Allemagne et la Pologne. Nous devons donc voir comment nous pouvons débloquer l'Europe, parce qu'en nous faisant un film en disant: "Vous voyez, on a bien travaillé, etc.", nous savons très bien que les décisions que nous prenons ne sont pas à la hauteur du nécessaire.

La directive sur l'énergie est bien mais nous savons tous qu'elle est insuffisante. Ce n'est pas votre faute, c'est le fonctionnement de l'Europe qui est en cause. On a parlé du brevet. C'est bien entendu absurde mais il faut vraiment que l'opinion publique le comprenne. Le problème, ce n'est pas simplement ce que nous nous disons ici, c'est aussi ce que l'opinion publique peut comprendre. Quand vous avez cette contradiction avec M. Cameron, qui donne des leçons à tout le monde, et qui, en fait, empêche l'Europe de se développer, il faut que l'opinion publique européenne, à l'exemple des brevets, comprenne de quoi il s'agit.

Nous pourrions donner d'autres exemples, notamment celui de Schengen, qui est évident. Car enfin, si on rétablit l'ouverture et la fermeture des frontières, c'est la fin de l'idée communautaire de l'Europe. C'est très simple, tous les ministres de l'intérieur sont responsables. Nommons un chat un chat, pour qu'au moins, l'opinion publique comprenne de quoi il s'agit.

Vous parlez de l'intégration de la Serbie et du Monténégro. Oui! Mais encore une fois, on oublie Sarajevo. On oublie toujours la Bosnie. Aujourd'hui, le seul pays qui n'a pas de perspective européenne, c'est celui qui a été victime des nationalismes dans les Balkans, c'est la Bosnie. Il ne suffit pas de nous donner des satisfecit – certes mérités – à propos de la Bosnie quand on parle de la Serbie, parce que tant que nous n'aurons pas trouvé une solution pour la Bosnie, je continuerai, personnellement, à avoir mauvaise conscience.

 
  
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  Martin Callanan, on behalf of the ECR Group . – Mr President, I want to do two things this morning.

First of all, I want to wish the Secretary-General of Parliament a very happy birthday. I am sure he is delighted to be having to spend his birthday listening to us drone on in this Chamber. Secondly, and much more importantly, I would like to thank the Danish Presidency, their officials and ministers and all those whom we have dealt with over the last six months.

Of course, Prime Minister, as a Socialist while I myself am a Conservative, I am sure there are many issues on which we would disagree. However, I would like to pay tribute to the typical Danish efficiency and practicality which has been sorely needed in the EU over the last six months. In particular your Presidency should be congratulated for burying the financial transactions tax as an EU-wide initiative. It would have damaged many of the EU’s financial centres, and many ordinary savers and investors as well.

Your administration should also be thanked for refusing to reopen negotiations on the Pregnant Workers Directive, which would have raised costs for businesses, reduced women’s choice and made it harder for many young women to find jobs. You should also be congratulated as a member of the EU net contributors club for pushing for budget restraint within the EU as well.

In fact when I look at many of the policy areas, it seems there are many lessons that you could teach the wider Socialist family about the responsibilities of power should you ever choose to come back to this Parliament.

Regarding the row over the Schengen evaluation mechanism, I have to say you have my sympathy on this. After all, the decision to change the legal base was made unanimously by the Council – a Council which, as Mr Daul and others often remind us, is made up predominantly of leaders of the EPP. I think it is very unfair that the messenger should be shot over this incident.

That aside, I think the Danish Presidency’s overall relationship with Parliament has been extremely good and I would like to thank in particular your Europe Minister sitting behind you, Mr Wammen, for all the work that he has done. He sat there tirelessly day after day in this Chamber, having to listen to a lot of brickbats and criticisms. I think he has done it extremely well, extremely courteously, and I am sure he has a great future ahead in your government.

Prime Minister, overall your Presidency has been a good honest broker between the institutions and we come away with a positive assessment of Denmark’s time at the helm.

 
  
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  Søren Bo Søndergaard, for GUE/NGL-Gruppen . – Hr. formand! Sidste år gav det danske formandskab følgende løfte i sit program, og jeg citerer: "Væksten og en højere beskæftigelse skal tilbage i Europa på både kort og lang sigt". I dag er det så tid til at gøre status, og det må konstateres, at det i hvert fald ikke blev på kort sigt, at løftet blev indfriet. Tværtimod.

I går kom de nye arbejdsløshedstal. De er en menneskelig katastrofe – aldrig i euroens historie har så mange været arbejdsløse – og denne katastrofe skyldes også EU's nedskæringsdiktater, som det danske formandskab har støttet fra dag et. Tag Irland som eksempel: På grund af finanspagten vil irerne være tvunget til at gennemføre voldsomme besparelser de kommende år. Der er tale om så store besparelser, at det svarer til, at Irland skal skære to tredjedele af hele deres uddannelsessektor væk.

Den vækst- og jobpagt, som Rådet vedtog i fredags, retter ikke op på sådanne konsekvenser af nedskæringspolitikken. Den er som et plaster på et åbent benbrud. Vi har i dag over 25 mio. arbejdsløse i EU, og så vedtager Rådet en jobplan uden nogen konkrete målsætninger om, hvor meget arbejdsløshedens skal nedbringes. Det er simpelthen ikke godt nok.

Da jeg talte ved indledningen af det danske formandskab, sagde jeg, at befolkningerne ikke havde brug for flere EU-dikterede nedskæringer, men for arbejdspladser til at forbedre vores fælles velfærd, og at det danske formandskab nu måtte vise, om det var en del af løsningen eller en del af problemet. I dag må vi desværre konstatere, at det danske formandskab på dette punkt ikke blev en del af løsningen.

 
  
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  Morten Messerschmidt, for EFD-Gruppen . – Hr. formand! Kære Helle Thorning-Schmidt, du gjorde det! Ingen har nogensinde før solgt så voldsomt ud af arvesølvet for så alligevel at tabe det hele på gulvet. Du sagde ja til finanstraktaten. Du erklærede dig European by heart . Du ophævede grænsekontrollen. Du fredede landbrugsstøtten. I seks lange måneder talte du EU's ikke-folkevalgte elite efter munden. Alligevel er din regering blevet buhet ud af Europa-Parlamentet. Forleden måtte du aflyse folkeafstemningen om det danske forbehold, og i går tabte du EU-patenterne på gulvet.

Hvad jeg troede skulle blive en historisk love story , er jo endt som en ren soap opera . "Europa i arbejde", sådan lød dit slogan. Ikke siden 1997 har arbejdsløsheden i EU været så høj som i dag. Euroen er ikke bare Titanic efter isbjerget. Euroen er Titanic på bunden af det iskolde Atlanterhav. Og nu driver Europas befolkninger rundt i det kolde vand i håb om, at I, der har sænket deres skib, kommer og redder dem. Men det gør I ikke, for I famler i blinde!

20 topmøder har I holdt for at redde euroen, men det eneste, I har reddet, er et skændigt eftermæle til jer selv, og I har efterladt en økonomi i ruiner. Lad mig derfor sige det meget klart, så klart, at selv du kan forstå det: Shame on you .

Jeg har hørt mange undre sig over det visionsløse danske formandskab. End ikke dine franske socialistvenner kom du i møde, da de ville kickstarte økonomien. Men jeg ved, hvad der ligger bag, for i virkeligheden har dette slet ikke været noget ordinært, rigtigt formandskab. Det har været verdenshistoriens længste jobsamtale. Én lang forberedelse på dit kommende nederlag som statsminister i Danmark. Om 2 ½ år skal der nemlig vælges ny Kommission og ny EU-præsident her i EU. Jeg tør vædde med, at du vil være kandidat til begge poster. Ikke for magten, men for at komme hjem til vennerne her i EU. Så vogt dig, Manuel Barroso, vogt dig, Van Rompuy, vogt jer, alle I, som sidder her og råder og regerer uden noget som helst folkeligt mandat. Her er en kvinde, der ikke skyer nogen midler for at få sin vilje. Det har danskerne oplevet så rigeligt igennem de seks måneder, der er gået. Jeg tror derfor, at jeg godt tør sige, jeg taler på de fleste danskeres vegne, når jeg siger: "Kære Helle Thorning-Schmidt, vend endelig hjem til EU, og lad os få Danmark tilbage".

(Uro i salen)

(Taleren accepterer at besvare et blåt kort-spørgsmål i henhold til forretningsordenens artikel 149, stk. 8)

 
  
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  Jens Rohde (ALDE ), Blåt-kort-spørgsmål . – Hr. Morten Messerschmidt overgår jo fuldstændig sig selv i forhold til sidste gang, og det troede jeg sådan set ikke var muligt. Måske han skulle have set sig i et spejl, da han sagde Shame on you , for det var absolut ikke en tale, der var Messerschmidt værdig. Men fred være med det.

Det er patenterne, jeg godt lige ville stille et spørgsmål til hr. Messerschmidt om, fordi hr. Messerschmidt jo gør sig store bekymringer om, at statsministeren har tabt patenterne på gulvet, men mig bekendt er det hr. Messerschmidt, der vil have en folkeafstemning om patenter i Danmark og vil gå ud og anbefale – kan jeg forstå – at vi ikke skal have en fælles patentdomstol. Er det ikke rigtigt, hr. Morten Messerschmidt? Og hvad vil hr. Morten Messerschmidt sige til alle de europæiske og danske virksomheder, som i 30 år har bedt om at få fælles patent, således at det bliver væsentligt billigere for europæiske virksomheder at søge patenter og derved at styrke deres konkurrenceevne?

 
  
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  Morten Messerschmidt (EFD ), Blåt-kort-svar . – Hr. formand! Tak for spørgsmålet, som deler sig i to. Først er der spørgsmålet om folkeafstemning. Jeg er en varm tilhænger af folkeafstemninger, hvad også hr. Rohde vil vide. Vi insisterede på det ved den seneste traktatændring, hvor hr. Rohdes parti insisterede på det modsatte. Vi insisterede på det ved finanstraktaten, hvor hr. Rohdes parti insisterede på det modsatte. Derfor er det egentlig ikke så underligt, når nu vi har muligheden efter den danske grundlov, at vi også insisterer på en folkeafstemning.

Så selve sagen. Jamen, vores grundlæggende bekymring er den, som den danske patentforening også har givet udtryk for, nemlig en bekymring i forhold til reglerne om forumshopping. Hvis det er sådan, at man som en lille patenthaver kan tvinges til at skulle forsvare sit patent ved en hvilken som helst national domstol og ikke derfra umiddelbart kan indbringe sagen for den centrale myndighed, så har vi et problem, som gør, at det muligvis vil være til gavn for de store aktieselskaber osv., altså dem, som hr. Rohde gerne vil servicere, men ikke for den lille patenthaver.

 
  
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  Daniël van der Stoep (NI ). - 2012 staat tot nu toe in het teken van een falende Unie, een falende euro en het verlies van vertrouwen van de burgers in de mislukte Europese droom. Maar, Voorzitter, er is ook slecht nieuws. Een aantal zuidelijke landen staat op het punt van omvallen. De beurzen van niets vermoedende belastingbetalers in noordelijke lidstaten worden geplunderd onder de noemer solidariteit. Veel burgers in de EU zien de recente ontwikkelingen rond het ESM met lede ogen aan.

Voorzitter, als de trend van het afgelopen jaar doorzet, is het nog maar de vraag of wij hier over een half jaar nog staan. Er gaan steeds meer stemmen op in vele landen van de EU om de organisatie EU en de euro op te heffen. Voorzitter, dat juich ik van harte toe. Deze EU is over haar houdbaarheidsdatum heen, want op een kapotte viool kun je niet meer spelen.

 
  
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  Lambert van Nistelrooij (PPE ). - Voorzitter, vertegenwoordigers van Raad en Commissie, graag ga ik in op de voortgang die wel degelijk is geboekt. Zo is er een akkoord over NSI efficiency bereikt. Zo is er een akkoord over het Financieel Reglement, ook belangrijke dingen. Dat wil het Parlement: resultaten boeken.

Als coördinator van de PPE-Fractie voor het regionaal beleid zie ik echter te weinig voortgang in het proces rond het meerjarig financieel kader. Als er begin 2013 geen akkoord is, kunnen wij eenvoudigweg de nieuwe verordeningen niet toepassen en dan hebben wij verloren jaren in deze tijd van crisis begin 2014.

Er is wél, moet ik zeggen aan het adres van de Raad, voortgang geboekt ten aanzien van de algemene verordening inzake de structuurfondsen. Maar daar zit een weeffout in. Er zijn belangrijke onderdelen die onder medewetgeving met het Parlement vallen en die in de box zijn gestopt en daar worden besproken in verband met het MFK. Dan gaat het over zaken als de categorie-indeling van regio's, waarvoor het Parlement, de cohesievertegenwoordigers bevoegd zijn. De positie van het gemeenschappelijk strategisch kader, de prestatiereserve, enz.

Kijk naar artikel 312 van het Verdrag van Lissabon en de artikelen 174, 177, en het is duidelijk dat daar een weeffout zit, een architectuurfout. Ik vraag de Raad vandaag - omdat dit de komende tijd bij onderhandelingen belangrijk wordt - : wilt u dat herstellen of is het gevolg daarvan dat het hele MFK, dat hele financiële kader onder medewetgeving gaat vallen? Daarover hebben wij aan de Raad op 18 juni met een grote groep leden van het Parlement vragen gesteld. U respecteert het Verdrag van Lissabon niet. Dat kan zo niet! Wij willen met het mandaat van onze Commissie regionale zaken na de stemming van 11 juli meteen aan de slag om onderwerpen te bespreken waarover wij het voor het zeggen hebben. Dat kan zo niet!

 
  
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  Der Präsident. − Meine Damen und Herrn! Der Kollege Callanan hat soeben freundlicherweise dem Generalsekretär zum Geburtstag gratuliert. Damit haben Sie mir die Chance genommen, ihm am Ende dieser Runde zu gratulieren. Vielen Dank für diese freundliche Hilfe.

Aber ich hätte dem Generalsekretär gerne gemeinsam mit einem anderen Mitglied dieses Hauses gratuliert, und weil das ein so außergewöhnliches Mitglied ist, hatte ich mir vorbehalten, zu warten, bis er auch im Saal ist, was jetzt der Fall ist. Denn unser ehemaliger Präsident Jerzy Buzek feiert heute seinen Geburtstag. Herzlichen Glückwunsch, Herr Präsident!

Jerzy, ich wollte dir eigentlich gemeinsam mit dem Generalsekretär gratulieren, weil ich das so toll finde, dass der Generalsekretär und der Präsident bisher immer gemeinsam Geburtstag hatten. Jetzt ist es getrennt, jetzt haben wir zwei Gründe zu feiern, also ist es ein Fortschritt.

 
  
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  Dan Jørgensen (S&D ). - Hr. formand! Europa befinder sig midt i en økonomisk krise. Flere lande har været på randen af et decideret økonomisk sammenbrud. Arbejdsløsheden er alarmerende høj, væksten er bekymrende lav. I sådanne tider er der behov for, at EU leverer konkrete resultater. I sådanne tider er der behov for, at medlemslandene står sammen om at skabe fremgang og optimisme. Det er selv sagt ikke nogen let opgave, men det er en vigtig opgave, og det er en opgave, som det danske formandskab har løst med succes.

Betyder det, at man har reddet verden? Betyder det, at krisen er afblæst, og at Europa nu er fuldt tilbage på sporet? Nej, selvfølgelig betyder det ikke det, men det betyder, at der i de forgangne seks måneder under dansk ledelse er truffet beslutninger, der er store skridt i den rigtige retning. Under overskrifterne "Et ansvarligt Europa", "Et dynamisk Europa", "Et grønt Europa" og "Et sikkert Europa" har det danske formandskab leveret konkrete resultater, politiske aftaler og kompromisser, som har direkte betydning for alle europæere.

Med over 20 mio. arbejdsløse i EU, med en ungdomsarbejdsløshed, der er eksploderet, og med masser af grunde til mismod er det specielt de mange vækstinitiativer, som imponerer. Senest selvfølgelig den europæiske vækstpagt. En pagt, der vil skabe titusindvis af job, en pagt, som vil sætte gang i hjulene, men som vil gøre det på en måde, så det ikke går ud over ansvarligheden og behovet for økonomisk konsolidering. Af andre konkrete resultater springer også energieffektivitetsdirektivet i øjnene. Her har vi at gøre med en lovgivning, som ikke bare er ambitiøs miljømæssigt, det er den ubetinget - faktisk er det den mest ambitiøse i verden af den type - det er også en lovgivning, som vil skabe massevis af jobs, op imod to millioner frem mod 2020.

Mere end 250 konkrete resultater er det blevet til. 250 beslutninger af betydning for de europæiske borgere. Det kan EU være stolt af, det kan vi her i Europa-Parlamentet være stolte af, og det kan Ministerrådet anført af det danske formandskab med rette være meget stolt af.

 
  
  

ΠΡΟΕΔΡΙΑ: ΓΕΩΡΓΙΟΣ ΠΑΠΑΣΤΑΜΚΟΣ
Αντιπρόεδρος

 
  
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  Jens Rohde (ALDE ). - Hr. formand! Jeg synes også, at der er grund til at ønske til lykke med et veludført formandskab. Jeg vil gerne i den forbindelse have lov til at overbringe det til vores dygtige embedsværk, men også til statsministerens Europaminister Nicolai Wammen, som har gjort et meget stort arbejde her i Europa-Parlamentet, som jeg tror, at alle her i huset sætter pris på uanset partifarve.

Men nu er det jo ikke ros det hele. Der skal også være lidt spørgsmål, for der er nogle ting, der undrer mig. Det er, at statsministeren i sin tale tager Konrad Adenauer forfængeligt og taler om, at hun er "European by heart" og bruger en del af sin tale på at tale om solidariteten. Så undrer det mig, at statsministeren i den forgangne uge i de danske medier har haft travlt med at lægge afstand til en finansunion, at sige nej til, at Danmark skal være et af de lande, der skal hæfte for gæld for andre lande, hvad vi jo i øvrigt reelt set gør i forvejen, og har brugt ugen på at aflyse en folkeafstemning.

Må jeg minde statsministeren om statsministerens egne ord i en tale, hun holdt for ikke så længe siden, hvor hun spurgte: "What international organisation in the whole history of human kind has ever been able to do anything like what the EU has done in the past six months?" Det må man sige er store ord. Det er meget, meget store ord. Jeg tror godt, at man kan nævne nogen begivenheder, der måske er større, end det, der er sket her. Men hvordan hænger det så sammen med, at man ikke ønsker en folkeafstemning i Danmark? Hvis vi har truffet så store beslutninger i EU, så burde det dog føre til en folkeafstemning og ikke det modsatte, statsminister.

 
  
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  Emilie Turunen (Verts/ALE ). - Hr formand! Kære statsminister, velkommen tilbage til Europa-Parlamentet! Sidst du var her i salen, sagde du noget, jeg synes var meget tankevækkende, nemlig at du havde meget stor forståelse for de millioner af unge, der lige nu kæmper med arbejdsløshed og med manglende fremtidsudsigter, præcis som din egen generation gjorde det i 1980'erne. Problemet med ungdomsarbejdsløshed er ikke forsvundet siden januar, men den glædelige nyhed er, at der i modsætning til for bare seks måneder siden nu er et meget større fokus på at få skabt vækst og beskæftigelse til Europas unge. For seks måneder siden var mantraet nedskæringer, nu er mantraet også investeringer, vækst og beskæftigelse. Nu har vi også for nylig på det europæiske topmøde fået en europæisk ungdomsgaranti med i konklusionerne. Det er ikke kun det danske formandskabs fortjeneste, men det er også det danske formandskabs fortjeneste. Tusind tak for det.

Så, nu kan jeg se, at min tid løber alt for hurtigt. Jeg vil bare sige, at Danmarks Europa-eksamen er bestået, jeg synes, at det danske formandskab har leveret varen. Tak for det.

 
  
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  Anna Rosbach (ECR ). - Hr. formand! Danmark fik overdraget formandskabet i en svær tid. Den europæiske gældskrise gjorde, at Europas ledere brugte al deres energi på at tale om en finanspagt og -union. Man har talt om traktater, pagter og institutionelle ændringer i stedet for at fokusere på at styrke det indre marked, få fjernet konkurrenceforvridende subsidier og rent faktisk sætte gang i væksten. Men det har været svære arbejdsforhold for hele formandskabet.

Jeg vil især gerne takke Europaminister Nicolai Wammen, som har været meget synlig her i Parlamentet, og som har gjort et stort arbejde for at inddrage Parlamentet i formandskabets aktiviteter. Tak for det, Nicolai. Særlig glad er jeg for, at formandskabet satte antibiotikaresistens på dagsordenen, og jeg glæder mig over Rådets positive konklusioner. Af de vigtigste resultater, som formandskabet har opnået, vil jeg fremhæve aftalen om bedre sikkerhed i forbindelse med farlige kemikalier.

Men der er også torne: Jeg er skuffet over, at Rådet har besluttet at forringe Kommissionens forslag til en reform af den fælles fiskeripolitik. Rådet har reelt besluttet, at det europæiske fiskeri ikke skal gøres bæredygtigt. At det sker under det danske formandskab, har skuffet mig meget.

Alt i alt vil jeg dog gerne takke den danske regering for et veloverstået og professionelt formandskab.

 
  
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  Andreas Mölzer (NI ). - Herr Präsident! Wir alle wissen, dass die Menschen quer durch Europa die EU längst mehrheitlich als eine Art Brüsseler Bürokratiemoloch wahrnehmen, ein Moloch, bei dem Entscheidungen hinter verschlossenen Türen über den Köpfen der Menschen hinweg getroffen werden. Das dänische Vorhaben, das Zugangsrecht zu Akten des Brüsseler Verwaltungs- und Regierungsapparats einzuschränken, hätte zweifellos diesbezüglich einen herben Rückschlag für die Bemühungen um mehr Transparenz bedeutet. Es wurde gottlob im letzten Moment aufgegeben.

Im Zusammenhang mit der Schengen-Reform von einer Renationalisierung zu sprechen, ist indes zweifellos übertrieben, denn schließlich fällt sie in die Kompetenz der Mitgliedstaaten, die sich diesbezüglich letztlich auch vor ihren Bürgern zu verantworten haben. Es handelt sich also nicht um einen anti-europäischen Beschluss der Ratspräsidentschaft, sondern vielmehr wurde in diesem Fall zumindest einmal der Brüsseler Zentralisierungswut Einhalt geboten. Allerdings hätte man die Türkei niemals mit Visaerleichterungen für fehlende Kooperation bei der Bekämpfung der illegalen Zuwanderung belohnen dürfen.

Kopenhagen, das sich stets als Brückenbauer zwischen den Euro- und Nicht-Euro-Ländern verstand, hat allerdings im Bereich der finanzpolitischen Selbstbestimmung der EU-Länder dem Zentralisierungswahn nachgegeben und den Weg zur Schuldenunion geebnet. Während die dänische Ratspräsidentschaft den Nettozahlern damit quasi eine Schuldenfalle grub, war sie selbst darauf bedacht, nicht hineinzufallen. Daher wurde wohl auch das Referendum über eine engere Bindung Dänemarks an die EU und an den Euro verschoben.

Insgesamt muss man allerdings feststellen, dass sich alle Bemühungen des dänischen Vorsitzes um Nachhaltigkeit in einer Europäischen Schuldenunion als vergebens herausstellen werden.

 
  
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  Raffaele Baldassarre (PPE ). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, voglio innanzitutto esprimere le mie sincere congratulazioni alla Presidenza danese per l'ottimo lavoro svolto e per gli importanti risultati raggiunti nell'ambito del semestre europeo. Mi complimento in particolare per le eccellenti capacità negoziali dimostrate, che hanno contribuito, in maniera seppur un po' articolata, alla conclusione di una diatriba volgare e assurda quale è stata quella dell'assegnazione della sede della Corte per i brevetti.

In qualità di relatore, ho acconsentito con rammarico al rinvio del voto finale a seguito della proposta unilaterale del Consiglio di emendare la proposta di regolamento, ma non posso non rilevare che questo modo di operare è inaccettabile, intacca gravemente l'equilibrio costituzionale dell'Unione europea – soprattutto in un argomento e in un provvedimento fondamentale per stimolare la crescita economica dell'Unione europea in settori chiave come quello dell'innovazione. È un provvedimento in cui il Parlamento ha avuto una linea programmatica e costruttiva.

Esprimo quindi la mia profonda amarezza verso l'accaduto e invito il Consiglio dei ministri rappresentato dalla subentrata Presidenza cipriota a trovare al più presto una soluzione sulla sostanza e sulla procedura. Non sarà questo Parlamento a far fallire un progetto portato avanti da oltre trent'anni, né questo Parlamento permetterà che le regole che disciplinano i rapporti interistituzionali siano modificate unilateralmente da qualsivoglia istituzione.

 
  
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  Juan Fernando López Aguilar (S&D ). - Señor Presidente, señora Primera Ministra, la Presidencia danesa fue saludada con expectación alentadora, en manos de un Gobierno de elección reciente, en el peor momento de la peor crisis de la Unión Europea. Pero seis meses después, reconociendo los avances en materia energética y en la respuesta ante la crisis, el balance no puede ser satisfactorio porque ha quedado ensombrecido por la decisión adoptada en el Consejo de Ministros de Justicia e Interior de regubernamentalizar el mecanismo de evaluación de Schengen.

Esto significa no solamente ignorar el espacio de libertad, justicia y seguridad como política europea en la que el Parlamento es legislador ordinario; significa también ignorar que este Parlamento representa a quinientos millones de ciudadanos como único órgano directamente legitimado por la ciudadanía; y significa asimismo ignorar que, como se dijo en el Consejo informal de Ministros de Justicia e Interior en Copenhague, la solidaridad, que es un mandato del artículo 80 del Tratado de Funcionamiento de la Unión Europea no consiste en restablecer las fronteras interiores en la Unión Europea sino en ayudar a poner en común la gestión de las fronteras interiores en la Unión Europea y de las fronteras exteriores de la Unión Europea.

Por eso, termino diciéndole dos cosas. La primera es que esto ha afectado al conjunto del paquete de asilo y al conjunto del paquete de Schengen. Pero la segunda es que la unión política no puede identificarse con unión bancaria ni con garantía de depósitos, sino con el rescate de la ciudadanía, la libre circulación de personas y la solidaridad en la Unión Europea.

 
  
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  Morten Løkkegaard (ALDE ). - Hr. formand! Jeg vil også lige benytte lejligheden til at komme med et enkelt punkt. Jeg er som så mange andre rigtig tilfreds med det danske formandskab og jeg vil gerne give udtryk for det ved denne lejlighed, og specielt også takke Nicolai Wammen for et rigtigt godt samarbejde. Én ting, jeg har ærgret mig lidt over, er, at man ikke som formandskab har gjort lidt mere ud af de mange tanker, som bliver gjort i øjeblikket om, hvad der skal ske oven på krisen, og hvordan vi kommer videre med at få skabt den folkelige legitimering.

(Formanden afbrød taleren)

 
  
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  Πρόεδρος. - Κύριε Løkkegaard, επικαλείσθε τη γαλάζια κάρτα και σας έδωσα το λόγο. Κάνετε την ερώτηση. Γαλάζια κάρτα σημαίνει ότι απευθύνετε ερώτηση στον προλαλήσαντα συνάδελφο. Δεν είναι διαδικασία catch-the-eye, εκτός και αν σηκώσατε λάθος κάρτα.

 
  
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  Ivailo Kalfin (S&D ). - Mr President, I would like to thank and congratulate the Danish Presidency, and particularly Minister Wammen, for dealing with the difficult and delicate matter of the multiannual financial framework. I know that there are many controversies among Member States but what happened during the Danish Presidency was a streamlining of the debate, creating a good basis for future understanding and agreement, and putting on the table some of the very important issues for Parliament, such as that of own resources, which has been thoroughly discussed for the first time. I would like to see further results here and I am optimistic that we can move ahead on that issue.

I would also like to express my warm thanks for the very good interinstitutional cooperation with the Council during the Danish Presidency – including giving Parliament for the first time the opportunity to speak at the General Affairs Council and present its views on the multiannual financial framework – and for the very good support from the Danish Presidency for the Council conclusions. I think that what the Danish Presidency has achieved is a good basis for agreement on the MFF in the future.

 
  
 

Διαδικασία Catch-The-Eye

 
  
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  Ingeborg Gräßle (PPE ). - Herr Präsident, Frau Ratspräsidentin! Als Berichterstatterin des Haushalts- und des Haushaltskontrollausschusses habe ich zwei Verfahren unter Ihrer Präsidentschaft abgeschlossen: die Haushaltsordnung – damit gibt es ein Regelset für die kommende MFR-Periode – und das OLAF-Verfahren. Seit November 2008 stand diese Verordnung im Rat in der Warteschlange, und Sie haben aufbauend auf den Ergebnissen der polnischen Präsidentschaft dieses Verfahren zum Abschluss gebracht. Ich möchte Ihnen deswegen für zwei wirklich sehr engagierte Finanzbeamte danken, die diese Dossiers bearbeitet haben, ebenso wie Herrn Botschafter Tranholm-Mikkelsen. Sie werden mir fehlen, Ihre Effizienz als Verhandler wird uns fehlen. Sie haben sich wirklich um die finanziellen Interessen der Europäischen Union verdient gemacht. Herzlichen Dank!

 
  
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  Zita Gurmai (S&D ). - Mr President, six months ago I said here that we had high expectations of the Danish Presidency, not only because we had a Presidency led by a woman but because of its ambitious agenda in a period where Europe has multiple challenges to address.

Six months is a short period to meet such expectations, but recent developments such the outcome of last week’s European summit give us reason to believe that with the political will and the necessary unity much can be achieved. I am referring here to the investment package and the financial transactions tax. The Danish Presidency put investment, growth and competitiveness as priorities, and I believe that package should help meet those objectives. I would like to thank the Danish Government and especially Minister Wammen for their hard work.

I would like to highlight the commitments that the Danish Presidency has made towards gender equality. Progress has been made on some of them, such as increasing women’s participation in boardrooms. I regret, however, that despite the efforts of the Presidency, no agreement could be found at the Council level regarding the Maternity Leave Directive.

As Prime Minister Thorning-Schmidt underlined, it is our duty to take our countries through the crisis without abandoning our values and the European social model. Let us not forget that.

 
  
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  Seán Kelly (PPE ). - A Uachtaráin, ba mhaith liom freisin mo bhuíochas a chur in iúl do Phríomh-Aire na Danmhairge as an sárjab a rinne siad san Uachtaránacht. Gan dabht ar bith, lean mise na díospóireachtaí go léir agus bhí siad an-díograiseach agus d'éirigh linn a lán dul chun cinn a dhéanamh. Ba mhaith liom iad a mholadh go háirithe as ucht na táillí fánaíochta a shocrú. Déanfaidh sé sin an-difríocht do shaoránaigh trasna na hEorpa ar fad agus rinne siad gaisce freisin maidir le cúrsaí fuinnimh. Bhí sé sin an-tábhachtach chomh maith. Ag an am seo, an bhliain seo chugainn, beidh mo thír féin, Éire, ag críochnú ár sé mhí in Uachtaránacht ar an gComhairle agus tá súil agam go ndéanfaimid go sármhaith agus go gcruthóimid rudaí a dhéanamh i gceart amhail mar a rinne an Danmhairg. Dá bhrí sin, críochnóidh mé leis an Danmhairg a mholadh as ucht an dea-jab a rinne siad agus táimid buíoch dóibh.

 
  
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  Morten Løkkegaard (ALDE ). - Hr. formand! Tak, jeg prøver igen. Som jeg lige fik sagt, er jeg glad for det, der er foregået under det danske formandskab. Jeg synes, at man er nået rigtig langt. Det vil jeg gerne rose alle for. Jeg synes også, at den danske Europaminister Nicolai Wammen – som andre har sagt – har gjort det rigtig godt. Et enkelt punkt har efter min mening manglet, og det har jeg også gjort opmærksom på et par gange undervejs. Der har foregået en debat i Europa de sidste seks måneder, specielt fra Tysklands side, om, hvordan vi kommer videre, hvordan vi får skabt en forankring i befolkningerne. Jeg synes, det er ærgerligt, at det danske formandskab ikke rigtigt har villet gå ind i den diskussion. Jeg havde håbet på, at man havde taget chancen til at få løftet den diskussion også. Men jeg kan da håbe på, at man fremadrettet – og det vil statsministeren forhåbentlig bekræfte – vil gå ind og måske deltage samarbejdet med Europa-Parlamentet om at komme videre i den diskussion.

 
  
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  Andrew Henry William Brons (NI ). - Mr President, those who advance the European project see themselves as good Europeans. In fact the project itself is geared towards the destruction of Europe’s distinct identity. This can be seen clearly in the programme of the Danish Presidency.

Denmark sought to advance the candidature of Turkey, a country that is not ancestrally, culturally or religiously European. It sought to facilitate legal immigration, claiming that Europe is somehow in need of yet more immigrants. In January it promised that immigrants would be ensured smooth and non-bureaucratic access. They have certainly kept their word about that. It has paid lip service to a returns policy for illegal immigrants, but we know from Frontex that they are not detained long but are released and given an order to leave that is neither checked for compliance nor enforced.

The peoples of Europe are not arbitrary collections of peoples who can be airbrushed out of the future and replaced by people from the third world.

 
  
  

VORSITZ: MARTIN SCHULZ
Präsident

 
  
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  Liisa Jaakonsaari (S&D ). - Arvoisa puhemies, varmaan ulkopuolisesta maailmasta saattaa tuntua erikoiselta, että me olemme niin paljon kiitelleet toisiamme, varsinkin kun markkinat ovat edelleen hermostuneita ja kansalaiset vihaisia tämän kriisin takia.

Minusta viime viikonvaihteen huippukokous oli suoraan sanoen katastrofi. Oli järkyttävää seurata sitä ennen näkemätöntä tiedotussotaa, jota eri jäsenvaltiot kävivät omista lähtökohdistaan ja jossa ne kertoivat omista tavoitteistaan. Viesti, joka tuli huippukokouksesta, oli erittäin ristiriitainen. Mikä pahinta – kuten täällä on käynyt ilmi esimerkiksi patentin suhteen – jälleen kerran tehtiin yöllä uutta politiikkaa usein hyvin teknisistä ja yksityiskohtaisista asioista.

Tutkijat ovat todenneet, että jos ihminen valvoo 24 tuntia peräkkäin, hän on yhden promillen humalassa, ja silloin autolla ajaminen on rikos. Kun tehdään päätöksiä tällaisen pitkän valvomisen jälkeen, tulee tällaisia ongelmia. Sen takia, kun Te pääministeri olette luova ja ideoiva ihminen, voisitte esitellä, mitä kokemuksia Teillä olisi, jotta tämän huippukokouksen jälkeen voitaisiin käytäntöjä parantaa?

 
  
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  Petru Constantin Luhan (PPE ). - Din păcate preşedinţia daneză a fost umbrită de criza instituţională fără precedent ce a dus la excluderea Parlamentului European din configurarea noului mecanism de evaluare Schengen. Fiind vorba de un sistem transnaţional şi cu impact direct asupra cetăţenilor europeni, ar fi fost preferabil ca în epoca post-Lisabona Parlamentul European să nu fie ţinut la distanţă, în mod intenţionat, de la luarea unor decizii atât de importante.

Danemarca a dat dovadă, în mod tradiţional, de transparenţă în luarea deciziilor, dar acest episod face ca bilanţul nostru, în calitate de Parlament European, să nu fie unul pozitiv. De aceea, îmi exprim speranţa că preşedinţia cipriotă va duce, cu mai mult succes, acest proiect la bun sfârşit şi va ţine cont de procesul democratic care implică Parlamentul European în procesul decizional.

 
  
  

(Ende des Catch-the-eye-Verfahrens)

 
  
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  Maroš Šefčovič, Vice-President of the Commission . − Mr President, I think this very rich debate clearly demonstrated what was mentioned by several speakers, that the Danish Presidency was hard-working, dynamic and practical, and delivered a lot. I think that progress on many files was very clear, and we in the Commission highly appreciate that.

Despite the efforts, it is clear that further work is needed on energy efficiency, the European patent and Schengen. In all of these very important areas we need more ambition, more Europe, and a clear respect for the Community method. I particularly appreciate the Danish Presidency’s efforts and results, and the method used in organising the discussions and negotiations on the multiannual financial framework.

Prime Minister, your Presidency delivered a ‘negotiating box’ which is a good base on which we all can work to conclude negotiations by the end of 2012. You have been very clear on the importance of close cooperation with the European Parliament delegation. You continued regular meetings which, I am sure, will pave the way for good cooperation on this very important file and increase the chances that we will be able to conclude these very important talks by the end of 2012.

I would also like to highlight that with the opening of accession talks with Montenegro, the granting of candidate status to Serbia and the progress in cooperation with other Western Balkan countries, your Presidency sent a very strong signal of solidarity and cooperation from the European Union to the Western Balkans and showed them the way forward in mutual cooperation.

To conclude, I appreciate the personal involvement of Minister Wammen, and the highly professional performance of the permanent representative, Jeppe Tranholm-Mikkelsen, because they helped me achieve progress on the file which has been on our table for more than three years, namely how to better manage the agencies in the future.

We worked very hard with the European Parliament delegation under the leadership of Jutta Haug and I am absolutely convinced that our common approach on the principles will help us to avoid the situations we are facing now with the European patent. We will be able to manage the discussion on what we will need to establish as regards agencies in the future in a much better and well organised way.

My thanks to the Danish Presidency for its great effort and great results.

 
  
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  Helle Thorning-Schmidt, President-in-Office of the Council . − Mr President of the European Parliament, Mr President of the Commission, leaders of political groups, honourable Members of this House, thank you very much for this debate. First of all allow me to thank you for your kind words, particularly to our Minister for Europe, Nicolai Wammen. I think that it is a very good sign that at the end of a Presidency you are all on first name terms with Nicolai and appreciate the hard work he has done.

I have listened very carefully to your remarks and noted that we share the fundamental commitment of getting Europe back on track, a commitment to restore growth and create new jobs for the too many unemployed. Our Presidency has tried to do just that at a very difficult time, not least thanks to the work done in this House. We have taken big steps in the right direction and now we need to make sure that we continue to deliver together and we will continue our efforts in the Council to do that.

No doubt when European citizens look at us – if they are looking at this debate at all – what they expect from us is that we will pull through the crisis together, and create new growth and new jobs in Europe. As I see it, this requires full use of the Community method. What does this mean? Well sometimes it means that we have heated debates about lines of division. That is how it will be always and this is how it has also been during the Danish Presidency.

We should not be scared by that because that is how it is when you make compromises. Sometimes we agree, sometimes we do not. But we always share a common goal of serving Europe and serving its citizens. Let me try to address some of the main topics which you have raised today.

Many of you have rightly pointed out that we still are in a dire economic crisis, and you are right. It has been the case, and will continue to be so for some time, that we act every day against a heavy backdrop of the economic crisis, with thousands and thousands unemployed in Europe. That is why I am so happy that many of you have shared my concern in pushing for the implementation of the Growth and Jobs Pact. This is important. Some thought this Growth and Jobs Pact was not enough, and perhaps you agree, but nevertheless this is a small light in the dark that will create some hope that we can create growth and jobs in Europe again.

We discussed this also at the European Council on Thursday and Friday and, as I said there, I have no hesitation whatsoever in recommending to the Council that we strengthen cooperation with the Parliament in doing this: strengthen cooperation in terms of creating growth and jobs and perhaps fast-track some of the decisions that we need to take.

It is of course important that at every step we take in the development of the Union we respect the role of the European Parliament, and I have stated this very clearly in the European Council. I hope that we can all agree to urgently deliver on this Compact. European citizens have the right to expect that from us.

I would very much like to thank some of those who have mentioned the multiannual financial framework and I would warmly thank everyone who has participated in this House in these discussions. We have had a very close and constructive dialogue on the negotiations, and we have had that throughout the Presidency at all levels.

We have done our utmost to fully respect the powers granted to the European Parliament and we have put great emphasis from day one on hearing your views and bringing them to the floor of the Council. I dare say that on this dossier we have had the closest cooperation between any Presidency and the European Parliament ever seen. We all know that the negotiations ahead of us will be very difficult, but I hope that the involvement of the European Parliament will continue in the same constructive atmosphere as it has started.

Some of you have mentioned the Patent Regulation and of course I have taken good note of your remarks concerning the patent. Let me remind you that Europe has waited more than 30 years for a solution and when you wait for 30 years you know that a solution will require a compromise. I understand that the European Parliament will continue to discuss this in September and I hope that the European Parliament will live up to its responsibility and help reach a final agreement for the sake of creating growth and jobs in Europe.

Some have said: ‘This is not good enough; we want it differently.’ I have no problem understanding that this is the position of the House, but again I would urge that we do not end up in a situation where we make the best the enemy of the good.

One of the things I was particularly pleased to hear about in our discussion today was the many mentions of the green agenda. All of you here know that it has not been easy to push the green agenda in a time of crisis, but I am proud of the results that we have achieved together in this area, particularly when we talk about energy efficiency.

Let me also extend special thanks to the Commission, to Commission President Barroso, when it comes to continuously promoting a green economy. He did that very well in Rio, he has done that throughout these six months and I know that he will continue to do so. Mr Barroso’s devotion and commitment is crucial and I thank the Commission for it.

The European Union is the best framework imaginable to overcome the challenges facing us today and tomorrow. The crisis we have right now, and the solutions we find, show that, even though we did not always agree, we did not give up on each other. We showed solidarity and we should continue to do so. Everyone here knows that Europe still faces a severe crisis, but the decisions that we take together will lead us step by step out of the crisis to a better future.

I believe that we will be judged on our capacity to cooperate and find compromises. Political leaders of today are judged by their results, not their intentions, and what European citizens expect from us is results. They expect solutions and we have tried to live up to that obligation over the last six months. We will continue to do that in the future so that Europe, after the past gloom and pessimism, can again see an area of growth, progress and optimism. I believe that this is possible, but it is only possible if we are committed to doing it together. Thank you very much for your cooperation.

(Applause)

 
  
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  Der Präsident. − Die Aussprache ist geschlossen.

Schriftliche Erklärungen (Artikel 149 GO)

 
  
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  Χαράλαμπος Αγγουράκης (GUE/NGL ), γραπτώς. Ο απολογισμός της Δανέζικης προεδρίας του Συμβουλίου της ΕΕ, το πρώτο εξάμηνο του 2012, συνάντησε την ικανοποίηση των ευρωενωσιακών οργάνων και του πολιτικού προσωπικού των μονοπωλίων στο Ευρωκοινοβούλιο. Επί δανέζικης προεδρίας προωθήθηκαν και έγιναν ευρωενωσιακή νομοθεσία οι αντιλαϊκοί Κανονισμοί για την "Ενισχυμένη Οικονομική Διακυβέρνηση" , υπογράφηκε το "Δημοσιονομική Σύμφωνο", τα μέτρα για την κατάργηση των Συλλογικών Συμβάσεων Εργασίας, τις μειώσεις μισθών και συντάξεων, την αύξηση των ορίων ηλικίας συνταξιοδότησης σε όλα τα κράτη μέλη της ΕΕ. Κλιμακώθηκε η ιμπεριαλιστική επέμβαση ΕΕ-ΗΠΑ-ΝΑΤΟ στη Συρία και το Ιράν, για την εκμετάλλευση των πλουτοπαραγωγικών πηγών και των λαών της περιοχής. Αυτό είναι το έργο της "αριστερής κυβέρνησης" της Δανίας.

Προώθηση των συμφερόντων των μονοπωλιακών ομίλων, των καπιταλιστικών αναδιαρθρώσεων και των αντεργατικών μέτρων σε όλη την ΕΕ, την ίδια στιγμή που κατεδαφίζεται ότι έχει απομείνει από τα εργατικά, ασφαλιστικά και κοινωνικά δικαιώματα, ενώ φτώχεια και η εξαθλίωση αυξάνονται καθημερινά . Αυτή είναι η χρησιμότητα των "αριστερών κυβερνήσεων" και της "αριστερής διαχείρισης" του καπιταλισμού για την πλουτοκρατία. Να ικανοποιεί τις επιταγές και τις επιδιώξεις των μονοπωλίων, σε περιβάλλον "κοινωνικής ειρήνης", αυταπατών και ελπίδων που διαψεύδονται παταγωδώς, αφήνοντας τους εργαζόμενους έρμαιο της μοιρολατρείας, των συμβιβασμών, της υποταγής στην ένωση του κεφαλαίου, χειροπόδαρα παραδομένους στην βαρβαρότητα της καπιταλιστικής εκμετάλλευσης.

 
  
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  Lidia Joanna Geringer de Oedenberg (S&D ), na piśmie. Sześć miesięcy temu – ówczesna nowo wybrana – duńska premier Helle Thorning-Schmidt prezentowała na łamach Parlamentu Europejskiego priorytety prac duńskiej prezydencji, przypadającej na pierwsze półrocze 2012 roku. Dziś, przyglądając się osiągnięciom Kopenhagi, możemy pogratulować Danii sukcesów osiągniętych w wielu dziedzinach, takich jak budżet UE, wieloletnie ramy finansowe Unii na lata 2012–2020, polityka klimatyczna czy energetyka. Dania zasługuje na uznanie przede wszystkim za świetną pracę w odniesieniu do licznych legislacyjnych portfolio związanych z agendą cyfrową oraz prawami własności intelektualnej. Jako sprawozdawczyni odpowiedzialna za sprawozdanie na temat dozwolonego użytku dzieł osieroconych mogę mówić tylko o pozytywnych doświadczeniach wyniesionych z tej współpracy.

Jednakże ostatnie posunięcia duńskiej prezydencji dotyczące propozycji reformy Schengen w kontekście możliwości przywracania kontroli na granicach przez państwa członkowskie wzbudziły w Europie ogromne poruszenie, w szczególności propozycja pozbawienia Parlamentu dotychczasowego prawa głosu i udziału w odnośnej procedurze legislacyjnej. Sprawa ta będzie dalej rozpatrywana przez kolejną prezydencję, ale położyła ona cień na dotychczasowej percepcji dorobku duńskiego przewodnictwa w UE.

Podsumowując, biorąc pod uwagę, iż prezydencja duńska przypadła na trudny politycznie okres w Unii, związany z kryzysem gospodarczym i kłopotami finansowymi kolejnych państw członkowskich – z którymi przyjedzie się teraz zmierzyć Cyprowi – bilans osiągnięć Kopenhagi wydaje się być pozytywny.

 
  
  

(Die Sitzung wird für einige Augenblicke unterbrochen.)

 

5. Eurooppa-neuvoston kokouksen (28. ja 29. kesäkuuta 2012) päätelmät (keskustelu)
Puheenvuorot videotiedostoina
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  Der Präsident. − Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgen die Erklärungen des Europäischen Rates und der Kommission zu den Schlussfolgerungen der Tagung des Europäischen Rates (28./29. Juni 2012).

Wie Sie wissen, meine Damen und Herren, hatte ich dem Europäischen Rat beim Informellen Gipfel am 23. Mai 2012 einen Wachstumspakt vorgeschlagen, bei dem alle drei EU-Institutionen eng zusammenarbeiten, um in den nächsten sechs bis zwölf Monaten alle zur Krisenbewältigung notwendigen Maßnahmen zu ergreifen.

Der Präsident der Kommission, Herr Barroso, hat dankenswerterweise diese Idee in Form eines Interinstitutionellen Abkommens aufgegriffen und dem Parlament bei seiner letzten Sitzung unterbreitet. Das Parlament hat mich daraufhin mit breiter Mehrheit beauftragt, diese Idee gemeinsam mit Herrn Barroso beim Europäischen Rat vorzutragen.

Leider hat der Europäische Rat unseren gemeinsamen Vorschlag zu einem Interinstitutionellen Abkommen nicht angenommen. Eine Kommentierung scheint mir deshalb hier angebracht. Ich will Ihnen nicht verhehlen, dass es eine überwältigende Zustimmung im Europäischen Rat zu unserem Vorschlag gab. Die überwiegende Mehrheit der Regierungschefs der Europäischen Union hat dieses Interinstitutionelle Abkommen befürwortet.

Es wurde aber zugleich auch sichtbar, dass der Europäische Rat eine strukturelle Schwäche hat, nämlich sein Einstimmigkeitsprinzip. Und ich denke, wir werden mit diesem Einstimmigkeitsprinzip aus dieser Krise nicht herauskommen.

Ich danke der Kommission für ihre Unterstützung. Ich möchte Ihnen vorschlagen, dass beide Institutionen, Kommission und Parlament, festhalten an der Idee, in enger, konstruktiver Zusammenarbeit und auch unter vollständiger Wahrung der Rechte des Europäischen Parlaments durchaus zu einer beschleunigten Gesetzgebung beizutragen, wenn das gewünscht wird.

Sicher ist z. B. die Kompromissfindung im Bereich des europäischen Patents kein Beispiel dafür, wie vorgegangen werden sollte. Wir sind der festen Überzeugung, dass wir im Interesse der Menschen in Europa gemeinsam alles tun sollen, um schnell und gestärkt aus dieser Krise herauszukommen.

Ich möchte Ihnen eine positive Nachricht übermitteln: Der Europäische Rat hat den Menschenrechtspakt und den damit verbundenen Aktionsplan, für den wir als Parlament lange gekämpft haben, angenommen. Ich glaube, wir sollten diese Entscheidung als Europäisches Parlament sehr begrüßen, denn dieses Paket erklärt Menschenrechte und Demokratie zu einem zentralen Anliegen der europäischen Außenpolitik.

Wir alle hier sind davon überzeugt, dass das Menschenrechtspaket eine außerordentlich gute Basis darstellt, um die Menschenrechts- und Demokratisierungspolitik effektiver und kohärenter gestalten zu können. Wir freuen uns darauf, als nächsten Schritt in einer feierlichen interinstitutionellen Erklärung dieses Menschenrechtspaket öffentlich sichtbar zu machen und die Unterstützung aller drei Organe dafür zu dokumentieren.

 
  
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  Herman Van Rompuy, President of the European Council . − Mr President, last week’s European Council was about combining short-term action to stabilise the markets and medium-term action to stimulate growth, together with a longer-term vision on the way forward to strengthen our Economic and Monetary Union.

It was a sometimes difficult but in the end fruitful meeting. It was another step on the long road to overcoming the financial and economic crisis and correcting the structural flaws of the euro area framework.

The steps we took last week were important on a number of fronts. First, we put together and decided on a Compact for Growth and Jobs. It will mobilise EUR 120 billion for immediate investment, which will boost the financing of the economy and help create jobs.

A EUR 10 billion increase in the capital of the European Investment Bank will increase the Bank’s overall lending capacity by EUR 60 billion. The other EUR 60 billion comes, first, from the Structural Funds which will be devoted to growth-enhancing measures in the current period (EUR 55 billion) and, second, from the pilot phase of project bonds that will be launched this summer and will go to key initiatives such as energy, transport and broadband infrastructure.

The Compact for Growth is not just about injecting money. It contains a number of elements: work to be done individually by the Member States, which have already undertaken a number of commitments in that respect, and work to be done together as a Union, including deepening the single market, negotiating good trade agreements, working together on tax matters, and strengthening the European Research Area. Several Member States will launch a request for enhanced cooperation regarding a financial transaction tax with a view to its adoption by December 2012.

As I have said before, the European Council has not suddenly discovered the virtues of economic growth. Relaunching growth and creating jobs has been a constant concern, from the very first meeting under my Presidency in February 2010 right up until now. I am happy that this European Council has been able to give it a real push.

The growth and jobs agenda requires a structural approach, but also short-term actions for financial stability. A return of confidence for consumers and investors will itself lead to more demand and growth.

My second main point is that, as eurozone leaders, we reaffirmed our strong commitment to do what is necessary to ensure the financial stability of the euro area. In particular, we affirmed that it is imperative to break the vicious circle between banks and sovereigns, and we reached a number of important agreements to this effect among the eurozone Member States, the 17.

We urged the rapid conclusion of the Memorandum of Understanding attached to the financial support to Spain for recapitalisation of its banking sector. We agreed that the financial assistance to Spain will be provided by the EFSF until the ESM becomes available, and that it will then be transferred to the ESM, without gaining seniority status.

The Commission will shortly present proposals for a single supervisory mechanism for the financial sector, on the basis of Article 127 of the Treaty, so involving the European Central Bank. We ask the Council and Parliament to consider these proposals, as a matter of urgency, before the end of the year. When an effective single supervisory mechanism is established, involving the ECB, the ESM would, for banks in the euro area and following a regular decision, be able to recapitalise banks directly, of course under certain conditions and in certain circumstances.

The aim is clearly to avoid this recapitalisation impacting upon public debt. This single supervisory mechanism was a key proposal in our recent report ‘Towards a genuine Economic and Monetary Union’. It is a breakthrough. It also shows a clear link between the longer-term measures we are proposing and the short-term actions we are taking.

The Euro Group will examine the situation of the Irish financial sector, with a view to further improving the sustainability of Ireland’s well-performing adjustment programme.

To ensure the financial stability of the euro area, we agreed to the possible use of existing EFSF/ESM instruments in a flexible and efficient manner, in order to stabilise markets for Member States which are complying with our common rules, recommendations and timetables. The short-term measures in both areas respect the fundamental approach of the eurozone’s policies ever since the start of the crisis: responsibility and solidarity. We need both. We tasked the Euro Group to implement these decisions.

The third important point concerns the further deepening our Economic and Monetary Union. At their informal dinner of 23 May, the Heads of State or Government asked me to prepare, in close cooperation with the Presidents of the Commission, the Euro Group and the European Central Bank, a report on the future of the Economic and Monetary Union. The financial and debt crisis has exposed structural weaknesses in the EMU’s original design, which must be addressed. The stakes are high.

My report was not a final blueprint or master plan but offered a perspective on how to strengthen the EMU. It provided the main building blocks and a working method. It proposed an architecture based on more integrated frameworks for the financial sector, for budgetary matters, and for economic policy. It underlined the importance of strengthening at the same time the democratic legitimacy and accountability of decision-making within the EMU.

The European Council has asked me to continue this work, again in close cooperation with the Presidents of the Commission, the Euro Group and the European Central Bank, and associating the governments in this process. It will also ensure that our Parliament’s views are taken into account, and I look forward to working with you on this.

In my view, we first need to exhaust all possibilities under the current treaties, then explore which avenues could require treaty change. The October report will focus on the first type of proposal. Some solutions will be tailor-made to the members of the eurozone and those who are expected one day to join the euro. But the actions will matter for all Member States.

This European Council also discussed other matters. We had our first discussion during a European Council on the multiannual financial framework for the years 2014-2020, a discussion to which your own President made a significant contribution. Under the Treaty, this is a matter for the Council of Ministers and for your Parliament. However, we all know from past experience that this is one of the areas in which the European Council will inevitably be called on to fulfil its role, under Article 15 of the Treaty, of defining ‘the general political directions and priorities’.

In having a discussion on the principles and priorities without specific figures, it was my intention to focus attention not on national advantages and disadvantages but on the strategic priorities for the Union as a whole. The European Council agreed that the MFF needs to be at the service of a strategy: jobs and growth throughout the Union. Hopefully we will finalise the work before the end of the year at the level of the Council. Your Parliament, which adopted an important resolution on the MFF, will of course be involved in this process.

The European Council found – finally – a solution to the question of the European patent. The last outstanding point, the seat of the Unified Patent Court, was solved. After decades of unsuccessful attempts, this is a truly historic agreement. I call on your Parliament to finalise the agreement with the Council. I thank the Danish Prime Minister for the close cooperation we had in this respect, which led to our joint appeal to our colleagues’ sense of compromise.

We endorsed the decision to open accession negotiations with Montenegro – a signal to the Western Balkans as a whole that they may have a European future if reform processes are maintained.

This concludes my report on a European Council meeting that achieved some significant results and took us a few more steps down our journey towards economic recovery. We dealt with short-, medium- and long-term problems. We found a balance between responsibility and solidarity. We worked on growth and jobs, on the one hand, and on financial stability on the other hand. We need reforms in our Member States and collective action at the level of the EU and the eurozone. All this has to go hand in hand. It takes time. It demands courage. It will be implemented step by step. The agreements of Thursday and Friday are steps in the right direction.

 
  
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  José Manuel Barroso, President of the Commission . − Mr President, the President of the European Council has just made a comprehensive presentation of the results of the European Council conclusions. I would therefore like to focus my presentation on the economic and financial issues, many of which I have presented to this House and discussed with Members previously.

This European Council and euro area summit has delivered results. It has delivered a set of measures which should strengthen confidence in Europe’s financial stability and pave the way for the substantial work which is still needed.

It has done this at a very difficult moment. As I have said before, this is a defining moment for Europe, and indeed the sense of urgency was very present throughout the European Council, even if different governments were under pressure for different reasons. And as the causes of the pressure differ, so do preferences for potential solutions.

Yet despite those difficulties this European Council and euro area summit has for the first time tackled all the elements of a comprehensive response in one and the same meeting: namely by agreeing on measures to boost growth and jobs, by setting out the next steps for further deepening of Economic and Monetary Union and by deciding on short-term stabilisation measures.

The Commission, as you know, has always argued that consolidation must be accompanied by sustainable growth created by structural reforms combined with targeted investment. It was therefore important that Heads of State and Government decided on the Compact for Growth and Jobs. This compact is based very largely on proposals put forward by the Commission and on ideas defended by this House, some of them since last year or even some years before. It turns intentions into concrete action with financing commitments, and sets out the levers for mobilising policies and funds – both at European level and at national level.

I am very pleased that elements I have long been advocating at EU level are now becoming reality, namely: boosting the lending capacity of the European Investment Bank – you will remember, when I mentioned this here in the State of the Union address in September last year, Member States opposed this, but now they have agreed; launching the first phase of project bonds – this Commission proposal that was initially received with great scepticism has now been approved; and redirecting a certain amount of Structural Funds towards supporting in particular SMEs and young unemployed people. Indeed the unemployment situation in Europe is by far the most worrying and urgent issue we should be able to address.

At the same time, there is the recognition that we have important work to do to realise the full potential of the Single Market, particularly in digital and network industries. Following the Single Market Act the Commission will bring forward a further package of measures in the autumn, the Single Market Act II, so that this work can continue uninterrupted.

This of course is not the end of the efforts that need to be made. Legislation needs to be proposed, adopted and implemented. Action will be needed not from one institution on its own; all of us, Commission, Parliament and Council, need to work together, and work together fast.

This was recognised last week, and the conclusions acknowledge the need to improve cooperation to ensure the timely implementation of the Growth Compact. This will hopefully allow us to move towards an interinstitutional agreement to prioritise and speed up the relevant pieces of legislation, as I proposed in this House some weeks ago and as the European Parliament President made very clear in his offer to the European Council. I really expect such an agreement to be swiftly concluded. It would be an additional element of commitment and credibility on the delivery of our policy plans.

The European Council also generally endorsed the country-specific recommendations effectively closing the 2012 European semester. This year the semester has come of age with a real multilateral discussion. It is only natural that on some issues there was a vigorous discussion – even when the evidence of loss of competitiveness inside the single market and internationally makes a clear case for action in the interest of our citizens and their jobs. The debate shows that the exercise is not just a technical and economic one. It is truly political.

Through the debate in the European Council, the awareness among many Heads of State and Government that we cannot separate the debate on growth from the debate on the European Union budget has also increased. The EU budget is our most important instrument for targeted investment and is an indispensable tool for growth and jobs in Europe.

A long and complex negotiation is still ahead of us, but there is now momentum for a substantial outcome in reasonable time. This House has a full and vital role to play in this process, and the Commission will continue to work very closely with you.

It would indeed be a strong political and economic signal if we could reach agreement on the MFF by the end of this year. I am aware that this Parliament will want to work not only on the expenditure side, but also on the revenue side. I have already spoken about the overall developments on the financial transaction tax in the previous debate. Let me just reiterate in this context our conviction that moving to enhanced cooperation on the FTT does not mean that the debate on the FTT as an element of a new own-resources mix is closed. On the contrary.

Looking to the future, this European Council was able to define, on the basis of the report prepared by its President, together with the Presidents of the Commission, the European Central Bank and the Euro Group, the direction that further work must take on the creation of a genuine Economic and Monetary Union. We all know that this is an undertaking that has to be built step by step over several years. This European Council has now asked for a specific and time-bound road map to be worked out by the end of the year. And it has endorsed this aspiration collectively, even if it is clear that not all Member States will want to be part of the ultimate outcome of the process. A stable euro is in the interest of the Union as a whole. The process must therefore combine the necessary deepening of the euro area and its openness towards the Member States who want to join the euro with the necessary safeguards for those who have an opt-out.

In the Commission’s view we should start making the genuine EMU a reality as quickly as possible. We must in particular explore all that can be done on the basis of the existing treaties as a matter of urgency. In support of this, Heads of State and Government gave a clear commitment to the realisation of what the Commission has been calling a ‘banking union’ and we have done it already in our European semester communication.

The ‘banking union’ will be designed to fully address the structural shortcomings in the institutional framework for financial stability. As the aforementioned report puts it, addressing these shortcomings is particularly important for the euro area, given the deep interdependences resulting from the single currency. This must of course be done and must preserve the unity and integrity of the single market in the field of financial services, whilst allowing for specific differentiations between euro and non-euro area Member States on those parts of the framework that are preponderantly linked to the functioning of the EMU and the stability of the euro area rather than to the single market.

Let me emphasise that these differentiations cannot go just in one way. Because it is so important, I want to make it crystal clear: they must respect the opt-outs from the euro area but they must also respect the fact that other Member States not yet in the euro will want to join as soon as they meet the conditions.

During the European Council I confirmed that the Commission will bring forward proposals under Article 127 regarding the conferral upon the European Central Bank of banking supervision tasks. The strengthening of bank supervision became a central element of the consensus around this agenda. We will work out the detailed approach and its place in the wider architecture as a matter of priority and look forward to discussing it with all stakeholders, including of course this Parliament.

I believe a banking union is an indispensable step. But a genuine EMU must go further. We need to build a fiscal union, a reinforced economic union, and take steps towards a political union. This is the logical consequence of the need for deeper integration to match our growing interdependence and need for financial stability.

As we recognise that this greater solidarity requires greater responsibility we also understand that this requires more democratic legitimacy and political accountability. I need not repeat what I said about this matter to you just a month ago. The Community method and the role and tasks of the EU institutions must be the starting point for all further improvements in this respect – and, let us be frank, it would be strange to say the least, when we are discussing the future of our Union, including its democratic and accountability aspects, for the democratic institution that directly represents European citizens, the European Parliament, not to be closely or directly associated with our decisions.

It would not have been credible to address medium-term and long-term issues and not address the short-term challenges we face. Here, the euro area statement takes great significance. Let me underline the importance of this statement having been endorsed by all 27 Member States. This is a strong message and has been perceived as such by the outside world.

The first measure is to allow for direct recapitalisation of banks by the ESM under appropriate conditions once a single supervisory mechanism for the euro area is in place. The Commission’s intention to swiftly adopt a legislative proposal on the basis of Article 127 is also key in this regard.

Secondly, we reached an agreement to waive the seniority of future loans for Spain’s financial sector recapitalisation under the ESM.

Thirdly, we agreed on the possibility of the flexible and effective use of all instruments for all Member States respecting their obligations under the European semester, that is to say the country-specific recommendations, the rules under the Stability and Growth Pact and the macro-economic imbalances procedure. These decisions represent the result of the recognition of the need for solidarity with responsibility. The Commission will work without delay on implementing them over the coming weeks and months.

After this European Council, provided that all Member States stick fully to the commitments that were made, we will be better equipped to face the serious challenges ahead. However, let us recall that all of this is work in progress. There is no quick fix, no magic fix and there will be no magic solutions. The magnitude of the agenda of the European Council illustrates the magnitude of the work that is still ahead.

This European Council has pulled together many separate ideas which have been discussed in the past, and I believe the result is greater than the sum of its parts. It does not mean that the crisis is over, far from that, but it does mean that there is now an expression of the political will to move ahead, to respond to pressing short-term issues, as well as to map out a vision of Europe in the longer term. The contributions this House has made to this end have been great and we welcome them. This is why I count on our close and intense cooperation also in the times to come.

Let me end on this. While there was progress in recognition that there is a need for a stronger Europe, there was also very significant resistance to further steps forward, but there is a resistance precisely because there is movement. I want to reiterate my confidence that together we will be able to make the European Union emerge stronger from the crisis and be able to better respond to the aspirations of its citizens.

 
  
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  Joseph Daul, au nom du groupe PPE . – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, nous débattons aujourd'hui du trentième Conseil européen consacré à la crise. Si, par rapport aux réunions précédentes, on s'approche davantage de la solution souhaitée, la feuille de route vers une intégration politique européenne n'est pas encore là.

Bien sûr, des progrès substantiels ont, cette fois, été accomplis. Après les recommandations économiques par pays présentées par la Commission, le document présenté par le Président Van Rompuy va dans la bonne direction, puisqu'il désigne enfin l'Europe politique comme but ultime. Il évoque une période de préparation étalée sur dix ans. Or, chacun sait que l'Europe ne survivra pas d'ici à 2022 sans intégration budgétaire, fiscale et sociale.

Je me demande souvent quel est le fait politique que les Vingt-sept jugeront suffisamment grave pour consentir à une souveraineté partagée. Je me demande ce qu'il faut de plus grave que le chômage, les difficultés de nos entreprises, les niveaux prohibitifs des taux d'intérêt que doivent payer nos États pour se rendre à l'évidence qu'une monnaie unique ne peut se passer d'une politique économique commune.

Ceci dit, le groupe PPE est satisfait des avancées contenues dans le pacte sur la croissance et l'emploi, même si celui-ci reprend des propositions faites déjà depuis longtemps par ce Parlement et par la Commission. Et là, je voudrais vous dire, Monsieur Barroso, qu'il faut continuer, avec le Parlement, à mettre sur la table ce qu'il faut faire, parce que les chefs d'État et de gouvernement, quand ils sont ensemble, ne peuvent pas trouver la solution. Ils ont, chacun, essayé de survivre dans leur pays. Nous avons donc besoin que le Parlement, avec la Commission et avec M. Van Rompuy, avance des propositions concrètes et les mette sur la table pour que, dans le moment où ils étranglés par les marchés et par autre chose, les gouvernements puissent avoir une solution, comme cela a été le cas avec le six-pack et le two-pack .

Mon groupe soutient le système de supervision bancaire, la proposition de garantie européenne et le projet d'union bancaire européenne. Nos concitoyens doivent en effet savoir que leur épargne est protégée à tous les niveaux et que les instruments qui doivent la garantir vont dans le bons sens. Là aussi, il faut renforcer la protection. Nous avons besoin de garantir les livrets d'épargne des personnes qui ont travaillé toute leur vie, et vous savez qu'actuellement, nous avons des problèmes sur ce dossier. Il faut maintenant mettre les instruments en œuvre. C'est pourquoi j'appelle encore une fois la Commission, gardienne des traités, à s'en assurer.

Le groupe PPE soutient aussi l'accroissement de capital de 10 milliards de la BEI. Nous devons en effet faire en sorte que les 23 millions de petites et moyennes entreprises puissent financer leurs projets, garder leurs employés, dans un premier temps et, surtout, pouvoir en embaucher. Si les dispositions sur le marché unique restent insuffisantes, les project bonds décidés vendredi dernier vont dans le bon sens. Je m'en félicite, dans la mesure où il ne s'agit pas de fonds supplémentaires que nous n'avons plus, mais d'une meilleure utilisation des fonds européens existants.

Je voudrais souligner ici que, le mois dernier encore, le Premier ministre letton est intervenu devant notre groupe pour nous dire que, face à l'impératif de réduction budgétaire qui s'imposait à lui, il n'a pu faire redémarrer son économie que grâce aux fonds européens. C'est un exemple qu'il faut répéter. Le Premier ministre letton l'a fait et l'a dit à ses concitoyens. Grâce à la solidarité européenne, couplée au courage de ses dirigeants, ce pays a retrouvé croissance et emploi. Ce n'est pas parce que c'est un petit pays qu'on ne peut pas l'imiter. On ne parle pas assez de ces fantastiques exemples pour l'Europe.

Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, une nouvelle fois, nous constatons que la solution à la plupart de nos problèmes passe par davantage d'Europe. C'est pour cela que mon groupe attache une telle importance au prochain cadre financier pluriannuel en cours de discussion, cadre qui nous permettra de continuer à financer nos politiques communes. Ces fonds constituent le socle de la solidarité européenne et sont un instrument capital pour la croissance et l'emploi.

Dans les années 50, l'intégration européenne a été nécessaire pour assurer la paix et la sécurité de notre continent. Aujourd'hui, cette même intégration est indispensable pour protéger le modèle européen de société que nous avons patiemment construit. Il est indispensable pour défendre nos intérêts dans le commerce international. Il est indispensable pour promouvoir nos valeurs et nos idéaux humanistes, les droits de l'homme, la dignité humaine, la transparence et l'état de droit.

C'est pour cela que je reviens à mon appel d'une Europe politiquement intégrée qui s'oppose à une Europe intergouvernementale, comme celle qui a été défendue par le Conseil dans l'affaire Schengen ou, la semaine dernière encore, sur la question des brevets. Aussi longtemps que la méthode communautaire ne sera pas notre règle de gouvernance, y compris au Conseil, l'Europe perdra du terrain. Je sais que votre travail est difficile, cher Président Van Rompuy, mais n'ayez pas peur! Faites des propositions avec nous, avec le Parlement, avec la Commission, à ces chefs d'État qui, comme je le dis, n'ont pas la capacité de réflexion puisqu'ils sont obligés de gérer tous les jours leurs dossiers, très difficiles, dans chacun de leur pays. Nous avons besoin d'une Europe beaucoup plus intégrée. Nous devons comparer ce qui fonctionne, les pays qui s'en sortent – parce qu'il y en a – et appliquer leur exemple à ceux qui fonctionnent moins bien.

Voilà ce que je souhaite que nous mettions sur la table, cher José Manuel Barroso, dans les deux prochains mois. Nous allons y réfléchir pendant les vacances et nous allons faire des propositions au mois de septembre, si les marchés nous le permettent.

 
  
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  Hannes Swoboda, im Namen der S&D-Fraktion . – Herr Präsident, Herr Präsident Van Rompuy! Dieser Gipfel hat die Möglichkeit, in die Geschichte der Europäischen Union und der Eurozone als Wendepunkt einzugehen. Hier wurden viele Dinge entschieden, die uns positiv nach vorne bringen können, wenn es auch von den Regierungschefs, die so beschlossen haben, anerkannt wird – ich werde noch darauf kommen – und wenn die Kommission und dieses Parlament nun auch die konkreten Vorschläge zu dieser Gesetzgebung machen, z. B. bei der Bankenunion.

Es heißt Abschied nehmen, Abschied nehmen von Merkozy, Abschied nehmen von einer Struktur, wo zwei – ich korrigiere mich: eine – geglaubt hat, bestimmen zu können, was in Europa geht und was nicht geht. Ich bin dem Präsidenten François Hollande sehr dankbar, der die sozialdemokratische Stimme verstärkt hat. Ich bin ebenso Mario Monti sehr dankbar, der mit einer ähnlichen Hartnäckigkeit wie Frau Merkel gezeigt hat, dass es nicht so weitergehen kann. Und ich danke auch Herrn Rajoy, denn auch Herr Rajoy hat bemerkt, dass es in Europa Änderungen geben muss, soll es nicht zu einer fatalen Krise der Eurozone und Europas insgesamt kommen. Wir sehen jetzt Licht am Ende des Tunnels, wir sind noch nicht durch den Tunnel, da haben alle Recht. Aber immerhin, wir sehen das Licht. Und es gilt jetzt, diesem Licht zuzustreben.

Es gibt zwei mögliche wirtschaftliche Kreisläufe, zwischen denen wir uns entscheiden müssen. Der eine ist Austerität, er reduziert Wachstum und Investitionen und erhöht das Defizit. Das ist der Kreislauf, in dem wir uns befinden. Und der andere Kreislauf ist Wachstum und Investitionen, er reduziert das Defizit und erhöht das budgetäre Gleichgewicht und damit auch wieder Wachstum und Beschäftigung. Heute wurde gemessen, dass wir die höchste Arbeitslosigkeit in der Eurozone haben, daher ist es höchste Zeit, dass wir das, was wir beim Gipfel beschlossen haben, umsetzen und noch mehr dazu tun. Die Arbeitslosen verdienen es, dass wir ihnen wirklich versprechen, dass wir das umsetzen.

Dies ist auch keine Abkehr von den Reformen. Wollen Sie sagen, Herr Monti macht in Italien keine Reformen? Dann sagen Sie es hier ganz deutlich! Sagen Sie, Herr Rajoy macht keine Reformen in Spanien? Dann soll man es hier sagen! Aber was nützen Reformen, wenn es kein Wachstum gibt, das die Reformen unterstützt? Das, was beim Gipfel beschlossen wurde, ist eigentlich die einzige Chance, dass die Reformen überhaupt gelingen können, und daher ist es auch richtig.

Lassen Sie mich aber ganz klar sagen: Es gibt zwei Premierminister – so höre ich –, die sich jetzt schon vom Gipfelbeschluss wieder absentiert haben, die gesagt haben, sie werden da nicht zustimmen können. Ich muss die Premierminister von den Niederlanden und von Finnland fragen: Haben Sie geschlafen? Es war spät in der Nacht, das kann sein. Haben Sie nicht verstanden, worum es geht? Oder wollen Sie zu Hause etwas anderes sagen als in Brüssel? In allen Fällen ist es ein Skandal. Herr Van Rompuy, ich bitte Sie, fordern Sie die beiden Premierminister auf, sich zum Gipfelergebnis zu bekennen!

(Beifall)

Ich bitte die Kommission, jetzt schnell Vorschläge vorzulegen, was die Bankenunion betrifft und vieles andere mehr. Die Kommission und das Europäische Parlament haben schon vor zwei Jahren darauf hingewiesen, wie wichtig es wäre, eine wirkliche europäische Bankenaufsicht zu haben. Schon damals haben der Rat und seine Mitglieder gesagt, das ist alles viel zu viel, die Verantwortung müssen wir übernehmen, nicht wissend oder nicht wissen wollend, wie die Verknüpfung und die Vernetzung in den Finanzsystemen ist, und dass wir diese europäische Aufsicht brauchen.

Wir hätten das alles schon haben können. Und damit komme ich auch auf einen weiteren wesentlichen Punkt, Herr Van Rompuy: das Verhältnis des Rates und einiger Premierminister oder Minister zum Europäischen Parlament. Wenn ich mit Schengen beginnen darf: Es ist skandalös, was gemacht worden ist – wir haben das auch der Ratspräsidentschaft ganz deutlich gesagt –, das ist nicht akzeptabel! Ich bin Ihnen, Herr Präsident Barroso, sehr dankbar, dass Sie das heute noch einmal ganz klar und deutlich unterstützt haben.

Europäisches Patent: Seit wann, Herr Van Rompuy, beginnt der Europäische Rat um Mitternacht Gesetzgebung zu machen? Das ist nicht die Aufgabe des Rates. Gesetzgebung ist Aufgabe des Rates mit dem Europäischen Parlament, aber nicht des Europäischen Rates. Die meisten Premierminister – und ich würde ihnen das nicht verübeln – wissen gar nicht im Detail, was sie aus der Regelung herausgestrichen haben. Ist es wirklich eine so tolle Lösung – Herr Callanan ist mir die Antwort ja noch schuldig geblieben –, dass Großbritannien jetzt drei Vorsitze vorschlägt? Vielleicht will Großbritannien in London auch einen zusätzlichen Sitz des Europäischen Parlaments, das ist ja auch möglich, vor oder nach dem Referendum. Ich weiß ja nicht, was Herr Cameron sich vorstellt.

(Beifall)

Ich bin sehr dankbar dafür, was der Herr Kommissionspräsident dazu gesagt hat. Die Bankenunion, das habe ich schon gesagt, hätte man schon längst haben können. Ich verstehe noch immer nicht – Herr Van Rompuy, es ist vielleicht nicht Ihre Schuld –, warum der Parlamentspräsident nicht zu den Beratungen eingeladen ist. Hier geht es nicht um Detailgesetzgebung, es geht um die Zukunft Europas. Sie diskutieren über die Zukunft Europas ohne einen Vertreter des einzigen direkt gewählten Organs der Europäischen Union! Das finde ich skandalös, das ist eine Haltung, die ich nicht akzeptieren kann!

(Beifall)

Diskutieren Sie mit uns, laden Sie uns ein! Wie das Beispiel der Bankenunion zeigt: In fast allen Fraktionen in diesem Haus haben wir gute Ideen, wir haben sie nur früher als der Rat. Es wäre nicht schlecht, wenn der Rat durch Diskussionen mit dem Europäischen Parlament auch einmal früher auf diese Ideen kommt. Hören Sie ein bisschen mehr auf das Europäische Parlament und laden Sie den Parlamentspräsidenten zu den Beratungen ein!

(Beifall)

 
  
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  Guy Verhofstadt, on behalf of the ALDE Group . – Mr President, let us first of all welcome a number of decisions that have been taken by the European Council. First of all, I think we should welcome the growth package that has finally been decided and the necessary provision for tightening the budget in the Union.

There is also the decision on a single banking supervisor. I should say: finally a decision. You will remember that two years ago the Member States and the Council refused to go in that direction, as Parliament requested at that time. The Commission advised caution and said that we could do it later. Well, it is later now and I think it is a good decision. The only thing we should ask is that, if we create this new agency, we do not split it across three Member States. It has to be a real single supervisor with powers to close down banks in any Member State, and with no exception.

Mr Van Rompuy, I will not discuss the third decision: more flexibility for the EFSF and the ESM. Apparently a number of Member States today have another opinion – mainly Finland. My question to you is what has been really decided now? Is Finland’s opinion and statement the right one? Is it necessary to have unanimity or not?

I think this is a key question. Why is it a key question? Because already today, if you look at the markets, you can see the effect of this attitude. The Spanish spreads had gone up again to 491 by mid-morning – that is almost 500 basic points – so we are not out of this crisis.

The main thing that we did in this European Council was to successfully borrow time again. How much I do not know. Is it days, is it weeks, is it months? But we must use this time in a good way. Why? Not like previous occasions, not like in December 2011 for example, when the European Central Bank performed two operations and injected EUR 1 trillion into the banking system. Some of us thought that the crisis was behind us, that the crisis was over. Well I think that we wasted time at the beginning of this year. Apart from the Fiscal Compact no structural solution was found to the crisis at that time.

So my message today is that we should not waste time again. Is it really necessary to wait for an interim report in October and then for a final report by the end of the year? This is not an interim crisis. We need fundamental action now. I think it is better not to wait until October and then wait until the end of the year to take action.

We need to use the positive spillover from Friday’s decisions to launch directly the economic and political union we desperately need so we can show the outside world – our friends in the G8 and the G20 and the markets – that we have learned our lesson. So action is needed and, Mr Barroso, action means concrete legislation. My plea to you is very clear. We now have a window of opportunity only of a few weeks, not more than that – and if Finland continues in this way, it will even be destroyed within a few hours.

We must come forward, before September, with a concrete legislative package. I agree with Mr Daul that we have until September to do that and to put a legislative package on the table with three elements: firstly, a real banking union – not only supervision but also a deposit guarantee scheme and a joint resolution fund; secondly, a real integrated budgetary framework, including eurobills and a redemption fund – this crisis is not over if there is not at least the beginning of a redemption fund and a partial mutualisation of the debt; and, finally, democratic transparency and accountability.

So, Mr Barroso, use your right of initiative. Do not wait until the end of the year. Put this legislative package on the table for the Council and for Parliament.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 149(8))

 
  
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  Joseph Daul (PPE ), question "carton bleu" . – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur Verhofstadt, permettez-moi de poser une question puisque je suis également, comme vous tous, très inquiet.

Si vous regardez les statistiques, nous allons vivre de plus en plus, à partir du mois de septembre, une situation avec des pays qui ont, il y a quelques années déjà, fait des efforts et qui sont restés sur cette ligne, et d'autres qui n'ont pas respecté ces efforts. Ces pays refuseront de continuer et ne pourront plus payer la solidarité parce que cela va mal chez eux.

Il faut donc que nous aussi, au niveau des groupes démocrates, ici, à partir du mois d'août, nous discutions des vraies propositions à formuler. Car on ne peut pas dépenser l'argent qu'on n'a pas!

 
  
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  Guy Verhofstadt (ALDE ), réponse "carton bleu" . – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur Daul, je voudrais simplement préciser qu'on ne peut pas dire de l'Espagne ni de l'Italie qu'elles ne font pas d'efforts. Elles en font. Mais le problème est très simple. M. Monti a beau prendre n'importe quelle mesure et mettre en place n'importe quelle économie, la moitié de son effort est mangé par les porteurs de titres et par des taux d'intérêt qui tournent et continueront à tourner autour des 6 ou 7 %.

(Applaudissements)

Ce problème ne sera résolu qu'au moment où le Conseil reconnaîtra la nécessité d'une mutualisation partielle de la dette par le biais des euro-obligations et du fonds d'amortissement de la dette, ce qui figure dans la note de M. Van Rompuy et qui n'est pas encore accepté par le Conseil, et si la Commission dépose un projet dans ce sens.

Je ne vois aucun chef de gouvernement qui soit capable et qui ait le courage de dire "non" à une telle proposition dès lors que la Commission la déposera et qu'elle aura un effet bénéfique sur les taux d'intérêt et sur les marchés.

 
  
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  Rebecca Harms, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion . – Herr Präsident, sehr geehrter Herr Van Rompuy! Ich muss als erstes sagen, dass – solange nach dem Europäischen Rat und nach den Entscheidungen gegen die Krise darüber diskutiert wird, ob Frau Merkel umgefallen ist, ob Hollande oder Monti gewonnen haben, ob der Süden gegen den Norden marschiert oder umgekehrt, solange das so ist – ich nicht glaube, dass wir auf einem guten Weg aus der europäischen Krise heraus sind!

(Beifall)

Ich muss Ihnen auch sagen, dass die ganzen Zugriffe, die auf Analogien zum Fußball basieren, mich in diesen Zeiten der Krise wirklich abgestoßen haben, weil alles, was wir politisch im Moment eigentlich wissen, heißt doch, dass wir entweder zu einer europäischen Mannschaftsaufstellung kommen oder scheitern werden.

Ich fand in diesem Zusammenhang einige Dinge tröstend, die auf den Fluren des Rates kommuniziert worden sind. Und zwar konnte man den Eindruck gewinnen, dass im Rat gelernt wurde in diesen letzten schwierigen Sitzungstagen. Ich hatte den Eindruck, dass endlich begriffen wird, dass wir es nicht mit einer Staatsschuldenkrise, sondern mit einer Krise unserer gemeinsamen Währung zu tun haben, weil der Euro als gemeinsame Währung eben nur funktionieren kann, wenn wir tatsächlich auch eine gemeinsame Fiskalpolitik haben. Diese Erkenntnis, die es in letzter Zeit gegeben hat, dass es auch nur geht, wenn wir eine gemeinsame Aufsicht über den Bankensektor und eine gemeinsame Bankenunion bauen, das fand ich tröstlich, denn letztlich ist es wirklich entscheidend, ob diese grundsätzlichen Dinge gelernt werden im Rat oder nicht.

Ich fand auch sehr gut, dass sich mehr und mehr die Einsicht durchzusetzen scheint, dass der Euro nur funktionieren kann, wenn die Länder innerhalb der Eurozone bereit sind, für Schulden und Risiken innerhalb dieses gemeinsamen Währungsraums einzutreten. Ich fand gut, dass diese Einsicht gewachsen ist, obwohl Frau Merkel das in den Tagen vor dem Gipfel zu einer Frage von Leben und Tod gemacht hat. In diesem Zusammenhang war dann eben sehr wichtig, dass man sich zu Italien und zu Spanien entschieden hat, dass man die Bankenrisiken unbedingt entkoppeln muss von den Staatsrisiken und dass tatsächlich Staaten nicht mehr in den Abgrund gezogen werden dürfen, weil sie versuchen müssen, Pleitebanken zu garantieren. Leider sind diese Einsichten, die ich beschrieben habe, und die mich während der Beobachtung dieses Rates getröstet haben, dann nicht ausreichend in die Entscheidungen eingeflossen. Was sie zu EFSF und zu ESM beschlossen haben, das ist nach wie vor sehr stark konditioniert.

Ich möchte meinem Vorredner, Herrn Verhofstadt, an dieser Stelle mal wieder Recht geben: Wenn Sie sich jetzt Zeit lassen bis zum Ende des Jahres, dann würde ich an dieser Stelle wagen, allen denjenigen, die außerhalb unseres Kontinents leben und schon immer mal hierher kommen wollten, zu sagen: Besuchen Sie Europa, solange es noch steht! Wenn Sie nicht mit der Kommission zusammen für September Vorschläge auf den Tisch legen, wie wir die Bankenunion jetzt schnellstmöglich konstruieren, wie wir in einer Fiskalunion mit Eurobills, Schuldentilgungsfonds und dann perspektivisch mit Eurobonds arbeiten wollen, wenn Sie nicht klarmachen, wie wir alle Kriseninstrumente inklusive ESM und EFSF tatsächlich vergemeinschaften wollen, wenn Sie nicht einen überzeugenden Pakt für nachhaltige wirtschaftliche Erholung und Entwicklung vorlegen, wenn Sie nicht klarmachen, wie Sie die Finanztransaktionssteuer weiter entwickeln und implementieren wollen, wenn Sie nicht ein wirklich überzeugendes Programm gegen die Jugendarbeitslosigkeit auflegen, dann werden wir mit der Rückgewinnung des Vertrauens in die Europäische Union nicht weit kommen.

Herr Barroso, Sie sind derjenige, der mit dem Europäischen Parlament den Druck machen muss, dass tatsächlich im September die nächsten Entscheidungen reif sind für die Diskussion! Und Herr Van Rompuy, ich meine, Sie sind irgendwie ein anderer Charakter als ich, das habe ich verstanden. Aber diese Art von Sediertheit, mit der Sie immer wieder die unzureichenden Entschlüsse des Rates hier verkünden, das kann ich einfach nicht verstehen.

(Beifall)

(Die Rednerin ist damit einverstanden, eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“ gemäß Artikel 149 Absatz 8 der Geschäftsordnung zu beantworten.)

 
  
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  Alexander Graf Lambsdorff (ALDE ), Frage nach dem Verfahren der blauen Karte . – Herr Präsident! Ich möchte die Kollegin Harms fragen, ob das, was sie als tröstlich bezeichnet hat – gemeinsame Haftung als Perspektive, gemeinsames Risiko – nicht notwendigerweise gemeinsame politische Kontrolle nach sich ziehen oder parallel betrachtet werden muss. Denn die Schulden von heute, für die wir gemeinsam haften, sind die Steuern von morgen. No taxation without representation . Das ist ein ganz wichtiger Punkt.

Die zweite sehr konkrete Frage, die ich habe: Du hast gesagt, man soll die Bankenrisiken von den Staatsrisiken trennen, und das sei jetzt gelungen. Aber der ESM, der jetzt die Banken rekapitalisiert, wird von Staaten getragen. Mit anderen Worten: Das staatliche Risiko wird anders verteilt, aber es bleibt bestehen. Wie bewertest du diesen Sachverhalt? Ich sehe das nämlich ausgesprochen kritisch und bin, was die Schlussfolgerung der Eurogruppe angeht, ausgesprochen skeptisch, wie vage das gehalten ist und wie sich das in der Praxis auswirken wird.

 
  
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  Rebecca Harms (Verts/ALE ), Antwort auf eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der blauen Karte . – Herr Kollege Lambsdorff, wenn Sie die Debatten verfolgt haben, dann wissen Sie, dass meine Fraktion sich immer dafür eingesetzt hat, dass es ein Vorgehen gibt, das wir auf die Formel gebracht haben: Solidität und Solidarität. Verheerend für die europäische Lage und verschärfend für die europäische Krise war, dass man eben nicht gleichzeitig in diesen Bereichen vorgegangen ist, sondern dass man besonders auch aufgrund der Haltung Deutschlands alleine auf Haushaltssolidität gesetzt hat und gleichzeitig von den Staaten verlangt hat, sehr stark ins Risiko zu gehen. Ich glaube, dass man mit dem Fiskalpakt im Grunde die Voraussetzungen dafür geschaffen hat, jetzt auch stärker in diese Instrumente der Solidarität einzusteigen.

Die zweite Antwort: Ich bin nicht dafür, dass die Banken konditionslos gerettet werden. Was wir in der Bankenunion tatsächlich zu klären haben, ist nicht nur eine Aufsicht, sondern auch der Zugriff, der Einfluss auf das, was im Banken- und Finanzsektor falsch gelaufen ist.

 
  
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  Martin Callanan, on behalf of the ECR Group . – Mr President, firstly let me also congratulate Spain on their great victory on Sunday night. Clearly, Germany is not the most competitive European country at everything. Of course at least it allows Spain to boast of some success from the Euros – well they are certainly more successful than France were at the games, anyway.

When we look under the surface of last week’s summit, we find that, in reality, the decisions taken were, of course, just another set of short-term stopgaps. Perhaps they relieve the immediate pressure points but it was hardly the game-changer that the Irish Prime Minister claimed. Using the bank recapitalisation and buying bonds may give Spain and Italy some breathing space. However, I find it slightly ironic that the same people in this House who want to bash the bankers and propose a financial transaction tax – to punish the bankers at every opportunity – are the same people that are perfectly happy for the risks and profligacy of those same bankers to be transferred on to the backs of taxpayers through these bailout funds.

Initially the markets responded positively on Friday – finally perhaps they had seen some signs of life from EU leaders. However, as is usual in these things, already the deal seems to be unravelling. Countries like Finland and the Netherlands are challenging the new roles for the bailout funds that they seemed to have agreed to in the summit on Thursday night. When the dust has settled, the small print is read and the details are finally discussed, I fear that the outcome of this summit could be far less seismic than many in this House want to believe.

That is because, yet again, the fundamental questions have not been answered. The lack of competitiveness of many countries has not been addressed. The possible mutualisation of debts has yet again been avoided. Relying on the ESM and the EFSF is no long-term solution to this crisis because they are not bottomless pits of money with the power to grant our every wish. If they are being committed to bank bailouts and used for secondary bond purchases, will there in fact be anything left over for the sovereign bailouts for which, let us remember, they were originally, intended?

Let us not pretend that even this relatively small shift in German policy was arrived at with great harmony. Even for these few small concessions it seems that Italy had to hold the proverbial gun to Germany’s head. In reality what we saw in the Council highlighted that, even for countries in the euro, the mentality is still one of maximising national interests. Now do not get me wrong, I fully support national governments fighting their corner. But let us also be clear that the euro was never a tool aimed at helping countries to defend their national interests. As Margaret Thatcher remarked in 1990, the single currency is about the politics of Europe. It is about a federal Europe by the back door.

The great irony of it is that this very tool that was intended to unify the peoples of Europe is in fact now driving them further apart, because it was always inevitable that permanent fiscal transfers would be required from the north to the south, with Germany acting as the paymaster of less competitive countries. It was also inevitable that we would see the supranationalisation of economic policy, effectively rendering national democracy defunct within the eurozone. In the future, will there in fact be much point in holding elections in many eurozone countries if their budgets and fiscal policies are going to be rewritten by Brussels every time? This is not a small point that should be brushed under the carpet; it is a fundamental issue of accountability of government to the peoples in their own democracies.

At the moment we face an impasse: Germany wants to supplant economic policy at EU level; the Mediterranean countries want Germany to underwrite their debts. I am reminded of the story of the two politicians. One says to the other, ‘OK, let’s be honest with each other’; the other one says, ‘all right, but you first’. Inevitably someone has to move first – but let us never forget that there is an alternative. It is for the eurozone to reduce in size so that some countries have the ability to devalue their way back to relative competitiveness. That would be a political disaster for the euro’s cheerleaders, but for some countries it remains the least worst option and a possible way out of this crisis.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question under Rule 149(8))

 
  
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  Ana Gomes (S&D ), blue-card question . – Mr President, Mr Callanan is very worried about those who are bashing the bankers, but does he not accept that scandals such as that involving Barclays Bank and others actually demonstrates that bankers have behaved like ‘banksters’ – like gangsters – and that it is not enough to fine them, they must be criminally prosecuted as well, be they housed in Barclays Bank, Deutsche Bank or any other?

 
  
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  Martin Callanan (ECR ), blue-card answer . – Of course, I do not disagree at all. If they have committed criminal acts they should be prosecuted. It is not me who wants to give them unlimited amounts of taxpayers’ money to bail them out from the costs of their own profligacy. This is the policy of the Socialists and others that want to throw unlimited amounts of taxpayers’ cash at the very same bankers that you keep telling us you want to criticise.

 
  
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  Gabriele Zimmer, im Namen der GUE/NGL-Fraktion . – Herr Präsident! Durch die einführende Bemerkung von Herrn Callanan bin ich jetzt zu einer Überlegung gekommen. Ich freue mich aus einem Grund sehr, dass Deutschland nicht das Finale erreicht hat: Wenn nämlich diese Analogie besteht, dann heißt das, wer Europameister wird, wird einer der am meisten verschuldeten Staaten werden – 2004 Griechenland, 2008 und 2012 Spanien. Ich weiß nicht, was in Deutschland passiert wäre, aber ich bin froh, dass uns diese Entwicklung erspart geblieben ist.

Herr Van Rompuy, am Ende des G20-Gipfels haben Sie erklärt, dass bis zum Jahresende die Wirtschaftsunion stehen soll. Allerdings haben Sie das mit Leerformeln verbunden, und auch jetzt nach dem Gipfel sind diese Leerformeln nicht gefüllt worden. Ich gebe deshalb auch allen Recht, die sagen: Lassen Sie uns nicht von einem Gipfel zum anderen rennen, sorgen Sie endlich dafür, dass wir gemeinsam – und zwar die Menschen in der Europäischen Union und die direkt von ihnen gewählten Abgeordneten des Europaparlaments, der nationalen Parlamente sowie die anderen europäischen Institutionen – darüber reden, was eigentlich folgen soll und wohin die Reise gehen wird. Das kann nur eine gemeinsame Debatte sein und die muss jetzt einsetzen. Wir brauchen jetzt konkrete Vorstellungen.

In den Erklärungen der Regierungschefs war immer von einem Durchbruch die Rede. Ich bezweifle, dass es wirklich ein Durchbruch ist. Auch unter dem Eindruck von Wahlkämpfen und Wahlen in Griechenland und Frankreich haben sich eigentlich die Regierenden mehr oder weniger zögernd, halbherzig oder auch widersprüchlich für mehr Stabilität, Sicherheit entschieden und für eine Ausgestaltung der Europäischen Union. Sie haben aber nicht die als notwendig anerkannten Regulierungsmaßnahmen beschlossen.

Als Fazit halte ich fest: Die EU, die Mitgliedstaaten und auch die Eurozone bleiben in der Krise, weil keine Prioritäten geändert wurden, weil an der Ausrichtung an der globalen Wettbewerbsfähigkeit, der neoliberalen Deregulierung und der Privatisierung öffentlicher Dienstleistungen und der sozialen Sicherungssysteme nichts geändert wurde. Es ist zwar die reine Lehre der deutschen Austeritätspolitik etwas geöffnet worden, indem eine Lockerung des Zugangs zu Hilfsgeldern des ESM ermöglicht wird, ohne dass die betroffenen Staaten dann zusätzliche Reformprogramme vorlegen müssen. In dem Zusammenhang möchte ich sagen, wir sollten der griechischen Bevölkerung und wir sollten Syriza und Tsipras dankbar dafür sein, dass sie den Fokus genau auf diesen wunden Punkt gelegt haben, und wir sollten jetzt auch mit der griechischen Regierung nachverhandeln, im Interesse der Bevölkerung Griechenlands.

Der voll angekündigte Pakt für Wachstum und Beschäftigung bleibt allerdings auch wieder unkonkret, ohne die notwendigen Zielvorgaben. Die Einnahmen, die für die Finanzierung eines solchen Programms notwendig sind, beschränken sich auf die Geldschöpfung der EZB und die Kreditaufnahme der EIB. Auf die Wirksamkeit der Finanztransaktionssteuer werden wir wohl ebenfalls noch eine Weile warten dürfen. Die anderen Summen, die in das Paket von 120 Milliarden Euro eingehen, stellen anscheinend eine Doppelbuchung dar. Sie stehen sowieso schon zur Verfügung, und es ist jetzt im Wesentlichen nur bekräftigt worden, dass diese Gelder zügig zur Verfügung gestellt werden.

Die Antwort auf die wichtige Frage, für welche Investitionen und Ausgabenprogramme dies zügig zu geschehen hat, blieb nach wie vor relativ vage. An sich klingt ja die von den Franzosen durchgesetzte Idee, für ein solches Wachstums- und Beschäftigungsprogramm 1 % des BNE einzusetzen, nicht schlecht. Schräg ist allerdings, was Angela Merkel auf der Pressekonferenz hervorhob, nämlich dass damit vor allem die public private partnerships gefördert werden sollen. Das heißt doch, dass das, was wir als Beschäftigungsprogramm verkaufen, letztendlich auch ein Programm für die Maximierung der Gewinne der Privaten, der Konzerne ist. Und damit wird letztendlich die konkrete Regulierung der Finanzsphäre wiederum erschwert. Damit legen wir uns selbst den nächsten Stolperstein.

 
  
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  Nigel Farage, on behalf of the EFD Group . – Mr President, that is the 19th crisis summit that Mr Cameron has been to. As the Rolling Stones might say, the 19th nervous breakdown, and that is reflected I think by the funereal mood in this Chamber this morning.

Yes, on that Friday morning ‘breakthrough’ was cried, and indeed Mr Van Rompuy parroted the word this morning: ‘breakthrough’. Nobody believes you. The wheels are coming off.

This European Stability Mechanism, your new bailout vehicle, is doomed before it starts. We have legal challenges in Ireland and in Germany. We have the Estonian Justice Minister saying it will not fit their constitution but – most fun of all – the Finns and the Dutch seem to have broken the agreement that was made in the middle of the night. Perhaps they were excluded from this, perhaps the little countries do not have a say in Europe at all any more. It is not credible. The euro crisis now looks to me to be frankly insoluble.

There is also a massive crisis of leadership. It is lovely to see you, Mr Van Rompuy. You have not been here for many months; it is delightful to have you back. Last time you were here you told us we had turned the corner, that the worst of the crisis was over. With every one of your predictions it goes on getting worse. I am sorry, sir: you do not have the presence, the credibility or the standing for the international markets to believe that you can provide a solution. And Mr Barroso here: at the G20 he stood up at the press conference and said that we do not need any lessons in democracy – said the unelected President of the European Commission. I mean, he went on to say that the eurozone’s problems had been caused by unorthodox practices in North America.

You have made yourselves an international laughing stock. You do not have any credibility. But one piece of helpful advice from me: do not this summer go on any billionaires’ yachts on extended holidays, because the markets guarantee we will all be back here in August.

 
  
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  Barry Madlener (NI ). - Mijnheer Farage heeft helemaal gelijk. De gang van zaken rondom het ESM-verdrag is natuurlijk onacceptabel en ondemocratisch. Ik zal u uitleggen waarom, mijnheer Van Rompuy.

De Europese Raad heeft twee belangrijke wijzigingen van het ESM-verdrag goedgekeurd. Ten eerste, de steun zou voortaan rechtstreeks aan banken worden verleend en niet meer naar de landen hoeven te gaan. De tweede wijziging: leningen van het ESM zullen voortaan geen preferente status meer genieten.

Voorzitter, de Raad heeft hiermee een dermate cruciale wijziging van de verdragstekst voorgesteld dat het verdrag opnieuw geratificeerd moet worden. Nederland moet voor 40 miljard euro bijdragen. Wij hebben het hier over een zeer substantieel bedrag, namelijk meer dan vijfduizend euro per Nederlands huishouden. Het spreekt voor zich dat een dergelijk verdrag met dergelijke financiële consequenties een zorgvuldig ratificatieproces behoeft.

Onze democratie vereist dat, mijnheer Van Rompuy. Ons Parlement zit op dit moment aan het einde van het ratificatieproces van het ESM. Maar onze volksvertegenwoordigers zijn er onterecht van uitgegaan dat er geen rechtstreekse bankensteun kon plaatsvinden. Zelfs onze premier Marc Rutte heeft gezegd dat het ongewenst is dat het ESM direct geld aan banken zou gaan geven. En nu blijkt dat ineens toch wel te gaan gebeuren. Onze volksvertegenwoordiging is dus onjuist geïnformeerd, of misschien heeft mijnheer Swoboda gelijk en vertelt premier Rutte andere verhalen in Brussel aan u, mijnheer Van Rompuy, dan hij in Nederland vertelt. Ik wil daarover graag opheldering van mijnheer Van Rompuy.

Hoogleraar Staats- en bestuursrecht van de Leidse universiteit Wim Voermans heeft het juridisch ook uitgezocht. Ik citeer hem: "Rechtstreekse uitkering aan banken kan niet onder het huidige verdrag. Dan moet het verdrag worden gewijzigd en opnieuw worden geratificeerd." Einde citaat. Artikel 12 van het ESM is klip en klaar: ESM-stabiliteitssteun kan alleen aan ESM-leden worden verstrekt, dus niet aan banken.

Ook de tweede wijziging, die inhoudt dat de ESM-leningen aan Spanje niet preferent meer zijn, betekent een cruciale wijziging van de voorwaarden van het verdrag. Onze volksvertegenwoordiging is op het verkeerde been gezet. Voorzitter, ik sluit af: de Partij voor de vrijheid is van mening dat deze handelwijze ondemocratisch, onrechtmatig en onaanvaardbaar is.

 
  
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  Mario Mauro (PPE ). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signor Presidente del Consiglio, capisco che la collega Harms del gruppo dei verdi sia un po' stanca di paragoni col calcio, ma credo che uno in particolare ci possa aiutare: si è concluso il campionato europeo con un risultato chiaro, la Spagna ha vinto! Si è concluso il Consiglio europeo e i risultati non sono chiari, perché se guardiamo la stampa dei diversi Stati membri, ogni paese rivendica un risultato differente, e ogni presidente del Consiglio dei paesi membri che ha partecipato, rivendica un risultato differente.

Signor Presidente del Consiglio, può dirci su cosa vi siete messi d'accordo? Hanno diritto secondo lei 500 milioni di cittadini europei di sapere su cosa vi siete messi d'accordo? Ce lo dica signor Presidente del Consiglio, ma ci pensi bene, perché da quello che ci dirà, dipende l'apertura delle borse anche di domani. Ci pensi bene, perché da quello che ci dice dipende la sopravvivenza del governo del mio paese e dipende ormai da tempo la sopravvivenza di governi dei nostri paesi.

Credo che anche 60 milioni di italiani che con i governi Prodi e Berlusconi hanno fatto manovre per 145 miliardi di euro e che con il governo Monti fanno sacrifici per molti miliardi di euro, abbiano la dignità e il diritto che gli siano date risposte precise. Vogliamo quindi sapere in modo molto concreto su che cosa si è convenuto nel Consiglio e quello che avete convenuto, che obblighi ha per i governi dei paesi membri, che oggi ci riempiono di dichiarazioni contraddittorie? È obbligata la Finlandia? È obbligata l'Olanda? Siamo obbligati in quello che abbiamo mostrato come accordo o no?

 
  
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  Catherine Trautmann (S&D ). - Messieurs les Présidents, chers collègues, c'est une bouffée d'oxygène salutaire qui a été décidée à Bruxelles, et même s'il reste beaucoup à faire, les conclusions de ce sommet marquent la fin d'une époque et représentent la première étape d'un renouveau pour nos citoyens, celui d'une Europe qui se donne les moyens d'être plus juste et plus solidaire.

La question de la croissance n'est plus un tabou et la discussion sur les grandes orientations économiques est désormais actée. L'Union européenne ne pourra sortir de l'ornière de la crise sans casser le cercle vicieux de l'austérité, qui condamnerait les États membres à une récession sans fin. Je me félicite que cette pensée pleine de bon sens politique se retrouve enfin dans les conclusions et je me réjouis que la France et son Président Hollande ait contribué à ce rééquilibrage politique et à s'engager sur la voie d'une intégration solidaire.

Mais si l'espoir est essentiel, c'est la mise en œuvre concrète qui rétablira durablement la confiance. Avec les 120 milliards d'euros mobilisés dans le cadre du pacte pour la croissance et l'emploi, les 10 milliards d'euros de recapitalisation de la Banque européenne d'investissement, qui permettront la mise en place des obligations pour financer des projets, le Parlement européen doit être entendu sur un cadre financier cohérent et sur les ressources propres. La mobilisation du FESF et le lancement du mécanisme européen de stabilité, dont nous aurions souhaité qu'il soit doté de la licence bancaire, représentent l'urgence n° 1 pour l'Espagne et l'Italie, sans oublier les citoyens grecs durement touchés par la crise.

La mise en place rapide du superviseur bancaire de la zone euro n'est qu'une première étape de l'union bancaire, que le Parlement appelle de ses vœux. Nous ne pourrons nous contenter, par ailleurs, d'une taxe limitée sur les transactions financières, même si sa mise en œuvre dans le cadre de la coopération renforcée peut constituer une première étape. Ainsi, nous attendons beaucoup du prochain Conseil européen, où le groupe des quatre – quatre présidents, bien sûr – devra proposer une feuille de route ambitieuse pour faire progresser l'union économique et monétaire et permettre de résorber définitivement la crise de la dette souveraine et l'instabilité de la zone euro.

 
  
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  Sylvie Goulard (ALDE ). - Monsieur le Président, Messieurs les présidents, ce Conseil européen a, pour la première fois, cherché – vous l'avez dit, Monsieur Van Rompuy – à avoir une vision qui aille du court terme vers le long terme. C'est une chose que nous avons souvent demandée ici et nous vous en remercions. Il y a, à la fois, des mesures vitales concernant les banques et les spreads et la vision que vous avez portée. Dont acte, merci. Mais il y a tout de même deux contradictions tragiques. La première vient d'être évoquée, notamment par M. Mauro: nous devons être sérieux vis-à-vis des marchés. Quoi que vous ayez décidé, mettez-vous d'accord, au préalable, sur la communication. J'ai une requête à vous faire, Monsieur Van Rompuy, faites-les taire. Faites-les taire! Parlez, vous-même, au nom du Conseil européen. Cessons cette cacophonie indécente. Quelle est l'entreprise, quel est même le groupe humain, la famille, dans laquelle on tolérerait que chacun, à l'issue d'une réunion, aille ainsi raconter n'importe quoi. Ce qui est en jeu, c'est le destin de pays du sud de l'Europe. Monsieur Van Rompuy, faites-les taire!

Deuxièmement, concernant la légitimation démocratique, dernier point, mais ô combien important, de votre papier: j'observe quand même un décalage énorme entre la bonne volonté affichée sur le papier et ce qui se passe en réalité. Le seul point sur lequel vous avez fait des progrès au niveau de l'union bancaire, c'est la supervision. Cela touche un domaine dans lequel ce Parlement s'est battu avec la Commission européenne contre le Conseil qui traînait les pieds, pour avoir une supervision européenne. C'est peut-être bien que la Banque centrale européenne s'en occupe, je n'ai rien contre, mais Monsieur Van Rompuy, Monsieur Barroso, cela doit être débattu dans une enceinte démocratique. Vous ne pouvez pas retirer au Parlement les compétences qui lui ont été données et ce sur quoi nous avons travaillé ensemble.

 
  
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  Sven Giegold (Verts/ALE ). - Herr Präsident, Herr Barroso! Ich möchte gerne zwei konkrete Punkte ansprechen: Es ist wichtig, dass bei diesem Rat jetzt ein Wachstumspakt beschlossen wurde. Davon ist aber viel auf Sand gebaut. Von den 120 Milliarden Euro sollen 55 Milliarden aus Strukturfondsgeldern kommen. Ich verstehe bisher nicht, wie die kurzfristig mobilisiert werden sollen, ohne dass die Mitgliedstaaten zusätzliche und kurzfristige Einzahlungen in den EU-Haushalt vornehmen. Ich würde gerne von Ihnen genau und dezidiert wissen: Gibt es diese Einzahlungen, welche Verpflichtungen sind dort eingegangen worden, damit diese 55 Milliarden Euro jetzt tatsächlich in nachhaltiges Wachstum fließen können?

Die zweite Frage, die ich stellen möchte, bezieht sich auf die Bankenunion. Sie haben vorgeschlagen, auf der Basis von Artikel 127 Absatz 6 AEUV vorzugehen. Das bedeutet Einstimmigkeit im Rat und damit auch ein Vetorecht für Großbritannien und andere Gegner. Ich kann Sie nur auffordern: Machen Sie diese Bankenunion, aber machen Sie sie auf der Basis der Gemeinschaftsmethode, und das bedeutet auf der gleichen Basis, wie wir hier bereits über die gemeinsame Bankenaufsicht verhandelt haben. Die demokratischen Rechte des Europäischen Parlaments dürfen dort nicht ausgehebelt werden! Ich bitte Sie, auf dieser Basis vorzugehen!

 
  
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  Derk Jan Eppink (ECR ). - Mr President, welcome to the blackmail zone, better known as the eurozone, but officially now a no-growth zone.

The latest European summit was appalling. What we saw was, as the German press wrote, a brutal act of blackmail. Apparently European integration is all about money while prostituting the word ‘solidarity’. What we perceived was Mr Monti acting as a mob leader to get at easy money. Blackmailing Germany is not difficult. Just refer to the past and their knees will weaken.

The ESM Treaty was changed, although many national parliaments had ratified it. So what is now applicable law? We simply do not know. The ESM Treaty is not a treaty, but is it a piece of paper, perhaps waiting for the shredder, or is it, Mr Van Rompuy, a piece of scrap paper? Are you the scrap-paper President?

Mr Monti made a fatal mistake. He galvanised the sentiment of resentment in northern Europe. People feel fooled, robbed and they will resist. Look at Finland and Holland. In Mediterranean Europe we spread the feeling that there is access to more money, so the pressure for reform will drop and people will ask: why should we suffer if fresh money is on the way? There is only one solution and it is regaining competitiveness. There is no substitute for it and no short cut to a transfer union. The more you push for a transfer union, the sooner the euro will break up.

Finally, where are our colleagues from the German Christian Democrats? I see hardly anyone from the CDU/CSU. Mr Pöttering has already disappeared. Where are they? They should defend their country, but they are absent. The German press will know. They will write it about it so that everybody knows in Germany.

 
  
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  Mario Borghezio (EFD ). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signor Van Rompuy, se stiamo per celebrare i funerali dell'eurozona, bisogna ammettere che Lei, come d'altronde il nostro presidente Monti, ne ha perfettamente l'allure e anche il physique du rôle . Questo accordo suona strano, si è voluto lanciare un messaggio di rassicurazione ma questo dibattito dimostra che è fondato su basi deboli, forse sul nulla.

Per l'Italia, a meno che il ruolo salvifico dell'ESM fosse sostenuto in toto dalla BCE, il che è tutto da vedersi, la vittoria di Monti sarà esattamente come la vittoria dell'Italia calcistica contro la Germania, una vittoria di Pirro. Da questo pericolo di una futura debacle ci può salvare forse la Madonna di Fatima , non certo le vostre indecisioni, le vostre incertezze, il vostro fumo negli occhi.

È vero o non è vero quello che è uscito dai corridoi del vostro summit , cioè la paura dei capi di Stato e di governo per un gigantesco crack del settore delle banche che hanno in pancia miliardi di derivati consentiti dalle vostre distrazioni, dai paradisi fiscali, da tutto quello che si è lasciato fare, allora perché non ci parlate chiaro su questo nocciolo del problema, non i titoli di Stato, ma il grande crack bancario e finanziario dei derivati, della speculazione finanziaria, che un certo mondo finanziario che comanda in Europa e purtroppo oggi anche nel mio paese ha lasciato fare? Vergogna!

 
  
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  Ewald Stadler (NI ). - Herr Präsident, Hohes Haus! Es ist schlichtweg grotesk! Eine falsche europäische Währungspolitik produziert eine Krise, und der 19. Krisenrat legt dann fest, dass die Lösung der Krise mehr Europa sei. Das heißt, eine falsche Politik soll jetzt sozusagen auch noch weiter institutionalisiert werden durch eine Fiskalunion, eine Wirtschaftsunion, eine politische Union, eine Art EUdSSR neuen Zuschnitts. Und das alles beruht auf dem Papier dieser Viererbande, die einen kalten Staatsstreich vorbereitet und Krisenprofiteur, nämlich politischer Krisenprofiteur der gegenwärtigen Krise sein will.

Sagen Sie doch, was Solidarität bedeuten soll in der europäischen Währungszone. Solidarität bedeutet Wohlstandstransfer von den Ländern, die eine positive Leistungsbilanz haben, an jene Länder, die keine Leistungsbilanz zustande bringen. Sagen Sie das doch den Menschen, und dann wollen wir schauen, was die Menschen dazu sagen werden. Wenn Sie eine demokratische Legitimierung wollen, dann werden Sie von diesen Leuten erfahren, dass diese Leute das ablehnen, weil sie nicht bereit sind, für Banken und deren Spekulantentätigkeit die Haftung zu übernehmen.

Der Pakt für Wachstum und Beschäftigung ist ein Sammelsurium von Slogans – Slogans und Parolen, die zum x-ten Male von einem Gipfel gekommen sind. Daher ist keine Zuversicht vorhanden bei mir und bei anderen Menschen in Europa, dass Sie diese Krise lösen werden.

 
  
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  Giuseppe Gargani (PPE ). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signor Presidente del Consiglio, devo dirle anch'io che ieri e l'altro ieri, avendo letto i giornali, sia del mio paese che degli altri, avevo avuto un'impressione un po' diversa delle conclusioni del vertice. Stamattina Lei, più Lei per la verità che il presidente Barroso, ha eliminato queste speranze e ha reso problematica una soluzione che invece dai giornali e dai tanti comunicati era stata portata come una svolta, un indirizzo nuovo, una capacità da parte dell'Europa di dover rigenerare e ridare concreta fiducia.

A me pare che, come dice Barroso, escluso che stabilire nei vari comunicati e nel documento finale che la stabilità monetaria in una situazione di moderna economia non può che essere una stabilità finanziaria è un principio di fondo molto importante. Qualcuno ha detto che è una frase storica, io ritengo che sia un presupposto per partire.

Allora se il fondo salva Stati dà ai paesi virtuosi che possono accedere al fondo la possibilità di ricapitalizzare, è tutta una prospettiva, è tutta una possibilità. Il termine "possibile" domina il documento finale, evidentemente mi associo a chi Le dà una responsabilità eccezionale in questo momento. Nella Sua replica deve spiegare effettivamente e decisamente se gli Stati membri possono davvero concretizzare ed essere fiduciosi che non ci sia soltanto una generica e astratta inversione di tendenza che non va bene, che non basta per i mercati.

Ognuno, si dice, si accontenta perché bisogna arrivare alla fine del tunnel. Credo che noi stiamo molto lontani dalla fine del tunnel, quindi la concretizzazione rispetto a tutto quello che era stato l'anno precedente di incertezza dell'Europa, noi avevamo immaginato che potesse essere superata da una concreta ed effettiva decisione che il vertice di Bruxelles doveva prendere. Dobbiamo essere delusi su questo, dobbiamo interrogarci sul fatto che non sia vero? A lei la parola, signor Presidente, per poter evitare tutti questi equivoci.

 
  
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  Enrique Guerrero Salom (S&D ). - Señor Presidente, el Consejo Europeo de la semana pasada anuncia, pero todavía solamente anuncia, un giro positivo, un giro hacia una respuesta más equilibrada, más justa y, por eso, potencialmente más eficaz para combatir la crisis; una respuesta que haga realmente posible combinar la austeridad con el crecimiento, que es imprescindible.

Ese giro ya lo había dado el Parlamento Europeo hace unos meses, y ya lo había dado el Grupo de la Alianza Progresista de Socialistas y Demócratas en el Parlamento Europeo hace un par de años. Por tanto, nos congratulamos por esa nueva dirección.

Este Consejo marca y marcará, en mi opinión, el ocaso de la prepotencia, el ocaso de la prepotencia del «two leaders' pact» , el ocaso de la prepotencia doctrinal de quienes solo han propuesto rigor y castigos y no han tenido para nada en cuenta las consecuencias sociales de los mismos. Este ocaso de la prepotencia supone, de hecho, una vuelta a la realidad. Y la realidad es que, sin crecimiento, no habrá empleo, y hoy sabemos que el desempleo está en el nivel más alto de la Unión Europea.

La realidad es que, sin crecimiento y empleo, explotará la crisis social y se hundirá la legitimidad del proyecto europeo. Por tanto, hagamos que lo que el Consejo anuncia se convierta en una realidad en los próximos meses, y apoyemos a los países que hacen sacrificios reales, como Italia y España, y presionemos sobre aquellos países que, después de haber tomado una decisión, ponen ahora piedras en el camino: Finlandia y los Países Bajos.

 
  
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  Wolf Klinz (ALDE ). - Herr Präsident, liebe Kollegen! Wir haben eine massive Vertrauenskrise, und so waren die Erwartungen an den letzten Gipfel relativ hoch. Der Gipfel unterschied sich von früheren Gipfeln kaum, mit einem Unterschied: Selten sind Differenzen zwischen den Verhandlungspartnern und die zum Teil an Erpressung grenzenden Verhandlungstaktiken so deutlich nach außen getreten wie dieses Mal. Schlussendlich hat man am Freitagmorgen dann eine Einigung gefunden.

Es stellt sich allerdings heraus, dass der Konsens, den man gefunden hat, im Grunde nur ein Formelkompromiss ist, der 72 Stunden nach Erreichen schon wieder in Frage gestellt wird. Die Niederländer und die Finnen haben schon angekündigt, dass sie den Ankauf von Staatsanleihen auf dem Sekundärmarkt nicht mittragen wollen. Und die Märkte, die bisher positiv reagiert haben, fangen auch schon an, wiederum das Ergebnis in Frage zu stellen und abzuschmieren.

Nun, ich begrüße ausdrücklich, dass man beim Gipfel beschlossen hat, ernst zu machen mit der Schaffung einer echten Bankenunion. Wenn wir einen gemeinsamen Wirtschaftsraum und Währungsraum haben, dann brauchen wir auch einen echten funktionierenden Binnenmarkt für die Finanzdienstleistungen. Dazu gehört natürlich eine Bankenaufsicht, dazu gehört aber auch ein Bankenabwicklungs- und Rettungsfonds und dazu gehört schlussendlich auch ein Einlagensicherungssystem.

Das wird alles Zeit brauchen. Und ich hoffe, dass zumindest beim ersten Schritt, dem Aufbau der Aufsicht bei der EZB, das Europäische Parlament angemessen berücksichtigt wird und es nicht so geht wie in der letzten Zeit.

Der große Durchbruch war dieser Gipfel sicherlich nicht. Der Befreiungsschlag ist ausgeblieben. Die Bürger sind genauso verunsichert wie vorher, und wir werden, fürchte ich, weiterwursteln, und ich kann nur hoffen, dass wir genügend Zeit haben, bis wir die endgültige Lösung finden!

 
  
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  Rolandas Paksas (EFD ). - Jeigu iš tikrųjų manoma, kad vienintelis Europos kaip ekonominės ir finansinės Sąjungos išlikimo kelias yra stipresnė valdžios ir sprendimų centralizacija, tai nedelsiant apie tai reikėtų informuoti bendrijas, tautas, kad jos pačios nuspręstų dėl dalies suverenumo perdavimo. Aš abejoju, ar kalbos dėl bendros konsoliduotos pelno mokesčių bazės ir dėl taupymo pajamų mokesčių direktyvos peržiūros yra tas kelias, kuriuo einant pavyks įveikti krizę. Europos krizės įveikimo doktriną reikėtų statyti ant trijų stulpų. Pirmasis – gamybos ir jai adekvataus vartojimo skatinimas. Antrasis – taupymas ne visuomenės pajamų, bet biurokratinių valstybių aparatų ir valstybių bankinio sektoriaus išlaidų sąskaita. Na, ir trečias – efektyvus Europos Sąjungos lėšų panaudojimas, taip pat ir būtiniausioms socialinėms reformoms.

 
  
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  Françoise Grossetête (PPE ). - Monsieur le Président, ce sommet marque les premiers pas de l'Europe vers une union bancaire et la possible recapitalisation des banques en difficulté des pays dans la tourmente, comme l'Espagne et l'Italie, marque certainement une avancée. Les aides directes du mécanisme européen de stabilité aux banques ne peuvent intervenir qu'après la création d'une supervision bancaire européenne. Cela aussi, c'est une avancée.

Malgré cela, Monsieur Van Rompuy, ne soyons pas naïfs! Certains sujets cruciaux restent en suspens. Il nous faudra encore bon nombre de sommets européens pour tenter d'apporter les réponses d'une intégration économique et monétaire de la zone euro, tout simplement d'une intégration politique. Parce que nous ne pourrons pas garantir un modèle de croissance qui repose sur la dépense publique sans assainissement et consolidation des finances publiques. Parce qu'il ne peut pas y avoir de solidarité financière sans harmonisation budgétaire, fiscale et sociale. Parce que le postulat est simple: on ne rembourse pas la dette en en créant une autre. On sait qu'en mutualisant les dettes des pays qui n'ont pas les mêmes politiques économiques et budgétaires, nous mettrons en danger certains États membres en les engageant dans la garantie de dettes qu'ils ne maîtrisent pas.

Je souhaite que la France, bien sûr, ratifie très rapidement le traité sur la stabilité, la coordination et la gouvernance, qui a été signé au mois de janvier dernier et qui ne pouvait, bien évidemment, pas être renégocié. Mais M. Monti a su très bien manœuvrer. Il faut cependant retisser les liens de confiance entre les États membres, car il n'est pas souhaitable d'assister à des provocations entre eux et il n'est pas souhaitable de s'opposer frontalement à l'Allemagne. Cela ne sert à rien! Le psychodrame franco-allemand n'a d'intérêt pour personne et ce n'est pas ainsi que l'on portera l'avenir de l'Europe dans cette période difficile.

 
  
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  Udo Bullmann (S&D ). - Herr Präsident, werte Kolleginnen und Kollegen! In der Tat: Der Gipfel hat die Debatte gedreht. Aber, Herr Van Rompuy, die Mitgliedstaaten haben sich noch nicht getraut zu springen. In der Tat, es ist ein großer Durchbruch zu sagen, dass wir den europäischen Stabilitätsmechanismus aktiver machen wollen. Das ist gut so, das ist richtig. Denn sonst können wir die Krise nicht wirklich eindämmen. Aber mir ist auch völlig klar, warum die ersten Mitgliedstaaten davor schon wieder zurückweichen, warum sich die ersten Helden aus ihrer Truppe schon wieder in die Büsche schlagen. Warum? Weil sie vergessen haben, zu klären, wie der Stabilitätsmechanismus finanziert werden soll, um das leisten zu können.

Damit sind wir beim Kernproblem unserer Diskussion. Europa ist gefordert! Wir werden die Krise nur meistern, wenn wir einen großen qualitativen Sprung machen können: Mehr Europa, besser arbeiten und mehr gemeinschaftliches Handeln. Aber wir können nicht zu diesem großen Sprung anlaufen und im Anlauf bremsen. Das ist das, was von Mitgliedstaaten andauernd vorgeführt wird.

Das zweite Thema – auch da kann ich es zeigen: Es ist richtig, zu sagen, dass wir ein Wachstumsprogramm machen wollen. Das Wachstumsprogramm ist essenziell. Sie haben die Möglichkeiten dazu, Herr Van Rompuy, Herr Barroso hat die auch. Legen Sie uns doch einfach die Zahlen vor, wie viel dieses Wachstumsprogramm bewegen kann. 0,1 %, 0,2 %, 0,6 % des Nationalproduktes? Und was wird es uns kosten, die immer noch zu starren Regeln des Fiskalpakts umzusetzen? 1 %, 1,5 %? Wie geht die Rechnung? Wir werden mehr machen müssen in dieser Richtung, damit es funktioniert.

 
  
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  Carl Haglund (ALDE ). - Herr talman! Kära vänner! Förra veckans möte visar igen att EU-ledarna fattar beslut bara när de har kniven på strupen. På många sätt kan man väl säga att förra veckans beslut banar väg för en positiv utveckling där de länder som har ekonomiska problem får tid att anpassa sig. Gott så. Samtidigt lämnade mötet en del öppna frågor som också har diskuterats här i salen idag, och det är klart att det finns de som väljer att tolka mötets beslut på ett sätt som framstår som opportunt inför hemmapubliken.

Detta kan man förstå av politiska skäl, men samtidigt är det beklagligt. Till exempel har man låtit förstå att man har enats om att räddningsfonden sen ska få fungera på den så kallade andrahandsobligationsmarknaden. Det är så vitt jag förstår inte fallet, då skulle det säkert stå klart och tydligt i protokollet från mötet, och det gör det inte.

Med tanke på framtiden tror jag att det är klokt att hålla sig till vad man faktiskt har kommit överens om och inte göra en massa utsvävningar och tolkningar. Det leder nämligen bara till det att de länder som redan nu står med plånboken öppen kommer att alienera sig ännu mera från besluten, och det är inte önskvärt i en situation där vi gör gemensamma uppoffringar för att komma ifrån den här svåra ekonomiska situationen.

Herr talman, samtidigt vill jag passa på att tacka kollegorna för gott samarbete. Detta är mitt sista anförande i det här plenumet eftersom jag lämnar parlamentet. Tack ska ni ha!

 
  
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  Jacek Saryusz-Wolski (PPE ). - Mr President, important steps have been taken in the right direction and growth packages welcomed, and stabilisation measures for the euro debt crisis are coupling both flexibility and conditionality. The move towards banking union is to be welcomed, and the road map for genuine monetary union is a good starting point. However, closer integration should preserve the unity and integrity of the Union of 27 and its single market. Agreed initial measures – some would say half-measures – should evolve into full measures of banking, fiscal and political union. Measures addressed to the EU of 17 only – some would say half-union solutions – should evolve and be open for all members, at least those which are willing.

We should avoid being satisfied with half measures for a half Union. We should not accept the logic of differentiation and a two-speed integration of the EU. Eurozone ‘ins’ and future ‘ins’ are and should remain in the same boat. Only those who opt out should practise derogations. Advanced integration of 17 at the expense of the disintegration of 27 is not an acceptable solution. We need an inclusive, not exclusive, format. We should preserve and cherish a single institutional framework and avoid having 17 restricted institutions in parallel, separate for ‘ins’ and ‘pre-ins’, resulting in interinstitutional cleavages. We should avoid two-level solidarity, two parallel budgets and double macro-economic standards.

Collateral political damage done to the European project by half-Europe anti-crisis measures would be great. There is huge potential for growth in the EU maintaining integral economic and political unity. Unravelling this unity will not bring us closer to winning the battle with the crisis.

 
  
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  David-Maria Sassoli (S&D ). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, generalmente ci si concentra sui pre-vertici quando i vertici non contano nulla, e invece siamo costretti a concentrarci sul post-vertice perché avevamo capito che sono successe cose importanti. Presidente Van Rompuy, se Lei fosse andato in un parlamento nazionale di qualsiasi nazione europea a fare il discorso che Lei oggi ha fatto qui, credo che tutte le opinioni pubbliche europee avrebbero capito esattamente il contrario di quello che hanno letto tre giorni fa sui giornali, che voi avevate fatto fare all'Europa un grande passo in avanti.

Credo che sia necessario venire qui in Parlamento non solo per dire cosa è successo al vertice, ma cosa il Consiglio vuole fare dopo questo vertice, e credo che non dire questo sia rinunciare a dire alle opinioni pubbliche europee che stiamo lavorando per l'Europa unita, che stiamo lavorando per far fare un passo in avanti per mettere in sicurezza i paesi in difficoltà.

Poi, Presidente Van Rompuy, la invito in sede di replica a dirci esattamente cosa Lei pensa della posizione dei governi olandese e finlandese. Lei ha il dovere di dire qual è il suo pensiero su questo, perché altrimenti avremo capito che il Consiglio è uscito con un comunicato che non corrisponde a una volontà politica e credo che su questo bisogni fare grande attenzione, perché spero che non troppi giornalisti l'abbiano ascoltata, perché Lei sa quanto la comunicazione incida oggi sul destino dei paesi e sull'andamento dello spread .

 
  
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  Luis de Grandes Pascual (PPE ). - Señor Presidente, se ha dicho que, para que las cosas mejoren, a veces es necesario que se acentúe el caos. La sensación de impotencia era de tal dimensión que, por fuerza, Europa tenía que reaccionar. Y lo ha hecho para bien de todos.

Porque el gran ganador de esta Cumbre pasada ha sido el euro. Y con este triunfo, ha vuelto la esperanza de que Europa salga de su parálisis, pasando de la reflexión a la acción. En esta Cumbre, Señorías, era tan necesario adoptar medidas a corto plazo, para garantizar la estabilidad financiera, como medidas a largo plazo, para solucionar las deficiencias de la Unión. En este caso, lo inmediato era imprescindible para seguir trabajando en favor de lo importante. Resultado imperativo: lanzar un mensaje de que el euro es un proyecto común, irrevocable e irreversible.

Damos la bienvenida, Señorías, a decisiones tan importantes como la de facultar al Mecanismo Europeo de Estabilidad para que pueda recapitalizar directamente a los bancos, lo que permitirá romper el círculo vicioso entre deuda bancaria y deuda soberana, una tesis siempre defendida, por cierto, por el actual Gobierno español. Además, servirá para intervenir en los mercados en apoyo de la deuda pública de los países que cumplan con sus compromisos de déficit público y de reformas. Esas eran decisiones necesarias para garantizar la estabilidad financiera que debe ser, en el corto plazo, la prioridad máxima de la Unión Europea.

No es este, Señorías, el momento de que ciertos países recurran a máximas nacionalistas y pongan palos en el camino. Ya lo he dicho, es el momento de apostar por Europa.

España, Señorías, está dotando e implementando en un tiempo récord la agenda reformista más ambiciosa de la democracia española, en la que se incluye una profunda reforma laboral. Además, está llevando a cabo una reforma financiera, basada en una total transparencia, y todo ello demostrando su compromiso con la consolidación fiscal y el cumplimiento de los objetivos del déficit.

También damos la bienvenida a la decisión de lanzar un proceso para una mayor integración económica, a través de cuatro bloques: una unión bancaria, una unión fiscal, un marco de política económica común y un fortalecimiento de la legitimidad democrática.

Señor Presidente, la historia, en la Comunidad primero y en la Unión Europea después, ha sido siempre no solo superar las crisis sino también salir reforzada de las mismas. Me alegro de que, una vez más, lo hayamos conseguido.

 
  
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  Elisa Ferreira (S&D ). - Senhor Presidente da Comissão, Senhor Presidente do Conselho, o último Conselho pareceu começar a orientar-se finalmente na direção certa, mas faltam os detalhes e sem eles nada se pode concluir.

Em primeiro lugar, é positivo que finalmente se reconheça que a disciplina orçamental só é eficaz se for acompanhada, não seguida, acompanhada , por crescimento e emprego. Mas a iniciativa para o crescimento e o emprego só vai resultar se através dela se corrigirem os desequilíbrios internos à União Europeia que estão na origem da crise. Só será eficaz se abrir oportunidades de emprego e negócio sobretudo às economias que persistentemente têm perdido com o funcionamento do mercado interno e da moeda única e se se alavancar, nesses países sobretudo, a saída da crise.

Em segundo lugar, é positivo que a quebra da espiral de contágio entre a dívida dos Estados e a dos bancos esteja hoje no centro da agenda. Há novas propostas, no entanto não é politicamente aceitável que os bancos em crise acabem por beneficiar de apoios europeus mais fortes e condicionantes menos exigentes do que os Estados. Bancos e Estados dificilmente podem ser concorrentes no acesso aos mesmos fundos públicos, sobretudo se estes são manifestamente insuficientes, como é o caso do ISM.

Não é possível que, na falência de um banco, os contribuintes paguem antes dos acionistas, nem que os fundos de resolução bancária sejam dominantemente públicos e não financiados pelos bancos e os depositantes não podem, por último, ter as suas poupanças em euros ameaçadas pela crise, há que as garantir e é urgente que isso aconteça.

Uma última nota, Sr. Presidente, e termino já, falta o essencial, garantir que os Estados não fiquem destruídos nas mãos dos mercados e as propostas que este Parlamento apresentou no âmbito do two pack sobre a defesa da dívida soberana neste momento são absolutamente fundamentais à sobrevivência da Europa. Espero que a Comissão e o Conselho respondam afirmativamente à proposta deste Parlamento nessa matéria.

 
  
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  Herman Van Rompuy, voorzitter van de Europese Raad . − Een paar woorden maar op de vragen die mij zijn gesteld.

Ten eerste over het verslag in verband met de verdieping van de Economische en Monetaire Unie. Het is zo dat wij daarover in oktober en in december verslag uitbrengen. Mijn bedoeling is om het in oktober voornamelijk te hebben over wat binnen de bestaande verdragen gerealiseerd kan worden. In die zin is het geen echt interimverslag. Het is interim, omdat het een tussenstation is naar verdragswijziging, eventueel. Maar het is op zichzelf belangrijk, aangezien dat wat wij kunnen doen binnen de bestaande verdragen, op zichzelf waardevol kan zijn.

Wij moeten met de Voorzitter van het Europees Parlement eens bespreken hoe wij de samenwerking kunnen organiseren tussen het Europees Parlement en degenen die verantwoordelijk zijn voor het schrijven van het verslag, zijnde de voorzitters van de vier Europese instellingen. Daarover zullen wij binnenkort contact hebben. Het spreekt vanzelf dat ik graag bereid ben, zoals wij dat in het verleden hebben gedaan, - ik denk aan het verslag over de task force - intensief met het Parlement daarover samen te werken.

Als ik gesproken heb van een doorbraak, dan is dat in één precieze betekenis, en ik druk mij gewoonlijk nogal zorgvuldig uit, zelfs al citeert men mij achteraf verkeerd. Maar ik ga niet alle verkeerde citaten rechtzetten, daarmee amuseer ik mij niet. Als het gaat over doorbraak, ging het over het feit dat men naar één enkel bankentoezicht kan komen, dat men beslist heeft dat men tot een bankentoezicht zal komen in het kader van de herkapitalisering van de banken op een directe wijze door het Europees Stabiliteitsfonds.

Dus die doorbraak naar één enkele toezichthouder beschouw ik als een van de belangrijkste verwezenlijkingen van de Europese Raad van vorige donderdag en vrijdag. Tegelijkertijd is het een eerste realisatie, als ik dat zo mag zeggen, van het verslag dat de voorzitter van de Commissie, ikzelf en twee andere collega's hebben neergelegd in verband met de verdieping van de Economische en Monetaire Unie. In die precieze betekenis van het woord is het een doorbraak.

Als het gaat over de besluiten van de Europese Raad en van de top over de eurozone, wel deze besluiten zijn altijd unaniem genomen. Er kunnen geen andere besluiten zijn dan unanieme besluiten. Dat is helaas - sommigen vinden dat een spijtige zaak, anderen vinden dat een goede zaak - de besluitvorming die wij hebben. Wij hebben eensgezind besluiten genomen. Ik ga ervan uit dat ook deze besluiten gerespecteerd worden. Het is de tijd van de verantwoordelijkheid. Wij leven in een heel diepe crisis, die al lange tijd aansleept en die wij stap voor stap trachten te overmeesteren. Elkeen, elk lid van de Europese Raad, elk land moet zijn verantwoordelijkheid nemen en zeker als het gaat over de uitvoering van besluiten die eensgezind zijn getroffen. Gelukkig is het zo, op één precies punt, dat het nieuwe noodfonds, het ESM, in een zodanige besluitvormingsprocedure voorziet dat één land en in sommige gevallen zelfs meerdere landen alleen beslissingen niet kunnen blokkeren.

In elk geval bedank ik u voor de discussie die wij hebben gehad, in die zin dat men anders dan andere keren hier op een aantal punten ook effectief gezegd heeft dat wij vooruitgang hebben geboekt. Het grote werk ligt nog voor ons, als het gaat over de verdieping van de Economische en Monetaire Unie. Maar ik heb begrepen dat er over de grote lijnen, de bouwstenen, de building blocks, een heel grote overeenstemming kan zijn, althans tussen degenen die het verslag geschreven hebben en het Europees Parlement.

Maar u weet, wij leven in een Gemeenschap, in een Unie van 27. Wij moeten met zijn allen daarover overeenstemming bereiken. Dat vergt inspanningen en brengt ook mee dat een stapsgewijze aanpak de enige mogelijke is om vooruit te komen, of men dat nu graag hoort of niet. Maar ik beschouw de laatste Europese Raad van donderdag en vrijdag, zoals ik al heb gezegd, als een stap vooruit in de juiste richting. Ik dank al degenen die dat deze morgen met mij erkend hebben.

 
  
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  Der Präsident. − Herr Van Rompuy! Vielleicht eine Bemerkung, wenn Sie gestatten, da Sie noch anwesend sind: Ich halte es für sehr ehrenwert, dass Sie hier ankündigen, dass Sie mit dem Europäischen Parlament bei dem Follow-up des Vorschlags, den Sie als Präsidenten der vier Institutionen vorgelegt haben, eng zusammenarbeiten wollen. Ich muss Ihnen aber für dieses Haus nochmals zwei Dinge sagen.

Es war erstens ein Fehler, dass Sie das Europäische Parlament von vornherein nicht eingeladen haben. Zweitens, die Legitimiertheit, auch für die Zukunft Europas zu sprechen, ist für das Europäische Parlament größer als für die Europäische Zentralbank.

Deshalb gehe ich davon aus, dass der Präsident des Europäischen Parlaments bei den Arbeiten in der Zukunft gleichberechtigt eingeladen wird. Wie wir auf der Arbeitsebene arbeiten, können wir miteinander abstimmen, aber ich sage Ihnen nicht für mich persönlich, sondern für dieses Haus, es ist nicht hinnehmbar, dass es zwei verschiedene Sorten europäischer Institutionen geben soll: die, die da zusammensitzen, und wir. Wir sind die entscheidende europäische Institution und deshalb verlange ich im Namen dieses Hauses, dass Sie mich einladen, an diesen Arbeiten teilzunehmen.

 
  
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  Elmar Brok (PPE ). - Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissionspräsident, meine Damen und Herren! Ich glaube, dass der Gipfel ein ausgewogenes Ergebnis hatte. Es hat bei den kurz-, mittel- und langfristigen Maßnahmen das Prinzip Kontrolle und Haftung aufrechterhalten, geht in Richtung Lösung der Krise, Kontrolle der Krise und hat auch das deutliche politische Signal gesetzt, dass diese Europäische Union zusammenbleibt und sich durch die Krise nicht auseinandertreiben lässt. Das ist der wichtigste Hinweis.

Deswegen finde ich es gut, dass man jetzt beispielsweise eine Bankenunion macht, und ich gehe davon aus, dass die Kommission dafür schnell einen gesetzgeberischen Vorschlag vorlegen wird und dies auch mit einer flexibleren Nutzung des Europäischen Stabilitätsmechanismus verbunden wird. Aber beides gehört in einen bestimmten Zusammenhang. Wir müssen deutlich machen, dass dies nicht nur eine Staatsschuldenkrise ist, sondern eine Finanzkrise, die die Staaten zu Schulden getrieben hat. Auch dies muss unter besonderer Beachtung des Finanzsektors und dessen Regulierung deutlich werden.

Herr Präsident, ich bin der Auffassung, dass gerade in den Fragen der institutionellen Entwicklung das Papier, das Herr Van Rompuy mit Herrn Barroso, Herrn Juncker und Herrn Draghi vorgelegt hat, mittel- und langfristig in die richtige Richtung geht, und ich möchte mich insbesondere bei Herrn Van Rompuy und Herrn Barroso, aber auch bei Herrn Juncker, aus der Sicht des Europäischen Parlaments für die hilfreiche Tätigkeit bedanken.

Es muss klar sein, dass auch in Zukunft die Gemeinschaftsmethode unter voller Einbeziehung der Gemeinschaftsinstitutionen das Entscheidende ist. Es muss deutlich gemacht werden, dass die Krise nicht dazu führen darf, dass wir eine institutionelle Teilung der Europäischen Union zwischen den 17 einerseits und den Rest andererseits haben. Es muss deutlich sein, dass dabei das Europäische Parlament die parlamentarische Versammlung auf europäischer Ebene ist und dass die nationalen Parlamente und das Europäische Parlament immer auf ihrer jeweiligen Ebene gestärkt werden. Ich danke auch dafür, dass ausdrücklich darauf hingewiesen wird, dass eine Kooperation auf der Grundlage von Protokoll 1 des Vertrags von Lissabon zwischen den nationalen Parlamenten und dem Europäischen Parlament erfolgt. Das ist die angemessene Linie, und dafür ist dies eine gute Basis. Ich bedanke mich noch einmal sehr herzlich für die Kooperation in dieser Frage.

 
  
  

VORSITZ: OTHMAR KARAS
Vizepräsident

 
  
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  Göran Färm (S&D ). - Mr President, Europe stands before one of the most difficult challenges ever: to get out of the worst economic crisis of the post-war period and at the same time take the European project forward. This is not an easy task; if it is to succeed, the EU and its Member States must start conducting a more balanced economic policy – single-minded austerity is not enough.

The EU must also seriously attack the problem that for decades we have set aside insufficient resources for growth-enhancing investments. Therefore I am very happy with the broad support for my report on project bonds, to be issued tomorrow. I am also happy about the European Council conclusions on the compact for growth and jobs and the detailed guidelines for the Union’s own actions and budget in this context. EUR 55 billion will be devoted to growth-enhancing measures in the current period.

However, there is still a question mark: to have concrete effects on the ground, the EU budget will need payments. These EUR 120 billion, with very concrete proposals for EUR 55 billion, must lead to concrete projects with rapid effects on jobs and growth, particularly in the most vulnerable regions in Europe. But for that to happen, the Council and the Member States must change their rigid position on the payments level in the European Union budget, because otherwise – unfortunately – this will be another round of empty promises.

 
  
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  Marian-Jean Marinescu (PPE ). - Decizia Consiliului European privind Compact for Growth and Jobs este un fapt extrem de pozitiv. Succesul, însă, depinde de punerea în practică. Nu trebuie să existe concesii în procesul de implementare a recomandărilor specifice pentru fiecare stat membru. Statele membre trebuie să implementeze urgent legislaţia privind piaţa unică. Procedurile de aprobare a relocării fondurilor structurale trebuie grăbite la maxim, pentru a obţine un rezultat rapid. Pe de altă parte, ideea unei Europe cu două viteze nu trebuie susţinută sub nicio formă. Toate statele membre trebuie să aplice, într-un fel sau altul, măsurile referitoare la uniunea economică şi monetară.

Din păcate, concluziile Consiliului European referitoare la CFM nu sunt satisfăcătoare. Preşedinţia daneză nu a realizat progresul aşteptat într-un subiect extrem de important pentru viitorul Uniunii. Nu există nici măcar o previziune în ceea ce priveşte cuantumul bugetului european. Casetele de negociere nu cuprind ceea ce ar fi trebuit să propună Consiliul European, ci referiri la elemente foarte importante ale politicilor orizontale care intră sub incidenţa procedurii de codecizie. Nu se poate accepta o asemenea abordare, care nu poate să ducă decât la o decizie negativă din partea Parlamentului European privind CFM-ul 2014-2020.

Aştept ca Preşedinţia cipriotă să schimbe această abordare şi să înceapă urgent discuţiile cu Parlamentul European. Parlamentul a exprimat deja o poziţie foarte clară, în raportul Comisiei SURE, de care Consiliul trebuie să ţină cont. Dacă ne uităm la concluzii, există o discrepanţă foarte mare între concluziile referitoare la creştere economică şi locuri de muncă şi cele referitoare la CFM. 95% din bugetul european este îndreptat către investiţii, care generează exact ceea ce se doreşte: creştere economică şi locuri de muncă.

 
  
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  Άννυ Ποδηματά (S&D ). - Κύριε Πρόεδρε, οι αποφάσεις του Ευρωπαϊκού Συμβουλίου είναι δεδομένο ότι βρίσκονται προς τη σωστή κατεύθυνση αλλά, ασφαλώς, μένουν πολλά να γίνουν ακόμη για να μπορέσουν αυτές οι γενικές δεσμεύσεις να μετουσιωθούν σε συγκεκριμένες αξιόπιστες και αποτελεσματικές αποφάσεις και πράξεις.

Θέλω να τονίσω μόνο δύο σημεία: το πρώτο αφορά τον φόρο χρηματοπιστωτικών συναλλαγών. Το Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο ασφαλώς και θα προτιμούσε να ληφθεί απόφαση σε επίπεδο 27 κρατών μελών. Αλλά, με δεδομένο ότι αυτό αποδεικνύεται αδύνατο, θεωρούμε ότι πρέπει να δημιουργηθούν το συντομότερο δυνατόν οι συνθήκες και οι προϋποθέσεις για να προχωρήσουν μπροστά, εκείνοι που θέλουν και μπορούν να προχωρήσουν, μέσω της ενισχυμένης συνεργασίας, σεβόμενοι βεβαίως τα βασικά χαρακτηριστικά αυτού του φόρου που θα πρέπει να εφαρμόζεται σε όσο το δυνατόν περισσότερα χρηματοπιστωτικά ιδρύματα και να καλύπτει όσο το δυνατόν ευρύτερο φάσμα χρηματοπιστωτικών συναλλαγών. Το Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο έχει υποστηρίξει τον φόρο χρηματοπιστωτικών συναλλαγών και όχι το "Stamp Duty".

Το δεύτερο θέμα αφορά την απόφαση που πήρε επιτέλους το Ευρωπαϊκό Συμβούλιο για να σπάσει το φαύλο κύκλο ανάμεσα στον τραπεζικό τομέα και την κρίση χρέους. Αυτή είναι μια σωστή αρχή που πρέπει να ισχύσει για όλους, ανεξάρτητα από τα αίτια οδήγησαν σε ανακεφαλαιοποίηση στον τραπεζικό τομέα σε κάθε χώρα.

Και θέλω, κύριε Πρόεδρε της Επιτροπής, να σας ζητήσω να μας διαβεβαιώσετε σήμερα ότι θα ισχύσει αυτή η αρχή της ισοτιμίας και της δικαιοσύνης και ότι η κάθε χώρα που βρίσκεται σε πρόγραμμα, εφόσον αποδεδειγμένα το εφαρμόσει, θα μπορεί να περιμένει αυτή την ισότιμη μεταχείριση στο ζήτημα αυτό.

 
  
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  Paulo Rangel (PPE ). - Senhor Presidente, Senhor Presidente da Comissão, caros Colegas, eu queria basicamente dizer o seguinte: este Conselho Europeu foi para nós, julgo eu, todos aqueles que acreditamos na Europa, essencialmente marcado por duas notícias boas: uma é que temos mais tempo e outra é que podemos ter alguma esperança. Eu julgo que os resultados são parcos. Poderíamos ter ido mais longe, devíamos ir mais longe, mas a verdade é que, pela primeira vez, julgo eu, foram dados passos no bom sentido, de uma forma clara e, para além disso, foram contextualizados esses passos numa espécie de roteiro.

E não queria deixar de cumprimentar aqui a Comissão porque a verdade é que cimeira após cimeira, Conselho após Conselho, propostas apresentadas há ano e meio, há dois anos, há meio ano, e rejeitadas no momento em que foram apresentadas, acabam por ser adotadas, por isso, porque a própria Comissão está também por trás deste roteiro que é um roteiro de maior integração, eu tenho, apesar de tudo, alguma esperança, por isso usei a palavra esperança , de que algumas das propostas que o Presidente da Comissão fez e algumas das quais fez, aliás, em conjunto com presidentes de outras instituições, possam ser seguidas e nos tragam finalmente uma rota de maior estabilidade e de maior segurança para os tempos que se avizinham.

 
  
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  Edit Herczog (S&D ). - Politikai siker, hogy hosszú vajúdás után az alapítók szellemének megfelelően az Unió építésének irányába léptek. Politikai kudarc, hogy az alapítók szellemével ellentétesen nem az Unió minden polgárának ajánlják. Ezért fordulhatott elő, hogy a magyar miniszterelnök hétfőn a Parlamentben így számolt be a csúcsról: Magyarország győzött, az Unió behódolt a magyar gazdaságpolitikának. Csalódás, hogy miközben a holnap 80 éves Horn Gyulának két világrendszer árnyékában volt ereje átvágni a vasfüggönyt, aközben Önök csendesen asszisztálnak egy új vasfüggöny építéséhez. Csalódás, hogy Önök a második világháborút követő legnagyobb politikai, gazdasági változás nyertes nagyhatalmainak vezetői nem akarják látni a következményeket. Ha az egykor álmodott egységes Európa helyén újra két világrend épül, a következmények tragikusak, beláthatatlanok lehetnek. Politikai felelősségünk a béke megőrzésében és továbbépítésében egyetemes és oszthatatlan. Erre szeretném fölhívni az Önök figyelmét a csúcs után.

 
  
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  Μαριέττα Γιαννάκου (PPE ). - Κύριε Πρόεδρε, το Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο, σύμφωνα με την παράδοση βέβαια, θα πρέπει να πει, όπως κάθε φορά, ότι δεν είναι ευχαριστημένο με τις αποφάσεις του Συμβουλίου: ότι ήθελε κάτι περισσότερο, ότι ήθελε να γίνει ένα μεγαλύτερο βήμα.

Αν μιλήσουμε όμως επί της ουσίας, δεν υπάρχει αμφιβολία ότι οι αποφάσεις που ελήφθησαν είναι θετικές. Κυρίως δε το σύμφωνο ανάπτυξης και δημιουργίας θέσεων εργασίας το οποίο αρκεί να επικεντρωθεί σε συγκεκριμένους τρόπους και οδούς ανάπτυξης ώστε να μην οδηγήσει στα ίδια αποτελέσματα που είχαμε με τις κατευθυντήριες γραμμές της Λισαβόνας.

Σημαντικές επίσης αποφάσεις είναι αυτές που αφορούν την κρίση χρέους και την ανακεφαλαιοποίηση των τραπεζών, οι οποίες φαίνεται να ενδιαφέρουν κατ' αρχάς την Ιταλία και την Ισπανία. Αλλά οι αποφάσεις αυτές πρέπει να αφορούν κάθε χώρα που εφαρμόζει το πρόγραμμα το οποίο έχει συμφωνηθεί με όρους ισοτιμίας, όπως π.χ. την Ελλάδα, δεδομένου ότι αυτό θα απήλλασε την χώρα μου από ένα πολύ μεγάλο βάρος 50 περίπου δισεκατομμυρίων ευρώ και θα ήταν δίκαιο και σωστό έναντι της νέας κυβέρνησης που θα κληθεί να θέσει σε εφαρμογή το πρόγραμμα το οποίο έχει συμφωνηθεί.

Ο φόρος επί των χρηματοπιστωτικών συναλλαγών επίσης είναι σημαντικός για την αντιμετώπιση του προβλήματος, όπως επίσης και η χρήση της ενισχυμένης συνεργασίας, δεδομένου ότι υπάρχουν ορισμένες χώρες που δεν τον επιθυμούν. Αυτό όμως αποτελεί επιθυμία του Ευρωπαϊκού Κοινοβουλίου, το οποίο επανειλημμένα έχει εκφραστεί σχετικά, και έχει τεράστια σημασία δεδομένου ότι θα μπορούσε να συνδεθεί και με τους ιδίους πόρους της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης.

 
  
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  Anna Záborská (PPE ) - Výsledky samitu ma upokojili, lebo sa zdá, že budúci rast Európy je istý. A bude stáť len 120 miliárd eur. Z nich polovicu dá Európska investičná banka a tú druhú nájdeme v štrukturálnych fondoch.

Čo na tom, že k prvej polovici sa niektoré štáty ani nedostanú. Napríklad Írsko napriek prebiehajúcim reformám nebude môcť požiadať o prostriedky z Európskej investičnej banky, lebo jeho rating a rating írskych bánk nespĺňa podmienky pre pôžičky. A možno aj ďalší.

No horšie je, že všetky uvažované prostriedky pre naštartovanie rastu sú určené na projekty so spolufinancovaním. Teda, že sa ráta s finančným príspevkom členských štátov alebo súkromných investorov, napríklad bánk. Pritom práve členské štáty a bankový sektor majú dnes s financovaním najväčší problém.

Pán predseda Európskej komisie, chcela by som Vás preto požiadať, aby ste ešte raz potvrdili, že lepšia budúcnosť Európskej únie je už na dohľad. Lebo ak nie je, potom celý pakt pre rast je len symbolickým gestom a myslím si, že zodpovední európski politici by nemali robiť gestá, ale hľadať reálne riešenie problémov.

 
  
  

VORSITZ: MARTIN SCHULZ
Präsident

 
  
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  Marianne Thyssen (PPE ). - Ik heb drie punten. Ik zou in de eerste plaats de voorzitter van de Europese Raad samen met de voorzitter van de Commissie van de Eurogroep en de president van de Europese Centrale Bank willen feliciteren met de visienota op de Economische en Monetaire Unie die zij samen voor deze top hebben voorbereid.

Dat in deze nota wordt gekozen voor een volwaardige bankenunie, een budgettaire unie en een economische unie is uitstekend, want het geeft aan dat u samen gaat voor een duurzame oplossing en het is alleen die weg die de centrifugale kracht kan wegnemen die ons stelsel nu al jaren onder al te grote spanning zet.

Ten tweede wou ik de voorzitter van de Europese Raad - maar men zal hem de boodschap wel overbrengen - ook feliciteren met de concrete resultaten van de top. Want daardoor is deze top echt wel de top van de herwonnen ambitie geworden, ambitie die een nieuwe basis van vertrouwen kan leggen. De landenspecifieke aanbevelingen, het pact voor groei van banen en vooral één enkel toezichtskader en de beslissing om de vicieuze cirkel te doorbreken tussen bankenproblemen en nationale begrotingen, geeft hoop. Hoop, voorzitter, dat wij nu met evenveel ambitie, overtuiging en tempo aan een stappenplan kunnen werken op weg naar een echte Economische en Monetaire Unie en naar een sterke Europese Unie, want dat hebben wij allebei nodig.

Ten derde viel het mij op - maar dat is hier bij sommigen al ter sprake gekomen - dat de voorzitter van de Raad veel oog heeft voor de democratische legitimiteit. Ik dank u, voorzitter, voor de opmerkingen die u ter zake gemaakt heeft en ik heb daar dan verder niets meer aan toe te voegen. De voorzitter zal intussen zeker beseffen dat hij aan ons een trouwe partner en een goede bondgenoot heeft om naar een sterk Europa te gaan, solidair en verantwoordelijk van binnen en sterk naar buiten om onze waarden globaal te verdedigen.

 
  
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  Gay Mitchell (PPE ). - Mr President, I welcome the steps towards banking union which came out of this meeting. I also welcome the steps on bank borrowing.

In fairness, I say to the President of the Commission that Ireland’s position does need special attention. I do not think that we should ask any Member State to carry an undue burden and, where there is responsibility, there must be solidarity. I want to thank Anna Záborská for what she said in support of Ireland and the European Investment Bank.

I welcome also what was said by President Van Rompuy when he spoke about mastering this step by step. This is not easy when you need unanimity, but this makes the case for more Europe, not more intergovernmentalism.

What we need right now are the skills of a fisherman, not of a publicist. When you have got a fish on the line, you need the right breaking strength. If you try to land the fish too soon, the line breaks and the fish gets away. If you let the line loose, the fish gets off and the fish gets away. This requires the skills of an angler, not the skills of a publicist. So far we have done very well in that regard.

I want to see, please, more emphasis on growth, jobs and hope. I welcome the change in emphasis that has come about in that regard.

In time, it is possible if we turn this around that people will look back on Europe and say: that was a golden era. The Berlin Wall came down and we incorporated those Member States into the Union. We did not repeat what happened in the first half of the last century when 60 million people died. The biggest financial crisis came our way and we dealt with it.

It is possible for us to make this a golden era. I welcome the steps that have been taken so far.

 
  
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  Ioannis Kasoulides (PPE ). - Mr President, two points from the debate. The EMS is composed of taxpayers’ money. That is true. When states borrow from the EMS to capitalise their banks, their taxpayers shoulder the debt in turn. When the banks can borrow directly from the EMS, the banks owe to the EMS; the moral hazard is far less. Decoupling sovereign debt from the recapitalisation of the banks ends the spiral of excessive debt and increased mistrust from markets.

Secondly, the growth stimulus package is fine, but we are not reinventing the policies on growth. What is the scoreboard of Member States’ compliance on the Europe 2020 Strategy? How far have Member States gone in implementing proposed policies on the Single Market? What about the Services Directive, for instance? Why do we create illusions and false dilemmas for public opinion? ‘Stability and Growth’ is the name of the pact that has existed for years: these are the two faces of the same coin. Let us stop sloganeering and get to work.

 
  
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  Othmar Karas (PPE ). - Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissionspräsident, meine Damen und Herren! Es dauert zu lange, bis der Rat das beschließt, was als notwendig und dringend erkannt und vom Europäischen Parlament und der Kommission seit Jahren gefordert wurde.

Daher mahne ich erstens Entschlossenheit ein, Entschlossenheit bei der Vorbereitung der politischen Union, Ernsthaftigkeit bei der Umsetzung der gemachten Beschlüsse und Aufrichtigkeit bei der Kommunikation der Beschlüsse mit den Bürgerinnen und Bürgern. Der Herr Präsident hat nach der Wortmeldung des Ratspräsidenten auf die demokratische Legitimierung, auf die Zusammenarbeit hingewiesen. Auch wir dürfen uns mit den Beschlüssen nicht abfinden. Wir sollten zu jedem Beschluss einen Initiativbericht mit den bestehenden Beschlüssen und unseren Forderungen bis Herbst auf den Tisch legen.

Wir sollten zweitens klarmachen – wie es geschehen ist –, dass die Erarbeitung der Roadmap im Zeitplan und im Inhalt nur mit dem Europäischen Parlament glaubwürdig und erfolgreich sein kann und nicht ohne uns.

Und wir sollten drittens spätestens bis Dezember einen klaren Vorschlag über den Konvent zur Vorbereitung der politischen Union – inhaltlich, zeitlich, personell und unter welcher politischen Beteiligung der Zivilgesellschaft er stattfinden kann – auf den Tisch legen. Nur Taten schaffen Glaubwürdigkeit. Ratskommuniqués haben wir genug, sie gehen in die richtige Richtung. Machen wir endlich Nägel mit Köpfen!

 
  
 

Catch-the-eye-Verfahren

 
  
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  Charles Goerens (ALDE ). - Monsieur le Président, dans ma langue maternelle, le terme "conseil" peut avoir une double signification. Celle de "conseil" d'abord, dans son acception commune à la plupart de nos langues de travail. Ensuite, "conseil" peut aussi signifier "devinette". En effet, après le dernier Conseil, on doit deviner ce qui a été décidé, notamment au vu des 55 milliards des Fonds structurels destinés à relancer la croissance. On doit deviner ensuite la portée des décisions relatives au mécanisme de stabilité européen.

Ayant pris connaissance des interprétations que donnent les acteurs du Conseil européen aux conclusions de sa dernière réunion, M. Van Rompuy, qui, malheureusement, n'est plus là, aurait peut-être pu mettre un terme à mes interrogations.

 
  
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  Zigmantas Balčytis (S&D ). - Iš tikrųjų praeito penktadienio sprendimai labai svarbūs, buvo priimti tam tikri sprendimai dėl bankinio sektoriaus priežiūros, bankų konsolidacijos, apie ką mes jau buvom kalbėję prieš keletą metų. Ir iš tikrųjų, jau tuo metu buvo daug žinių, kad bankinio sektoriaus veikla visiškai neatitinka bet kurios valstybės politikos ir ekonominėje, ir finansinėje srityje, todėl šitie sprendimai yra labai svarbūs. Antra, Europa šiandien išgyvena ne tik finansines problemas, bet Europa išgyvena ir solidarumo problemą. Šiandien Europos Sąjunga yra suprantama tik kaip papildomų pinigų gavimo ir didesnės naudos savo valstybei šaltinis, ir mes tą matome iš tam tikrų konkrečių valstybės veiksmų, jeigu kalbame apie fiskalinės sutarties įteisinimą, jeigu kalbame apie finansinių sandorių mokestį ir daugelį kitų sričių, todėl aš linkiu, kad ateityje Europos Sąjunga taptų žymiai solidaresnė.

 
  
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  Zofija Mazej Kukovič (PPE ). - Hvala lepa, gospod predsednik, in čestitke Svetu za sklepe, posebej tiste, ki so vezani na rast in nova delovna mesta.

Obstaja pa še vedno vprašanje, kako uskladiti brezposelnost mladih in hkrati podaljšati delovno dobo starejšim. To je izziv za celotno Evropo. In izziv je tudi stalno vzpostavljanje zaupanja. Zaupanja in ne delitve, delitve med 17 in 27 članic. Samo tako bomo konkurenčni napram zunanjemu svetu, če bomo znali držati skupaj, ne pa imeti besede delitve vedno pred sabo.

 
  
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  Marisa Matias (GUE/NGL ). - Senhor Durão Barroso, pela primeira vez foi introduzida na agenda do Conselho a questão do crescimento e do emprego e, pela primeira vez, se apresentou um pacto para o crescimento e para o emprego. Agora, se analisarmos verdadeiramente o que foi proposto não podemos chegar a outra conclusão senão dizer que a montanha pariu um rato. Se nós compararmos, quer no conteúdo quer no montante, estamos a falar de 120 mil milhões de euros. O que nós verificamos é que se compararmos com as ajudas que têm sido dadas à banca e à recapitalização da banca, estamos a falar de um pacote ridículo e, por isso, eu gostava muito que pudessem explicar aos cidadãos porque é que quando se trata de bancos os montantes são superiores, os apoios são superiores, as condições são muito menores e as contrapartidas, porque é que não explicam isso aos cidadãos? Porque é que não explicam que quando falamos de ajudas são eles que vão pagar novamente. Era importante esclarecer estas perguntas porque estamos fartos de austeridade.

 
  
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  Monika Flašíková Beňová (S&D ) - Rada sa počas samitu zamerala predovšetkým na otázku rastu, ktorá je pre budúce smerovanie Únie nepochybne kľúčová. Je však nesmierne dôležité, aby sme od diskusií a konštatovaní prešli konečne ku konkrétnym riešeniam, pretože len tie nás posunú v tejto chvíli ďalej. Nevyhnutne potrebujeme jasnú stratégiu, ktorá rast reálne podporí a môže vytvoriť nové pracovné miesta. Len užšia integrácia je šancou na prekonanie súčasnej krízy.

Preto navrhujem, aby sme skončili s euroskeptickými debatami a začali spoločne pracovať na lepšej a jednotnej Európe pre všetkých. Prijímanie protikrízových opatrení sa musí niesť v duchu vzájomnej solidarity. Nemôžem preto súhlasiť s rozpočtovými škrtmi, ktoré sa dotýkajú obyvateľov Európskej únie, ale podporujem, aby sme sa zamerali na finančné inštitúcie, ktoré by mali konečne prebrať svoj podiel viny za súčasný stav.

 
  
 

(Ende des Catch-the-eye-Verfahrens)

 
  
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  José Manuel Barroso, President of the Commission . − Mr President, regarding the questions put to the Commission, let me just clarify some of the points.

First of all, the assessment we made of this European Council was a balanced one. It represented real progress, but much still has to be done. We should be under no illusions: the crisis is far from over and we need to continue our work. In fact, this European Council addressed at the same time short-term measures and a vision for the future, and tried to combine the need for stability with growth.

It is false to say that the conclusions are only one-way. In fact, there was also strong emphasis on the need for reform for competitiveness. At the same time there was recognition of the need for solidarity. It is in this context that we should analyse the results of this European Council.

Regarding growth, as the Commission has been stating, we need to combine structural reforms at national and European level with investment, and a package for investment was thus approved. This was the maximum the Member States could agree on at this stage. Regarding the Structural Funds relocation, let me state that EUR 20 billion has already been reprogrammed, and a further EUR 55 billion will be devoted to growth-enhancing measures in the current financial period.

In response to some of the questions, I would like to say that it is now critically important that all the governments stick to the agreements once they have been made, and ensure that they are fully and swiftly implemented. We will strongly emphasise the need to respect agreements and to implement them. I would like to reassure this Parliament by telling you that the Commission is determined to come up with proposals very soon. But let me remind you that a number of very important proposals are already on the table.

These include proposals on key elements of the banking union, deposit guarantees and resolution mechanisms for example. We now hope that, with the stronger consensus we saw in the European Council, we can even go further and reinforce those proposals.

Regarding the issues of the Commission proposals, let us be clear; I have to disappoint some of you. The simple fact that the Commission makes proposals does not in itself lead to quick agreements.

Maybe this is because there are too many political forces which say one thing in Strasbourg and something else in the capitals of our Member States.

(Applause)

So, when we are concerned, as some of you expressed the concern today that governments go to Brussels and say one thing, then go back to their capitals and say something different, it is also very important that political parties do not say one thing in Strasbourg and then say a different thing in their capitals.

(Applause)

One important and interesting point was made by the British Conservatives today, and some kind of satisfaction was expressed with the situation in the euro area. I would like to tell the Conservatives that it is puzzling that you seem to delight in the difficulties of the euro area. This is in stark contrast to the position taken by your leader, Prime Minister Cameron.

(Applause)

It would be good in terms of accountability to your public for you to say the same thing here that you say in London. The reality is that there is now a consensus, that includes those states outside the euro area, on the need to strengthen the euro area. It would be a mistake, a complete mistake, to try to divide the euro area from the rest of the European Union.

I am also very puzzled at the ease with which some of you recommend that some Member States should leave the euro. Once again, this is in complete contrast to the position taken by the British Prime Minister, who explicitly said at the G8 Summit in Camp David, for instance, that it was in his national interest that Greece stays in the euro area.

So it is very important that we agree on a common approach for the European Union, including countries both inside and outside the euro area.

Some of you are suggesting that Europe’s current economic problems are the result of the euro area, and that, for instance, you disapprove of the big bailout programmes in the banking sector in the euro area. Let me just put the facts straight.

The country that has spent the most money by far on its banking sector is Britain, more than any other country in the European Union. Let me give you the figures. Since 2008 the United Kingdom has committed EUR 82.9 billion – equivalent to almost 4.9% of GDP – in recapitalisation measures. In asset relief interventions alone it has committed EUR 40.41 billion – equivalent to 2.38% of GDP – and EUR 158 billion in guarantees, more than 9% of the British GDP. So the country in the European Union that has committed by far the most taxpayers’ money to save its financial sector has been Britain. This is not a specific euro area problem; this is a problem that affects the European Union as a whole.

(Loud applause)

And then I come to my final point: we either solve this together, and we win together, or we will all be defeated together. My final point is this: I did not at all like the atmosphere following the last European Council when I saw some claiming victory over the others.

This is not the way to do things in Europe: either we win together or we will be defeated together. What we need is a strong European team. It is true that there are in Europe different financial cultures, different perceptions and different sensitivities. But let us be honest, sometimes this is not a matter of differences between the North and the South – sometimes you find these differences in the very same country.

But I am worried when I see some people speaking about the North and the South, making some kind of easy generalisations, because those of us who know European history know how negative a role was played by prejudice and the superiority complex of one part of Europe over the other.

(Applause)

All the countries of Europe – and some of us have been countries for many, many centuries – have had the greatest moments of glory and very dark moments in our history. We should be humble when we speak about history. And we should not forget that the European project was made precisely to avoid the divisions of the past and the demons that existed in European history.

That is why I do not like it when I see Heads of Government coming out of a European Council and saying that they won against the others. This is exactly the wrong message. This is precisely the road to defeat. The message that we together – the European institutions, the Commission and the European Parliament – have to send is that we are in this together, and together we will be able to overcome this crisis.

(Loud and sustained applause)

 
  
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  Rebecca Harms (Verts/ALE ). - Leider ist die Debatte schon vorbei, aber angesichts dieser ganz großen Zustimmung für Ihre Worte, Herr Barroso, hätte ich den Wunsch, dass Sie in dieser Klarheit auch den Rat ansprechen und nicht immer diese Spaltung haben, hier sind Sie deutlich, und in Brüssel, wenn sich die Staats- und Regierungschefs treffen, dann bleiben Sie verschwommen.

(Lebhafter Beifall)

 
  
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  Der Präsident. − Das war ja ...

(Zwischenrufe)

Meine Damen und Herren! Herr Cohn-Bendit, einen Augenblick! Frau Kollegin Harms, das war erstens kein Antrag zur Geschäftsordnung, sondern eine persönliche Bemerkung. Zweitens will ich Ihnen etwas sagen: Ich habe dem letzten und dem vorletzten Europäischen Rat beigewohnt, und Herr Barroso hat im Europäischen Rat exakt das gesagt, was er hier gesagt hat.

(Beifall)

Ich kann, glaube ich, für mich in Anspruch nehmen, dass ich in der Vergangenheit nicht immer der freundlichste Gesprächspartner von Herrn Barroso war. Aber ich will Ihnen sagen, dass ich als Präsident dieser Kammer zurzeit keinen stärkeren Alliierten in den europäischen Institutionen habe als Herrn Barroso.

Ich würde mir manchmal wünschen, der Berichterstatter, der vorher hier war, würde unsere Anliegen mit der gleichen Intensität unterstützen, wie das der Präsident der Kommission tut.

(Beifall)

Die Aussprache ist geschlossen.

Die Abstimmung findet am Mittwoch, den 4. Juli 2012, statt.

 
  
  

PRESIDENZA DELL'ON. GIANNI PITTELLA
Vicepresidente

 
  
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  Elmar Brok (PPE ). - Herr Präsident! Ich habe eine Bitte. Könnten Sie den Kommissionspräsidenten bitten, dass er uns die Zahlen, die er zu Großbritannien genannt hat, schriftlich zur Verfügung stellt, damit wir sie weiter verwenden können?

 
  
 

Dichiarazioni scritte (articolo 149)

 
  
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  Martina Anderson (GUE/NGL ), in writing. Sinn Féin welcomes any increase in investment in job creation and reduction in the cost of the debt burden. But the European Council is still not serious about growth. There is only EUR 10 billion of new investment. Austerity remains a key pillar of the EU’s approach to the crisis. Yet the EU continues to pour billions into the banks that are still operating largely unregulated and are gathering billions in personal wealth, storing it far from the reach of the public purse. The failed policy of austerity and bank bailouts to financial vampires who sucked the life blood from our economies needs to end. We need greater flexibility for Member States to implement policies suited to their specific needs, we need investment in jobs to generate economic growth and assist in deficit reduction, and we need debt reduction to enable indebted Member States to return to the markets at normal rates.

 
  
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  Bastiaan Belder (EFD ), schriftelijk. De regeringsleiders hebben stappen gezet ter bestrijding van de eurocrisis: Europees bankentoezicht, Europese steun aan banken en de opkoop van staatsobligaties uit het noodfonds. Niets minder dan een forse stap naar een Europese bankenunie. Het is triest dat de situatie in de eurozone zodanig is dat veel economen deze substantiële stap noodzakelijk achten. Bij de uitkomst van de top heb ik drie vragen aan de Raad. Allereerst: verzwakt de rechtstreekse Europese steun aan banken niet te zeer de prikkel voor de zwakke eurolanden om orde op zaken te stellen, zowel bij de bancaire sector als de overheidsfinanciën? Ten tweede, het ESM-verdrag. De Duitse bondskanselier en de Europese Commissie stellen dat rechtstreekse steun aan banken kan plaatsvinden via artikel 19 van het ESM-verdrag zonder hernieuwde ratificatie door nationale parlementen van een gewijzigd ESM. Is de Raad van mening dat de rechtstreekse steun aan banken geen hernieuwde ratificatie vergt? Tot slot: in hoeverre is het realistisch om te veronderstellen dat Europa al over een half jaar zal beschikken over een effectief systeem voor bankentoezicht? Dat is een voorwaarde voor een verantwoorde besteding van geld uit het noodfonds.

 
  
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  Ivo Belet (PPE ), schriftelijk. Het belangrijkste element in het rapport van voorzitter Van Rompuy staat allicht in punt 4: we zullen de EU enkel kunnen sterker maken als we de steun van de bevolking hebben. Vandaag brokkelt die steun in sneltreinvaart af. Daarom dringt een shocktherapie zich op. Het meest efficiënte antwoord dat we hierop kunnen geven, is de rechtstreekse verkiezing van de voorzitter van de Europese Commissie. Dat zou een grote stap vooruit zijn. Want van Stockholm tot in Nicosia zullen de Europeanen zelf kunnen kiezen voor de president van Europa. Laten we hiervoor gaan. En bij voorkeur al in 2014. Het zou heel wat emoties losmaken, positieve en ongetwijfeld ook negatieve. Maar het zal de mensen zeker niet koud laten. En dat is toch essentieel in een democratie.

 
  
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  Minodora Cliveti (S&D ), în scris. Șefii de stat sau de guvern au decis cu privire la un „Pact pentru creștere economică și locuri de muncă”, care cuprinde acțiunile pe care trebuie să le întreprindă statele membre și Uniunea Europeană în vederea relansării creșterii economice, a investițiilor și a ocupării forței de muncă, precum și în vederea sporirii competitivității Europei. Au fost aprobate recomandările specifice fiecărei țări pentru a orienta politicile și bugetele statelor membre.

Trebuie acordată o atenție deosebită investițiilor în domeniile care sunt orientate spre viitor, precum și asigurării sustenabilității sistemelor de pensii. O prioritate clară o constituie stimularea ocupării forței de muncă, atât în rândul femeilor, cât și în rândul bărbaților, și în special în rândul tinerilor și al șomerilor de lungă durată. Este important să se promoveze reactivarea lucrătorilor mai în vârstă. Consiliul va examina propunerile cuprinse în „Pachetul privind ocuparea forței de muncă” și va trebui să decidă cu privire la acestea, punând accentul pe crearea de locuri de muncă de calitate, pe reforma structurală a piețelor forței de muncă și pe investițiile în capitalul uman. Este esențial să se abordeze șomajul în rândul tinerilor, în special prin intermediul inițiativelor Comisiei privind garanțiile pentru tineret și cadrul de calitate pentru stagii.

 
  
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  Corina Creţu (S&D ), în scris. Analiza rezultatelor Consiliului European ar trebui să înceapă pornind de la rata record a şomajului la nivelul Uniunii Europene - 25 de milioane de șomeri, cu 2 milioane mai mult față de anul trecut. Rata şomajului a depăşit pragul de 11% pentru prima oara de la crearea Zonei Euro. Putem vorbi despre succese în strategia anti-criza doar atunci când cifrele şomajului vor indica o scădere semnificativă a celor care sunt în căutarea unui loc de muncă. Să judecăm lucrurile doar după umorile foarte schimbătoare ale „piețelor” ar însemna să ne amăgim singuri.

Consider încurajator acordul privitor la pachetul de măsuri în valoare de 120 de miliarde de euro pentru stimularea creşterii economice şi crearea de locuri de muncă în întreaga Uniune. Urmează, însă, să vedem cum vor fi alocaţi aceşti bani și ce tip de activităţi vor fi finanţate, astfel încât să producă maximum de efecte economice şi sociale. Încrederea în capacitatea politicului de a rezolva problemele cetăţenilor este mai redusă ca oricând. Ascensiunea mişcărilor politice radicale şi extremiste este o realitate şi nu cred că avem în faţă o perspectivă încurajatoare. Să fim atenţi ca atunci când băncile câştigă să nu piardă democraţia.

 
  
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  João Ferreira (GUE/NGL ), por escrito. Este Conselho Europeu constituiu mais uma etapa no caminho da conformação dum quadro político-institucional que force um controlo férreo, por parte das instituições da UE, sobre cada país, arrasando com as soberanias nacionais, afrontando os mais elementares princípios e valores democráticos, tudo para intensificar a exploração, o ataque aos direitos e às condições de vida dos trabalhadores e dos povos e para prolongar a extorsão de recursos nacionais. Concluiu-se o designado "semestre europeu", aprovando-se as "recomendações específicas por país que os Estados-Membros integrarão nas suas futuras decisões nacionais sobre os orçamentos, as reformas estruturais e as políticas de emprego". Se olharmos para estas "recomendações", divulgadas pela Comissão Europeia e que agora querem implementar, perceberemos o sentido e os objetivos deste "semestre europeu". Em relação a Portugal, a Comissão veio defender a redução dos salários e a redução da duração dos subsídios de desemprego. Num país que tem dos mais baixos salários da UE, em que o desemprego atinge níveis históricos e em que aumenta o desemprego de longa duração, fruto das políticas impostas pela UE e pelo FMI. Foram os interesses dos grupos económicos e financeiros que estiveram mais uma vez em cima da mesa, como o demonstra também a decisão sobre a possibilidade de apoio direto à banca.

 
  
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  Elisabetta Gardini (PPE ), per iscritto. Finalmente, dopo diversi mesi passati a cercare di tappare le falle provocate dalla crisi finanziaria ai bilanci di molti Stati membri, all'interno dell'Unione europea si torna a parlare ufficialmente di crescita. Il pacchetto da 120 miliardi di euro varato dal Consiglio europeo rappresenta non solo una vittoria per il governo italiano, che da tempo spingeva per esso, ma anche un passo avanti importante per l'economia europea verso la crescita e la ripresa. Pur non dimenticando che dei 120 miliardi totali solamente 14,5 rappresentano nuove risorse (i restanti sono riallocazioni di fondi già a bilancio), è importante come l'Unione europea sia tornata a parlare un linguaggio in linea con le aspettative delle imprese europee. Senza sottovalutare l'importanza delle misure adottate per fronteggiare la crisi finanziaria (come l'accesso diretto delle banche ai fondi salva-Stati in funzione anti-spread), l'adozione del pacchetto per la crescita deve rappresentare il segnale di svolta della politica europea, che affianca al rigore economico anche prospettive di crescita.

 
  
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  Kinga Göncz (S&D ), írásban. A szocialisták üdvözlik az uniós csúcson elhatározott döntéseket a bankunió létrehozásáról, a pénzügyi és politikai unió megteremtésének szándékáról és a növekedést, valamint a munkahelyteremtést szolgáló konkrét intézkedésekről. Az állam- és kormányfők végre tettrekészséget mutattak és határoztak egy sor régóta esedékes lépésről, amelyeket az Európai Parlament és különösen a szocialisták a válság kirobbanása óta sürgettek. Ezek közé tartozik annak az elismerése, hogy a kincstár rendbetételét növekedéspárti, a beruházásokat ösztönző gazdaságpolitikának kell kísérnie. Ugyancsak üdvözlendő, hogy jó néhány tagállam letette a voksát a pénzügyi tranzakciók európai szintű megadóztatása, és közvetve a gazdaság felpörgetését célzó befektetések serkentése mellett. Az eurózóna tagállamai által elhatározott szorosabb gazdasági, pénzügyi és politikai integráció nem vezethet az Európai Unió kettészakadásához. Magyarországnak nemzeti érdeke, hogy részese legyen az Uniót új alapokra helyező döntéshozatalnak. Az állam- és kormányfők végre rászánták magukat a válságkezelésre. A közös valuta megőrzése mellett legalább ilyen fontos az Unió alapértékeinek a védelme. A szorosabb politikai integrációnak együtt kell járnia a közösségi intézmények hatáskörének a bővítésével nem csak gazdasági és pénzügyi téren, de a demokratikus intézmények működésének, az emberi jogok, a jogállamiság érvényesülésének a területén is. Az Európai Parlament, mint az Unió egyetlen közvetlenül választott intézménye, kihagyhatatlan ebből a folyamatból.

 
  
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  Jan Kozłowski (PPE ), na piśmie. Wciąż rosnący poziom bezrobocia stanowi najbardziej dramatyczny wskaźnik trudności, z jakimi boryka się Europa. Dlatego za kluczowe uważam elementy konkluzji Rady bezpośrednio związane ze wspieraniem zatrudnienia i rozwojem przedsiębiorczości. Uważam Narodowe Plany Zatrudnienia za ważny krok w kierunku efektywnego wdrożenia reform skutkujących poprawą sytuacji na rynku pracy, w szczególności w odniesieniu do młodzieży. Uważam, że powiązanie strategii krajowych z inicjatywami, które znalazły się w pakiecie zatrudnieniowym, daje szanse na poprawę sytuacji.

Również dalsze usuwanie barier w obszarze jednolitego rynku, uzgodnienia dotyczące funduszu wspierającego przedsiębiorczość społeczną oraz postęp w kwestii rozpoznawania kwalifikacji uważam za bardzo istotne. Podzielam też pogląd, że zarówno Unia Europejska, jak i państwa członkowskie powinny podjąć zdecydowane wysiłki w kierunku zmniejszenia obciążeń administracyjnych i przejścia od nadmiernej regulacji do tzw. regulacji inteligentnej.

 
  
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  Antonio Masip Hidalgo (S&D ) , por escrito . – Aún estoy con un punto de emoción por haberme encontrado este fin de semana con la marcha minera sobre Madrid, a la que el Gobierno español debería atender, pues es imagen de valor y resistencia, como dijo el escritor Armand Gatti.

El Gobierno español, por otra parte, ha tenido el buen criterio de unirse a Monti y Hollande para el éxito de la Cumbre, como le había recomendado la leal oposición socialista, y expresamente Alfredo Pérez Rubalcaba.

Intensifiquemos la sabiduría y la prudencia en la línea de la Cumbre y cerremos bien demasiados puntos abiertos todavía. Y, a nivel interior, superemos, rectificando, el desastre de la reforma laboral y el castigo a enfermos y pensionistas.

Una nueva Europa, más cohesionada y fuerte, como ha dicho el Presidente Barroso, solidaria, como ha dicho la señora Trautmann, quiere renacer, gracias al Presidente François Hollande, en especial. ¡Apoyémosla!

 
  
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  Andreas Mölzer (NI ), schriftlich. Das einzig vernünftige Gipfel-Resultat ist die geplante zentrale Bankenaufsicht. Denn dass die Banken künftig auch vom Rettungsfonds EFSF Geld bekommen sollen, zeigt einmal mehr, dass es bei der Schuldenkrise in der Eurozone zu einem Gutteil auch um Kreditinstitute geht, die von verantwortungslosen Managern an die Wand gefahren wurden. Obwohl Gleichmacherei ins Desaster geführt hat, gilt der Zentralismus nach wie vor als Allheilmittel. Italien und Frankreich arbeiten seit langem darauf hin, die Nettozahler, allen voran Deutschland, in eine Schulden- und Haftungsunion hineinzuzwängen. Die Rolle Deutschlands als EU-Superzahlmeister soll in die Verträge aufgenommen werden, damit der deutsche Wirtschaftsriese auf Dauer gezähmt wird. Ein Schlag ins Gesicht der wirtschaftlich erfolgreichen Euroländer ist, dass Pleitekandidaten de facto ohne Sparvorgaben Gelder aus dem EFSF bzw. dem ESM erhalten sollen. Wenn es bei Einhaltung der Budgetvorgaben keine Kontrolle durch die Troika geben soll, stellt dies einen Freibrief für Betrügereien und Schummeleien aller Art dar. Und das griechische Beispiel zeigt, wohin es führt, wenn es keine ausreichende Kontrolle gibt. Mit den jüngsten Gipfelbeschlüssen wurde der Weg in eine Schuldenunion geebnet. Geldflüsse von Ländern wie Deutschland, Österreich, oder der Niederlande an Pleitekandidaten wie Spanien, Portugal und vielleicht auch Italien sollen zu einem Dauerzustand werden.

 
  
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  Sławomir Witold Nitras (PPE ), na piśmie. Na czerwcowym szczycie Rady Europejskiej złożono ambitne deklaracje dotyczące reformy architektury instytucjonalnej strefy euro. O tym, jakie znaczenie będzie miał ten szczyt dla wzmocnienia strefy, pokaże jednak dopiero determinacja we wdrażaniu jego postanowień. Państwa członkowskie poparły propozycję utworzenia wspólnego nadzoru bankowego dla eurostrefy. Jest to wyzwanie bardzo ambitne, biorąc pod uwagę zarówno wyznaczony horyzont czasowy - do końca października 2012, jak i przedłużający się proces negocjacyjny w sprawie wymogów nadzorczych dla sektora bankowego w ramach pakietu regulacyjnego CRD4/CRR. Nie bez znaczenia pozostają także ustalenia dotyczące warunków udzielania pomocy finansowej państwom członkowskim. Podjęto między innymi decyzję, że poprzez europejskie fundusze ratunkowe skupywane będą obligacje włoskie, ale bez stosowania rygorystycznych programów monitorujących. Ponadto, zagwarantowano, że pożyczki z funduszy dla Hiszpanii nie będą miały statusu długu niepodporządkowanego, co powinno zwiększyć zaufanie i popyt ze strony inwestorów prywatnych na rynku długu. Spektakularność deklaracji sformułowanych na tym szczycie spowodowała, że rynki finansowe zareagowały entuzjastycznie, mimo że poziom kapitałów ratunkowych pozostał niezmieniony. Uważam, że utworzenie wspólnego nadzoru oraz funduszu rekapitalizacji banków wzmocni stabilność finansową w eurostrefie. Nowe instytucje mogłyby, bowiem w sytuacji kryzysowej, na wzór działań amerykańskich instytucji federalnych podjętych po upadku Lehman Brothers w 2008, dokonać błyskawicznej rekapitalizacji instytucji finansowych w celu udaremnienia efektu zarażenia.

 
  
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  Sirpa Pietikäinen (PPE ), kirjallinen. Neuvoston viimeviikkoisessa kokouksessa tehdyillä päätöksillä otettiin nyt vihdoin merkittäviä askeleita kohti tehokkaampaa kriisinhallintaa ja samalla pitkän tähtäimen talouskasvua. Akuutin kriisinhallinnan ja pidemmän tähtäimen toimenpiteiden välillä on kohtalonyhteys: kumpikaan ei tule toimimaan ilman toista ja näitä molempia tarvitaan. Päätöksillä luotiin oikeansuuntainen kehityskulku kohti EU:n kattavaa pankkiunionia. Äärimmäisen myrkylliseksi osoittautunut ja kriisin eskaloitumista edistänyt yhteys valtion velan ja pankkien keräämien velkojen välillä on nyt aika katkaista. Tähän voidaan päästä niillä lääkkeillä, joista neuvostossa viime viikolla päätettiin: erityisesti tähän tähtäävät yhdennetty rahoituskehys sekä yhteisen, vahvan eurooppalaisen pankkiviranomaisen perustaminen. Tällainen kehitys ei tarkoita sitä, että "piikki" olisi nyt auki myös pankeille, ylivelkaantuneiden valtioiden lisäksi. Päinvastoin, kyse on nimenomaan siitä, että veronmaksajien piikkiin ei tulevaisuudessa laskuteta enää yhdenkään pankin virheitä tai väärinkäytöksiä, vaan piikki osoitetaan laskutettavaksi niille, jotka laskun ovat aikaansaaneet: pankeille itselleen. On tärkeää, että prosessia lähdetään nyt rakentamaan loogisessa järjestyksessä ja toimivana kokonaisuutena. Tähän tulee kuulua vahvan toimivallan omaava pankkiviranomainen, jolla on mm. valtuudet saneerata vaikeuksiin joutuneet pankit, sekä yhteiseurooppalainen rahasto, jolla voidaan taata talletussuoja ja jonka avulla minimoidaan pankkien mahdollisesta kaatumisesta EU-kansalaisille aiheutuvat kustannukset. Parlamentin vaatimuksen mukaisesti komission tulisi ehdottaa neuvoston päätökset kattavaa lainsäädäntöpakettia jo tulevana syksynä.

 
  
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  Csaba Sándor Tabajdi (S&D ), írásban. Joggal vagyunk óvatosak a múlt heti Európai Tanácsülés értékelésekor, hiszen decemberben egyszer már azt hihettük, hogy megállt az EU sodródása. Az újságírók sokszor túloznak egy-egy találkozó értékelése kapcsán. Kulcsfontosságú, hogy a mostani csúcs eredményeként pénzügyi paktumot kiegészíti a növekedési megállapodás, még ha az összeg szerény, a felhasználás módja pedig tisztázásra szorul. A következő hónapokban foglalkoznunk kell azokkal a kérdésekkel, így az eurókötvények bevezetésével, amelyekre ezen a csúcson nem került sor. Szülessen végre döntés a pénzügyi tranzakciós adó uniós szintű bevezetéséről! Ez a lépés egyszerre teremtene kulcsfontosságú forrásokat az EU költségvetése számára és biztosítaná a pénzpiacok normális működését. Vagy képesek leszünk egy teljesen új Európai Unió kialakítására, vagy Európa végleg marginalizálódik a globális versenyben. A reformok során a gazdaságpolitikai unión kívül létre kell hoznunk a politikai uniót, új demokratikus intézményi-döntéshozatali kereteket. Nagyon fontos, hogy mind a 27 tagállam részese legyen a reformoknak, egyikük sem járhat rosszabbul a növekedési paktum következtében. Haladéktalanul létre kellene hoznunk egy európai parlamenti különbizottságot, amely végiggondolja az Európai Unió jövőjével kapcsolatos kérdéseket. Az Európai Parlamentnek át kell tekintenie azt, hogy milyen lehetőségek vannak az EU demokratikus legitimitásának, intézményi-döntéshozatali kereteinek megerősítésére. Több Európa, több közösségiesség csak teljesen új demokratikus legitimáció révén érhető el és szilárdítható meg.

 
  
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  Γεώργιος Τούσσας (GUE/NGL ), γραπτώς. Οι ομιλίες του προέδρου της ΕΕ, Βαν Ρομπάι, του προέδρου της Επιτροπής, Μ. Μπαρόζο και οι τοποθετήσεις των προέδρων των πολιτικών ομάδων και των κομμάτων στην Ολομέλεια του Ευρωπαϊκού Κοινοβουλίου σχετικά με τα αποτελέσματα της Συνόδου Κορυφής της ΕΕ, ανέδειξαν για μία ακόμη φορά την όξυνση των αντιθέσεων και την ένταση της διαπάλης ανάμεσα στις αστικές τάξεις των κρατών μελών της ΕΕ. Σε ένα πράγμα παρουσιάστηκαν και πάλι απόλυτα ενωμένοι η ΕΕ και τα όργανά της, οι αστικές κυβερνήσεις των κρατών μελών - κεντροαριστερές και κεντροδεξιές- καθώς και οι πολιτικοί εκπρόσωποι της πλουτοκρατίας στο Ευρωκοινοβούλιο: Στον πόλεμο που έχουν εξαπολύσει ενάντια στη ζωή και τα δικαιώματα της εργατικής τάξης και των λαϊκών στρωμάτων σε όλα τα κράτη-μέλη της ΕΕ. Οι τοποθετήσεις όλων των πολιτικών δυνάμεων του κεφαλαίου και του ευρωμονόδρομου ήταν κηρύγματα υποταγής των εργαζομένων στην αντιλαϊκή πολιτική που υλοποιούν ΕΕ και κυβερνήσεις για τη σωτηρία της κερδοφορίας των μονοπωλιακών ομίλων. Ζητάνε "μείγματα" πολιτικής που έχουν κοινό παρονομαστή την "αρχιτεκτονική της ανταγωνιστικότητας" - την κερδοφορία των ευρωενωσιακών μονοπωλίων. Για τις αποφάσεις της Συνόδου που κλιμακώνουν την ιμπεριαλιστική επέμβαση στη Συρία και το Ιράν, όλοι τήρησαν "σιγή ιχθύος", εκτεθειμένοι για τα ιμπεριαλιστικά σχέδια τους που εγκυμονούν τεράστιους κινδύνους για τους λαούς.

 
  
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  Νίκη Τζαβέλα (EFD ), γραπτώς. Κύριε Πρόεδρε, Για την Ελλάδα η μεγαλύτερη επιτυχία της τελευταίας συνόδου κορυφής ήταν σίγουρα το γεγονός ότι παρευρέθηκε στο τραπέζι των διαπραγματεύσεων εκπροσωπούμενη από μία κυβέρνηση με σταθερή φιλοευρωπαϊκή γραμμή. Μία κυβέρνηση της οποίας ο επικεφαλής, σε επιστολή που έστειλε στους ευρωπαίους εταίρους του, ξεκαθάρισε ότι η Ελλάδα σκοπεύει να τηρήσει τις δεσμεύσεις και τις υποχρεώσεις της απέναντι τους. Οι Έλληνες με τη ψήφο τους απέδειξαν ότι εμπιστεύονται τους συμμάχους τους στην Ε.Ε. και ότι είναι προσηλωμένοι στο ευρωπαϊκό όραμα. Προτρέπω την Επιτροπή, να βοηθήσει τη νέα ελληνική κυβέρνηση, έτσι ώστε να επανακτήσει η χώρα την πολιτική και οικονομική της σταθερότητα. Ως εκ τούτου θα ήταν πολύ σημαντικό, στην επόμενη σύνοδο, να αποφασιστεί για την Ελλάδα η χάραξη ενός οδικού χάρτη ο οποίος θα επιτρέψει την ένταξη και των ελληνικών τραπεζών στον υπό δημιουργία ESM (μόνιμο ευρωπαϊκό μηχανισμό στήριξης).

 
  
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  Winkler, Iuliu (PPE ), în scris. Traversăm o perioadă crucială în care eforturile se concentrează pentru ieșirea rapidă a UE din criză, dar și pentru făurirea viitorului în UE. Aceste două procese merg mână în mână. Nu putem fi arhitecții viitoarei Europe câtă vreme ne zbatem în ghearele crizei și nu putem ieși din criză dacă nu stabilim cu claritate drumul pe care vrem să avansăm. Importanța deciziilor luate la ultimul summit european va putea fi cu adevărat evaluată doar la sfârșitul acestui an după întâlnirile decidenților europeni din lunile octombrie și decembrie. În octombrie vom avea raportul interimar al realizării măsurilor convenite săptămâna trecută, iar în decembrie șefii de stat și de guverne, pe baza raportului final, vor adopta calendarul concret cu termene fixe pentru stabilizarea UEM.

Cred că cel mai neproductiv lucru este să căutăm câștigătorii sau perdanții summit-ului de săptămâna trecută, să analizăm o ipotetică victorie franco - hispano - italiană asupra mult-hulitei rigidități germane. Cred că solidaritatea europeană trebuie să meargă mână în mână cu responsabilitatea tuturor membrilor UE, iar calea diminuării deficitului democratic este aplicarea metodei comunitare în detrimentul eternei rivalități interguvernamentale, PE fiind instituția care trebuie să aibă rolul de lider în acest proces.

 

6. Äänestykset
Puheenvuorot videotiedostoina
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  Presidente. − L'ordine del giorno reca il turno di votazioni.

(Per i risultati delle votazioni e altri dettagli che le riguardano: vedasi processo verbale)

 

6.1. Pyyntö kuulla Euroopan talous- ja sosiaalikomiteaa eurooppalaisen sosiaalisen merkin perustamisesta (äänestys)

6.2. Vakuutus- ja jälleenvakuutustoiminta (Solvenssi II) (A7-0198/2012 - Sharon Bowles) (äänestys)

6.3. Merentakaisten maiden ja alueiden assosiaatio Euroopan yhteisöön (A7-0169/2012 - Maurice Ponga) (äänestys)

6.4. EU:n makroaluestrategioiden kehitys: nykyiset käytännöt ja tulevaisuudennäkymät erityisesti Välimeren alueella (A7-0219/2012 - François Alfonsi) (äänestys)

6.5. Yhtenäinen eurooppalainen rautatiealue (A7-0196/2012 - Debora Serracchiani) (äänestys)
 

Prima della votazione

 
  
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  Debora Serracchiani, relatrice . − Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, desidero che i colleghi possano prestare attenzione a due richiami particolari. Nel testo trovate due articoli, l'articolo 2, paragrafo 2, emendamenti 12, 91, 94, 95 e 99, e l'articolo 17, paragrafo 1, emendamenti 40, 96, 105. È molto importante che il voto espresso su questi due emendamenti sia contrario, altrimenti cade l'accordo con il Consiglio, non si chiude il recast , e soprattutto questo Parlamento non potrà occuparsi del quarto pacchetto ferroviario. Mi appello alla responsabilità degli onorevoli colleghi.

 
  
 

Prima della votazione sull'emendamento 12

 
  
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  Debora Serracchiani, relatrice . − Signor Presidente, può dire con chiarezza quale articolo e quali emendamenti stiamo votando? Dopo il primo blocco sono decaduti il secondo blocco e gli articoli successivi, siccome Lei ha detto solo cinque emendamenti, non si comprende.

 
  
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  Presidente. − Benissimo, dopo il paragrafo due cinque emendamenti identici, emendamento 12 la commissione per i trasporti, 91 il gruppo PPE, 94 il gruppo EFD, 95 gruppo ECR e 99 gruppo GUE/NGL.

– Dopo la votazione

 
  
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  Maroš Šefčovič, Member of the Commission . − Mr President, the Commission would like to thank the rapporteur and her colleagues for all the good work and enormous efforts which were necessary to reach this compromise. I would like to congratulate Ms Serracchiani for having brought this compromise to a successful conclusion.

I am sure that this directive will improve the functioning of the rail transport market and will significantly contribute to making rail transport more competitive and more attractive for passengers and freight users. The Commission will continue to work on the reform of the rail sector and, to do so, will submit to this Parliament a new package of proposals in the coming months.

 

6.6. Tieliikenteen valvontalaitteet (A7-0195/2012 - Silvia-Adriana Ţicău) (äänestys)
 

– Prima della votazione sull'emendamento 95 in merito agli emendamenti 124 e 133.

 
  
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  Silvia-Adriana Ţicău, rapporteur . − Mr President, I should like to say that Amendment 124 and Amendment 133 should be voted as an addition so they are not incompatible with Amendment 94.

 
  
 

– Prima della votazione sull'emendamento 95.

 
  
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  Silvia-Adriana Ţicău, rapporteur . − Mr President, in the voting list there is a mistake. We asked for a split vote on Amendment 95, because there was a discussion between the shadows.

The first part should be rejected. The first part is from ‘For control purposes’ to ‘rest or break’. And the second part is the rest of the text.

For the first part we are voting against, and for the second part we are voting in favour.

 
  
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  Presidente. − Onorevole relatrice, il gruppo socialista aveva fatto la richiesta di voto per parti separate, ma gli uffici hanno respinto la richiesta perché irricevibile. Non posso dire altro, mi rimetto a quanto hanno deciso gli uffici. Quindi faccio votare l'emendamento non per parti separate, ma per intero. Si vota l'emendamento 95.

 

6.7. Teollis- ja tekijänoikeuksien tullivalvonta (A7-0046/2012 - Jürgen Creutzmann) (äänestys)
 

– Prima della votazione sull'emendamento 111

 
  
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  Jacky Hénin (GUE/NGL ). - Monsieur le Président, je comprends votre souci de faire vite, mais sachez que nous sommes visibles sur l'internet et pensez à l'image que nous donnons du Parlement européen.

 
  
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  Presidente. − Guardi, onorevole, mi pare che stiamo dando un'immagine di persone che stanno lavorando seriamente. Credo che su questo non c'è proprio il minimo di dubbio! Stiamo facendo decine e decine di votazioni, seriamente, io ho fatto votare velocemente solo perché ho fatto una verifica iniziale, su un emendamento con un check e dal check veniva fuori una maggioranza, che poi si ripeteva voto per voto. Quindi non ho fatto nessuna operazione superficiale. Io mi guardo bene dal trascurare o sottovalutare il lavoro del Parlamento europeo.

(Applausi)

 

6.8. EU:n vesilainsäädännön täytäntöönpano (A7-0192/2012 - Richard Seeber) (äänestys)
 

− Prima della votazione sulla terza parte dell'emendamento 2

 
  
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  João Ferreira (GUE/NGL ). - Senhor Presidente, eu queria pedir que fosse considerada a possibilidade de fazer um voto nominal no próximo voto, na terceira parte.

 
  
 

(La richiesta è accolta)

 

6.9. eCall: uusi 112-palvelu kansalaisille (A7-0205/2012 - Dieter-Lebrecht Koch, Olga Sehnalová) (äänestys)

6.10. Eurooppaan tehtävien investointien houkuttavuus (A7-0190/2012 - Rodi Kratsa-Tsagaropoulou) (äänestys)

6.11. Itäisen kumppanuuden kauppaan liittyvät näkökohdat (A7-0183/2012 - Miloslav Ransdorf) (äänestys)
 

− Prima della votazione

 
  
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  George Sabin Cutaş (S&D ). - Mr President, I have two oral amendments.

The first one: I would like to ask you – and I would like colleagues to agree with me – to replace ‘an adequate trade agreement (i.e. in the form of a DCFTA)’ with ‘other strategies […] with the countries concerned’; because I believe that a self-standing DCFTA with our eastern neighbourhood is not a good solution. That is why we should have a full Association Agreement.

The second one: because Georgia has serious issues relating to the implementation of the Labour Organisation conventions on the freedom of association and, more importantly, on the elimination of child labour, I would like to add the words ‘including with regard to the implementation of international labour rights conventions, in particular those concerning the elimination of forced child labour’.

 
  
 

(Gli emendamenti orali sono accolti)

– In merito al secondo emendamento orale

 
  
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  József Szájer (PPE ). - Mr President, the votes should be in two parts and the objections also should be checked for both parts.

 
  
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  József Szájer (PPE ). - Mr President, regarding the second amendment, the EPP Group has an objection.

 
  
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  Presidente. − L'emendamento non è ammissibile, quindi si vota il paragrafo 61 senza l'emendamento orale.

Con questo si conclude il turno di votazioni.

 

7. Äänestysselitykset
Puheenvuorot videotiedostoina
 

Dichiarazioni di voto orali

 
  
  

Relazione: François Alfonsi (A7-0219/2012 )

 
  
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  Guido Milana (S&D ). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, è la quarta volta che mi succede di fare una dichiarazione di voto, del resto molto rare, in queste condizioni. La relazione approvata oggi del collega Alfonsi è di particolare importanza soprattutto per l'Adriatico nel nostro paese. La strategia sulle macroregioni è una strategia che ha un peso rilevante nella pianificazione europea e ha un peso altrettanto importante negli atti di implementazione.

Credo che le strategie regionali – anche per il settore del quale personalmente mi occupo, che è quello della pesca, che non trova in questa relazione lo spazio dovuto ma non ne abbassa l'importanza – nella fase di riforma delle politiche della pesca saranno estremamente importanti per l'implementazione di queste regole. Del resto, i limiti del Mediterraneo sono noti, i limiti sia nella gestione che nell'implementazione di alcune politiche spesso compromettono le ampie strategie dell'Europa. Credo che in questa confusione non si possa dire altro.

 
  
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  Ramona Nicole Mănescu (ALDE ). - Am votat în favoarea raportului privind evoluţia strategiilor macroregionale ale Uniunii, deoarece vizează deschiderea unui nou domeniu pentru politica de coeziune în Europa, cu un obiectiv foarte clar: dezvoltarea teritorială. Ştim că strategiile macroregionale trebuie să se bazeze pe guvernanţa pe mai multe niveluri, care, în felul acesta, implică nivelul local şi regional încă din etapa pre-legislativă.

Se aşteaptă ca atât Comisia Europeană, cât şi Consiliul să sprijine mai departe demersul întreprins pentru bazinul Dunării, care trebuie să facă obiectul unei evaluări periodice şi să beneficieze de mijloacele financiare adecvate. Nu în ultimul rând, susţin ideea ca atât Comisia, cât şi statele membre să aibă în vedere un proces de reflecţie şi de consultare pentru viitoarele strategii macroregionale, pentru a ne asigura că acestea vor genera cu adevărat valoare adăugată semnificativă în Europa.

 
  
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  Roberta Angelilli (PPE ). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la macroregione come modalità di cooperazione è utile, anche perché rafforza la coerenza e il coordinamento delle azioni, razionalizza l'impiego di risorse finanziarie e valorizza il ruolo degli enti locali, coinvolgendo in modo ampio la società civile.

Un esempio: la macroregione adriatica-ionica coinvolge otto paesi europei ed extra-UE, ha il valore aggiunto di prestare attenzione verso i Balcani occidentali e di agevolare l'ingresso nell'Unione europea di Stati interessati dalle procedure di preadesione e costituisce un'opportunità di promozione dei territori e un'accelerazione del percorso di integrazione europea. Il riconoscimento da parte dell'Unione europea della strategia macroregionale per l'area adriatico-ionica è una preziosa occasione per un percorso di condivisione delle politiche e per richiamare l'attenzione dell'Europa sul suo versante sud-est.

 
  
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  Marina Yannakoudakis (ECR ). - Mr President, the EU has a strategy for the Baltic, a strategy for the Danube and now this report calls for a strategy for the Mediterranean. Soon there will not be a single European body of water without its own strategy. The economies of the Mediterranean from Cyprus to Portugal are in trouble, but are we fools if we believe another strategy will solve the problem? EU regional funding is simply another layer of bureaucracy which is preventing, not promoting, growth in the economy. EU funds are about compliance, not performance, and many regions, including those in the Mediterranean, have been failing to deliver results year after year. And what does the Commission want to do? It wants to increase the budget for regional funds by 8%. There is no value added in this and the main strategy should be to realise the full potential of the single market.

 
  
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  Salvatore Caronna (S&D ). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, ho sostenuto questa relazione e mi complimento ancora una volta con il collega Alfonsi, perché ritengo che attraverso lo strumento della strategia macroregionale si possa creare un valore aggiunto per l'intera Europa, per questo è importante proseguire su questa strada, a precise condizioni però.

Le strategie macro regionali devono svilupparsi intorno a un'area geografica definita, con caratteristiche omogenee e specifiche. Oltre a questo è fondamentale che vi sia funzionalità e volontarietà tra i vari soggetti nello sviluppare il processo di integrazione, in sostanza l'approccio regionale deve orientare le realtà territoriali verso un'integrazione a un livello superiore, per affrontare e vincere le sfide che in caso contrario, cioè senza cooperazione, non sarebbero in grado di affrontare.

Per quello che riguarda l'area del Mediterraneo, considero importante che nella relazione si sia pensato a una strategia del Mediterraneo dell'ovest e una dedicata ai bacini dell'est, vale a dire il mare Adriatico e Ionico. In particolare, per quello che riguarda l'Adriatico e Ionico siano già ora a un livello di coordinamento molto avanzato. Per questo credo che la Commissione e il Consiglio debbano dare seguito a questa importante relazione.

 
  
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  Alfredo Antoniozzi (PPE ). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la Commissione europea ha finanziato ad oggi programmi come il MED 2007-2013 e il programma ENPI per la cooperazione transfrontaliera nel bacino marittimo del Mediterraneo.

Penso sia necessario, giungendo alla fine del ciclo di programmazione finanziaria 2007-2013, chiedere alla Commissione l'avvio di una profonda riflessione di un processo di concertazione per la definizione delle future strategie macroregionali. Devono ancora essere individuate le zone prioritarie, l'indirizzo degli aiuti futuri, e bisogna fare ciò tenendo conto delle esigenze di rafforzamento della cooperazione già esistente, con particolare attenzione alle aree europee appartenenti a Stati membri diversi tuttavia condividenti lo stesso territorio.

Ho sostenuto la proposta del collega poiché considero lo spazio Mediterraneo un insieme coerente, un unico bacino culturale e ambientale dove poter condividere priorità comuni come le produzioni agricole, le energie rinnovabili e il turismo.

 
  
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  Julie Girling (ECR ). - Mr President, I voted against this report on the evolution of EU macro-regional strategies, with particular reference to the Mediterranean. Not because I have any particular problem with the Mediterranean and those countries working together if they should wish, but I fundamentally object to being required to make decisions based on an attempted evaluation where insufficient evidence is provided.

I oppose the report’s suggestion that regions should be forced to use some of their structural funds to fund any macro-regional strategy. This should most definitely be a decision left to Member States. If joint work between Member States and joint funding is appropriate, then good. Go ahead. But they should make that decision bilaterally.

 
  
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  Salvatore Iacolino (PPE ). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, non v'è dubbio che una relazione sull'evoluzione delle strategie macroregionali sia di grande rilievo, perché l'orizzonte di riferimento non è certamente soltanto l'Africa, ma sono i continenti che si affacciano tutti quanti in un'area così cruciale.

Un'area che ha bisogno di risorse, ha bisogno di infrastrutture, ha bisogno di partenariato e di cooperazione, attraverso una politica di integrazione che deve ulteriormente svilupparsi alla luce di ciò che è accaduto nell'area frontaliera al sud Europa, la cosiddetta Primavera araba con tutti gli innegabili sforzi autentici di libertà che non sempre sono sfociati in tutto quello che noi avremmo voluto.

Stabilità duratura invece ci vuole anche attraverso un maggior partenariato dei giovani: Erasmus e Leonardo da Vinci in un'ottica euromediterranea danno un'opportunità in più di crescita a quelle realtà e danno la possibilità a tanti giovani di sviluppare lavoro in quei territori.

 
  
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  Francesco De Angelis (S&D ). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, con l'emergere delle prime due strategie macroregionali dell'Unione europea nelle regioni del mar Baltico e del Danubio, questa dimensione di sviluppo ha attirato un interesse sempre maggiore. Una strategia macroregionale consente una migliore cooperazione tra i diversi strumenti di intervento a disposizione dell'Unione europea, al di là degli stanziamenti destinati alla politica di coesione.

Credo che in questa direzione le regioni del bacino del Mediterraneo che condividono un medesimo ambiente naturale e una medesima realtà storica e culturale abbiano tutto l'interesse a cooperare: il sud dell'Europa è ricco di grandi potenzialità che potrebbero essere sfruttate al meglio con il coordinamento e la visione di insieme che la definizione di una strategia macroregionale favorisce, mi riferisco in particolare modo al progetto di una macroregione adriatico-ionica.

 
  
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  Adam Bielan (ECR ). - Panie Przewodniczący! Działający z powodzeniem makroregion Morza Bałtyckiego i strategia na rzecz tego regionu przynosi wymierne korzyści całej Unii. Dzieje się tak za sprawą współdziałania partnerów na szczeblu zarówno krajowym, jak i regionalnym oraz lokalnym, które pozwala na precyzyjne określenie priorytetów i skuteczne ich wdrażanie. Współpraca stwarza szereg możliwości w zakresie polityki spójności sprzyjającej również działaniom na obszarze usług i pracy. Tak konstruowana strategia niejednokrotnie pozwoliła zwiększyć komplementarność inwestycji, stymulując przez to rozwój makroregionu. Podobnie w krajach basenu Morza Śródziemnego istnieją ogromne możliwości, których wykorzystanie, ze względu na rozległość obszaru, wymaga jednak skoordynowanej polityki wszystkich zaangażowanych stron. Dynamika rozwoju takiego makroregionu stanowić może doskonałą siłę napędową europejskiej gospodarki.

Popierając rezolucję, opowiadam się za uwzględnieniem strategii makroregionalnych w procesie planowania budżetowego. Szczególnie istotne wydają się tutaj działania nieobjęte polityką spójności, jak współpraca z państwami trzecimi. Wykorzystując doświadczenia makroregionu bałtyckiego, uzyskamy recepturę rozwoju podobnych inicjatyw.

 
  
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  Iva Zanicchi (PPE ). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, l'area mediterranea da sempre svolge un ruolo geopolitico di primaria importanza nella storia europea. L'ultimo esempio, la Primavera araba, ha evidenziato il potenziale strategico dei legami sociopolitici tra le due sponde del Mediterraneo. Per questo motivo considero giusto sostenere l'attuazione di una strategia macroregionale nel bacino del Mediterraneo, per affrontare al meglio le sfide comuni e favorire lo sviluppo e l'integrazione tra i popoli. Pur ritenendo che le strategie macroregionali abbiano bisogno di un migliore allineamento dei finanziamenti e di un uso più efficiente delle risorse esistenti, è infatti innegabile che queste rappresentino uno strumento fondamentale per la politica di coesione europea.

 
  
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  Marco Scurria (PPE ). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, ho votato a favore sulla relazione sulle strategie macroregionali soprattutto in prospettiva mediterranea. Le macroregioni hanno dato buona prova di sé, ed è per tale motivo che in un momento storico come questo è necessario dare un grande sviluppo anche al Mediterraneo. Il Mediterraneo può diventare il luogo dove contemporaneamente cultura, istruzione, formazione, turismo, commercio, tutela ambientale, trasporto, pesca, possono diventare elementi per il decollo di quest'area, proprio in corrispondenza della conseguente Primavera araba.

Il turismo porta ricchezza assieme al commercio, l'istruzione porta la democrazia e la formazione del lavoro, perché la cultura con i suoi artisti ci spiega come ci siamo uniti, e ci dà la prospettiva di quello che potremmo essere. Per tutto questo il Mediterraneo è importante, anche e soprattutto per tutte le altre aree dell'Europa e del Medio Oriente in genere.

 
  
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  Monica Luisa Macovei (PPE ). - Susţin această rezoluţie. Aplicarea unei strategii macroregionale bine gândite oferă mai multe beneficii, inclusiv investiţii coordonate, o implicare sporită a mecanismelor de intervenţie ale Uniunii. Elaborarea strategiilor macroregionale trebuie să se bazeze pe consultări, care să definească problemele de pe teren.

Susţin definirea unei foi de parcurs pentru macroregiunile europene şi cred că finanţarea trebuie să provină din componenta de cooperare teritorială a politicii de coeziune. Desigur, trebuie să ne asigurăm în acelaşi timp că banii nu se pierd prin fraudă şi corupţie. Doresc ca strategiile de succes care au fost folosite în spaţiul macroregiunii Baltice şi care sunt acum elaborate pentru Mediterană, să fie puse în aplicare şi în macroregiunea Dunării, care include şi ţara mea, România.

 
  
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  Seán Kelly (PPE ). - A Uachtaráin, bhí áthas orm tacú leis an tuarascáil seo chomh maith. Luíonn sé le réasún go mbeadh comhoibriú idir réigiúin má coinníollacha eatarthu.

Mr President, my esteemed colleague, Ms Yannakoudakis, expressed her disapproval at the fact that there is a Baltic strategy, a Danube strategy and now a Mediterranean strategy. I am sorry to disappoint her, but we hope to have an Atlantic strategy soon as well.

For me it makes sense, because if there are shared synergies then there should be shared policies. This way we can coordinate better and get better results for our people, particularly in relation to the sea, and not just in terms of fishing. We are also looking at the potential of marine energy – which is very important – and the growth of marine tourism, which is a great opportunity for us to get out of the economic crisis and to grow jobs, etc., within the European Union.

 
  
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  Giancarlo Scottà (EFD ). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la relazione che abbiamo votato oggi intende proporre la creazione di un sistema di lavoro e di servizi comuni per le aree marittime, montuose e lacustri della zona mediterranea, con il coinvolgimento dei governi nazionali ma soprattutto quelli delle regioni locali.

Con questo progetto si riaccende l'ideale politico di un'Europa delle regioni, come era originariamente nella visione di Europa dei padri fondatori. A sottolineare l'importanza delle macroregioni sottolineo e porto alla vostra attenzione un'iniziativa nata grazie anche al contributo e alle idee dei rappresentanti del mio partito, un accordo firmato il 29 giugno scorso a San Gallo, in Svizzera: il patto per la realizzazione della macroregione alpina tra gli appartenenti a Francia, Italia, Svizzera, Austria e Germania. All'incontro hanno partecipato i vertici delle tre regioni del Nord Italia Veneto, Lombardia e Piemonte.

Auspico che questa iniziativa approdi presto anche in quest'Aula per far evolvere l'Europa verso una vera e reale Europa dei popoli e delle regioni, unica soluzione per sconfiggere questa crisi finanziaria e per valorizzare i nostri territori e i loro straordinari prodotti di qualità, per far ripartire l'economia in maniera concreta e applicare al 100% il principio di sussidiarietà. Per questo motivo ho votato positivamente alla relazione del collega François Alfonsi.

 
  
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  Radvilė Morkūnaitė-Mikulėnienė (PPE ). - Balsavau už šitą pranešimą ir šiame kontekste norėčiau pasidžiaugti Baltijos jūros strategijos sėkme, kurios idėja prieš keletą metų būtent gimė šitame Europos Parlamente, ir kuri, nepaisant trijų „ne“, sugebėjo pateisinti lūkesčius. Ir šiandien ši strategija yra vienas iš tų pavyzdžių, kaip galima makroregioninėje plotmėje sėkmingai bendradarbiauti. Tokių strategijų sėkmė pagrįsta pirmiausia pačių subjektų iniciatyva, poreikiu glaudžiau bendradarbiauti suinteresuotų Europos Sąjungos šalių tarpe. Pagrindinis bendras tikslas yra didinti Europos Sąjungos augimą ir konkurencingumą, gilinti vidinę Europos Sąjungos rinką. Kalbant apie Baltijos jūros strategiją, šiame etape, kai yra aiškiai apibrėžtos prioritetinės sritys, nustatyti poreikiai bei konkretūs projektai, reiktų, kad Komisija parengtų rekomenduojamų Europos Sąjungos programų sąrašą bei naujoje daugiametėje programoje atitinkamai numatytų, į kurias programas bus galima pretenduoti. Manau, kad Europos Sąjungos makroregioninių strategijų koordinatorei būtų naudingas konsoliduojantis, koordinaciją ir matomumą užtikrinantis veiksnys. Ir norėčiau pabrėžti, kad šitos makroregioninės strategijos nėra reikalavimas gauti daugiau pinigų, tai yra geresnės tarpusavio koordinacijos reikalavimas ir poreikis.

 
  
  

Raccomandazione per la seconda lettura: Debora Serracchiani (A7-0196/2012 )

 
  
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  Carlo Fidanza (PPE ). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, con l'accordo raggiunto con il Consiglio sono stati ottenuti miglioramenti significativi, penso all'istituzione di regolatori nazionali forti e indipendenti a garanzia di un accesso equo e non discriminatorio al mercato, uno dei punti cardine della rifusione, alla durata minima quinquennale dei contratti tra Stato membro e gestore dell'infrastruttura, che permetterà quindi di pianificare meglio gli investimenti a lungo termine, alla massima attenzione al tema della sicurezza, sia sul lato della manutenzione del materiale rotabile, con un'importante distinzione tra manutenzione leggera e pesante, sia sul lato dell'adeguamento tecnologico per la sicurezza delle infrastrutture e dei treni (si pensi in particolar modo all'ERTMS).

Insomma, un bilancio positivo nel complesso, rimane tuttavia aperto un punto fondamentale per il completamento del mercato unico ferroviario, cioè l'apertura del traffico ferroviario passeggeri nazionale. Auspico che la Commissione mantenga l'impegno che ha preso pochi mesi fa e che si arrivi entro la fine dell'anno a una nuova proposta in tal senso da parte della Commissione.

 
  
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  Iva Zanicchi (PPE ). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, dopo lunghi e difficili negoziati si è giunti a un accordo che assicura all'infrastruttura ferroviaria europea il giusto equilibrio tra la trasparenza finanziaria e la necessaria flessibilità per garantire investimenti adeguati. In particolare, la durata minima di cinque anni per il contratto tra uno Stato membro e il gestore della rete garantisce quei piani d'investimento a medio e a lungo termine che sono fondamentali nel settore ferroviario. Avrei però ritenuto utile inserire misure relative all'apertura del mercato nazionale passeggeri per completare il mercato unico europeo e non penalizzare le imprese che già operano in mercati aperti.

 
  
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  Hubert Pirker (PPE ). - Herr Präsident! Ich bin davon überzeugt, dass wir mit der Schaffung eines einheitlichen europäischen Eisenbahnraums Folgendes erreichen: zum Ersten einen besseren Service für die Kunden, zum Zweiten eine optimale Nutzung der europäischen Korridore, aber auch eine Erhöhung der Wettbewerbsfähigkeit der Bahn. Dazu brauchen wir allerdings eine starke Regulierungsbehörde, die für einen größeren Wettbewerb sorgt und rasche Entscheidungen trifft. Dafür brauchen wir eine Marktöffnung für den nationalen Personenschienenverkehr, und dafür brauchen wir vor allem auch eine technische Harmonisierung im Bereich der Stromversorgung, der Sicherheitseinrichtungen und der Spurweiten. Insgesamt ist das ein sehr positiver Bericht, den ich gern unterstütze.

 
  
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  Roberta Angelilli (PPE ). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, concordo con la collega Serracchiani, garantire trasparenza finanziaria e separazione tra i conti delle imprese di trasporto ferroviario e quelle dei gestori delle reti ferroviarie, e poi liberalizzazione dei servizi ferroviari per un mercato realmente aperto e competitivo con maggiori e migliori servizi per il trasporto di merci e passeggeri.

Il sistema ferroviario non è ancora all'altezza di altri mezzi di trasporto, anche perché molti Stati hanno trascurato il finanziamento delle ferrovie. Consideriamo che il trasporto merci su strada è aumentato fino al 45,9%, con incremento del traffico e ovviamente anche degli incidenti stradali. Vero è che i camion possono attraversare le frontiere senza difficoltà, mentre i treni incontrano ostacoli tecnici e giuridici da rimuovere. In conclusione, è opportuno garantire un equo e non discriminatorio accesso al mercato, pianificando investimenti per rimodernare e creare infrastrutture e servizi di qualità.

 
  
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  Peter Jahr (PPE ). - Herr Präsident! Auch ich habe dem vorliegenden Bericht zugestimmt, weil es logisch ist, dass zu einem gemeinsamen Binnenmarkt auch eine Eisenbahnreform gehört. Ich möchte nur noch zwei Anmerkungen machen. Zum einen ist es selbstverständlich wichtig, dass man die nationalen Regulierungsbehörden miteinander vernetzt und dass auch eine europäische Regulierungsbehörde entsteht. Ich möchte nur zu bedenken geben, dass es nicht so aussehen muss, dass wir dann extra neue Behörden einrichten, sondern wir können ganz einfach bestehende Behörden besser miteinander vernetzen. Denn Behörden haben wir genug.

Zum Zweiten möchte ich noch auf Folgendes hinweisen – das hat meine Vorrednerin auch schon betont: Wir sollten es ernst nehmen mit dem gemeinsamen Binnenmarkt, und wir sollten es auch damit ernst nehmen, dass die Eisenbahn grenzüberschreitend zwischen den Mitgliedstaaten verkehren darf. Und wir sollten endlich daran gehen, Scheinhindernisse abzubauen. Meist werden technische Normen ins Feld geführt, und die Eisenbahn – und damit auch die Güter und die Bürgerinnen und Bürger – kann nicht so frei verkehren, wie es ihr eigentlich zusteht.

 
  
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  Alfredo Antoniozzi (PPE ). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la creazione di uno spazio ferroviario europeo unico rappresenta un'importante opportunità per sostenere il rilancio dell'economia e rendere il mercato interno più competitivo.

La compresenza di vari sistemi ferroviari nazionali ostacola questo processo: numerose barriere legislative rallentano lo sviluppo del settore e limitano la competitività del trasporto ferroviario. Dobbiamo creare norme trasparenti per l'accesso ai servizi ferroviari e ai servizi di linea quali gli scali merci, i centri di manutenzione e le aree di composizione dei treni. La proposta della collega va in questa direzione, per questo vi ho dato il mio sostegno.

Il Consiglio richiede tempi troppo lunghi per l'implementazione di questa nuova direttiva, addirittura fino a 36 mesi. Di conseguenza mi unisco alla richiesta di sollecito presentata dalla relatrice, affinché venga fissato un termine di 12 mesi per il recepimento dell'intera direttiva.

 
  
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  Charles Tannock (ECR ). - Mr President, I voted in favour of the proposal on a single European railway area. It seems to be quite apposite to consolidate existing directives on European rail policy while moving towards a necessary further liberalisation.

Current international services in Europe are still often run by complex joint ventures formed for this purpose and requiring unnecessary expenses and delays. A free market in rail services will surely be a boon to the European traveller and haulier. A gradualist model of strengthening national independent rail regulators, with a view to the establishment of a pan-European regulator, is the right approach. I must also say, as a London MEP, that my constituents are eager to see Deutsche Bahn run their ICE 3 through the Channel Tunnel, ferrying passengers from London to Cologne and Frankfurt. They have been disappointed at the bureaucratic delay to this project.

I am a great supporter of the rail sector and of new infrastructure building, such as the new High Speed 2 set to be constructed in the UK. Anything that can be done at European level to establish proper funding models and set high standards on issues like noise emissions is very welcome.

 
  
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  Paul Murphy (GUE/NGL ). - Mr President, the recast of the railway package represents a further step towards the full liberalisation of European railways. I stand with European rail workers in opposing this, because it is all about developing the railways into a nice profitable treat for the private sector to gobble up. It runs against the interests of both workers and consumers.

The so-called rail maintenance facility, for instance, will lead to further privatisation and outsourcing of maintenance in many EU countries. This will lead to further redundancies and further attacks on workers’ wages and conditions. But it will also be a serious threat to safety, as the pressure to keep profits high overshadows any concern for safety. Nevertheless, the EU has been spearheading this drive like an oncoming train, disregarding all legitimate opposition. This is something that the activists of the ‘No TAV’ movement in Italy know about all too well. Thousands upon thousands of people in the Val di Susa have opposed the destruction of their beautiful valley solely in the interests of profits with no benefit for the people in the area. Their movement has been met with massive oppression. One year ago, two thousand policemen attacked a peaceful protest camp, injuring many people. There have been many other incidences of repression since.

 
  
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  David Campbell Bannerman (ECR ). - Mr President, I voted against this report as I find the notion of a single European railway area a ridiculous, unnecessary and unwelcome intrusion into domestic affairs. There is no need for Fritz the Tank Engine or for a single EU Fat Controller for our railways.

It is true that international, rather than regional, agreements are valuable for air and maritime transport, as are single market measures for rail suppliers. But the United Kingdom is a large island with only one rail connection with continental Europe and it has no road connections at all. So for road and rail it does not work.

I think this proposal does nothing but confuse priorities and drive up costs. In East Anglia, my constituency, hard-pressed rail users do not stand on platforms demanding a single European railway area. They need better services, less crowding and reasonable ticket prices. This is a silly single rail area proposal and it should not be allowed. It should not leave the station.

 
  
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  Daniel Hannan (ECR ). - Mr President, it may outside the portals of this institution strike people as odd, given what is happening, that we are devoting all this time to discussing a single European railway area, but then again there is, I think, an appropriateness in this topic, both literally and figuratively; literally because it is precisely such harmonisation, such uniformity, such micromanagement that led Europe to its present discontent, and figuratively because the train is the ultimate European metaphor.

When the euro was launched we were forever being told that we would miss the train and that this was a terrible danger, and we can now see exactly where the train that we missed has ended up. It is hurtling out of control under its own momentum: bailout-and-borrow, bailout-and-borrow, bailout-and-borrow. As we look, we can see that there is still theoretically time to throw the switches. You could still deflect it on to a different course. You could allow an orderly dismantling of the eurozone and countries to export their way back into the market, but the terrible grisly truth is dawning on us is that there is no one in the engine. It is out of control and it is going to hit the buffers and, when it does, the shockwaves will be felt around the world.

 
  
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  Syed Kamall (ECR ). - Mr President, I have to say, having listened to the previous colleagues, that this should have been a priority in the first place.

We should have been looking at completing the single market rather than focusing on trying to complete a eurozone without actually getting it right in the first place. Having one currency, 17 different spending decisions, and one set of interest rates was a project that was always going to get into trouble: it would either be derailed or actually hit the buffers. That is what we were going to find with that project.

What we are finding with the single European railway area is a drive towards more competition, and this is what we want to see. We want to see more competition so that passengers benefit from this; they can have a choice of carrier. We should also encourage open-access carriers as much as possible, so that we do not see monopolies of carriers on the same piece of track.

It is interesting when we look at this that we are asking for more competition in a single market. Yet when it comes to the eurozone, we are saying no competition when it comes to currencies because if you have a market you have to have the same currency. We have to get the message right.

 
  
  

Relazione: Silvia-Adriana Ţicău (A7-0195/2012 )

 
  
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  Carlo Fidanza (PPE ). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, il testo approvato oggi rappresenta una buona base di partenza per proseguire i negoziati con il Consiglio. Sono convinto che questo strumento innovativo contribuirà al miglioramento della sicurezza stradale, delle condizioni di lavoro dei conducenti e della concorrenza nel settore.

Sono particolarmente soddisfatto per quanto riguarda l'emendamento che ho presentato a nome del gruppo PPE in merito alla corresponsabilità. Ritengo infatti che tutti i soggetti della filiera del trasporto, e non soltanto le società di autotrasporto e i loro conducenti debbano poter essere considerati responsabili in caso di infrazione al regolamento in questione.

Il testo prevede inoltre l'equipaggiamento di tachigrafi intelligenti entro il 2020 su tutti i veicoli, vecchi e nuovi. Sicuramente questa previsione comporterà uno sforzo importante per l'industria del settore, ma è altrettanto importante rimanere ambiziosi e sostituire gradualmente con il tachigrafo digitale anche quei vettori che utilizzano il tachigrafo analogico.

Un ultimo punto critico credo che sia rappresentato da una definizione di "daily working period ". Ritengo che non sia coerente con altre definizioni fornite nella legislazione esistente e in particolar modo con riferimento ai periodi di riposo o di pausa del conducente, che rimarrebbero così parte del tempo di lavoro con questa definizione.

 
  
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  Hubert Pirker (PPE ). - Herr Präsident! Ich bin überzeugt davon, dass wir mit dem intelligenten Fahrtenschreiber ein Mehr an Sicherheit erreichen werden und ein Weniger an Bürokratie und Verwaltungskosten. Ein Mehr an Sicherheit deshalb, weil die Lenkzeiten eingehalten werden und das auch aus der Ferne kontrolliert werden kann, und weil wir damit die Unfälle zweifelsohne reduzieren werden können; und ein Mehr an Sicherheit, weil er dazu beitragen wird, Diebstähle zu verhindern oder Lkw-Züge wieder aufzufinden, weil er die Standortinformation gibt. Ich bin auch überzeugt davon, dass es weniger Bürokratie und Verwaltungskosten geben wird, weil es eben die externe Kontrollmöglichkeit gibt und damit kein Stopp für die Lkw-Züge notwendig ist, dann nämlich, wenn die Vorschriften tatsächlich eingehalten werden.

Ich freue mich sehr darüber, dass es Ausnahmen geben wird, und zwar aus Praktikabilitätsgründen, nämlich dass Handwerker im Umkreis von 100 Kilometern von der Fahrtenschreiberpflicht ausgenommen sein werden, und ebenso dass Baustellentransporte mit Materialzu- und -ablieferungen ausgenommen sind. Das ist eine praktikable Lösung im Interesse der Bauwirtschaft. Ich habe daher für den Bericht gestimmt.

 
  
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  Iva Zanicchi (PPE ). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, è dalla fine degli anni Sessanta che in Europa si legifera per migliorare la situazione stradale e le condizioni di lavoro degli autotrasportatori. La situazione negli ultimi anni è però drasticamente peggiorata, con un sempre maggiore aumento di imprese che violano le normative vigenti. In particolare, il mancato rispetto dei periodi minimi di riposo e dei tempi massimi di guida comportano l'affaticamento dei conducenti e l'aumento potenziale dei rischi per la sicurezza stradale.

Ho pertanto espresso il mio voto favorevole al testo della collega poiché ritengo possa migliorare l'attuazione delle norme sociali e garantire una concorrenza leale tra le imprese di trasporto.

 
  
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  Jim Higgins (PPE ). - Mr President, I want to pay a special tribute to Ms Silvia Ţicău and her staff, including Elena Podariu, together with the secretariat, especially Elvira Ramírez Pineda, who have worked so hard behind the scenes to ensure that we put this report before plenary today. I have pleasure in voting for it.

There were two problems. The first is in relation to the social rules that have been breached. According to data provided by the Commission, on average 9% of the controlled vehicles are found breaching the social rules. Roughly a quarter of them are found breaching the tachograph regulations in particular. Secondly, on average, at any one point in time, around 45 000 vehicles are in breach of EU tachograph rules. Non-respect of the minimum breaks, rest periods and the maximum driving times can lead to fatigue for drivers and cause a potential risk to road safety. Heavy goods vehicles are potentially lethal weapons.

Finally, professional drivers and transport companies operate in a highly fragmented market and a fiercely competitive environment. What we need to do is tighten up. That is exactly what this tachograph report does today.

 
  
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  Julie Girling (ECR ). - Mr President, I voted against this report on recording equipment in road transport with particular reference to tachographs. I know how important tachographs are. I think we can all agree that they have road safety benefits and transport operators use them without complaint these days.

New technology should of course be embraced, particularly when it is aimed at combating fraud. But I cannot agree with the suggestions in this report that extra expenses should be imposed on European transport operators by agreeing to mandatory introduction of new technology without a clear cost-benefit analysis, and by that I do not mean an analysis of people not complying. I mean an analysis of the results of people not complying, which seem to be significantly missing. I am particularly concerned about the extra cost to transport operators of the requirement to retrofit into vehicles new technology by 2020, which seems to be an unnecessary expense and one which will disadvantage many in the transport sector.

 
  
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  Peter Jahr (PPE ). - Herr Präsident! Ich habe lange mit mir gerungen, wie ich über diesen Antrag abstimmen soll, habe mich dann aber letztendlich der Stimme enthalten, weil ich einerseits das Ansinnen verstehe, dass Fahrer sich an Lenk- und Ruhezeiten halten sollen. Ich bin mir auch dessen bewusst, dass es EU-weit passieren muss und dass es nicht zu einer Wettbewerbsverzerrung kommen darf.

Aber die andere Seite läuft bei mir unter dem Stichwort Verhältnismäßigkeit und Praxistauglichkeit. Alles, was wir tun, muss auch verhältnismäßig sein, und wir dürfen die regionale Wirtschaft, die kleinteilige Wirtschaft, die kleinen Mittelständler, die wir an sich unterstützen wollen, nicht ständig mit neuen Auflagen belästigen und an ihrer Arbeit hindern. Und genau diese zweite Seite ist aus meiner Sicht in diesem Bericht viel zu kurz gekommen. Es geht ganz einfach darum, dass die Transportunternehmer, die im regionalen Verkehr tätig sind, auch geschützt werden. Die brauchen keinen Fahrtenschreiber, die brauchen keinen Nachweis, die wollen ganz einfach etwas unternehmen. Und das sollen sie auch in Zukunft tun können, damit sie weiterhin Arbeitsplätze sichern.

 
  
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  Alfredo Antoniozzi (PPE ). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, il tachigrafo digitale, migliorando il controllo uniforme dei tempi di guida e di riposo, potrebbe svolgere un ruolo essenziale nel garantire il corretto funzionamento del mercato interno dell'autotrasporto, con grandi vantaggi per la sicurezza stradale.

Recentemente è emerso dai vari rapporti delle forze dell'ordine di alcuni Stati membri un aumento nel numero di frodi su questo apparecchio e di conseguenza urgeva una modifica del vigente regolamento. Secondo la Commissione l'aumento dei costi previsto per l'acquisto di un nuovo tachigrafo ammonterebbe a circa cinque euro per vettura, un costo irrilevante a fronte dei potenziali vantaggi che ne potrebbero risultare.

Ho dato il mio voto favorevole alla proposta della collega poiché ritengo che il tachigrafo e i dispositivi di localizzazione satellitare degli automezzi debbano essere sincronizzati al fine di ottenere servizi più efficienti e più affidabili. La possibilità di trasmettere anche a distanza i dati del tachigrafo consentirà inoltre un migliore controllo e aumenterà notevolmente la sicurezza sulle strade.

 
  
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  Charles Tannock (ECR ). - Mr President, I voted against the proposal on recording equipment, namely tachographs, in road transport. I am concerned that this proposal violates the principle of national subsidarity. I am in broad agreement with the Commission’s goals in formulating the policy generally, especially the attempt to reduce the administrative burden of manual checks, and indeed the safety principles on which previous directives and regulations are based.

While in general I am unafraid of surveillance measures, this proposal raises serious privacy concerns that are surely best dealt with at national level. The prospect of a remote surveillance organ for the whole of the EU, accountable only to the EU institutions, is a step too far in my view. The Commission’s assurances on data protection are also insufficient, and – as has been pointed out – fraud is an increasing problem. I appreciate that in the field of road transport, some European harmonisation is necessary. However, complete harmonisation goes far too far.

Another pressing concern is the requirement to retrofit vehicles by 2020. This will be very expensive and will be an additional burden on a road haulage industry already suffering in the current economic crisis.

 
  
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  Diane Dodds (NI ). - Mr President, when I speak to road hauliers in my own constituency, they tell me two things. Firstly, the economic situation has left their business on edge and they are often working simply to cover costs. Secondly, they are weighed down by levels of bureaucracy and red tape. Many have genuine concerns for the viability and sustainability of their business.

Hauliers are responsible people and this Parliament should treat them as such. Yet some of what is suggested here seems to treat them with mistrust. The intrusive level of monitoring with the proposal for satellite tracking of vehicles is something I cannot agree with.

I also oppose the merging of tachograph records and driving licences. Furthermore, by seeking to bring more vehicles into the remit of these requirements, we would close small businesses, and therefore weight thresholds should not be altered.

We ought to be working to ensure our haulage industry survives these difficult times, not to add to their costs and regulation just because we can.

 
  
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  Seán Kelly (PPE ). - A Uachtaráin, ba mhaith liom an rapóirtéir, Silvia Ţicău, Uasal a mholadh i dtús as ucht na dea-oibre a rinne sí agus mo chomhghleacaí féin go háirithe, an Caestóir Séamus ó hUiginn, a rinne an-jab ar son mo ghrúpa. Gan dabht ar bith, tá níos mó daoine ag taisteal trasna na hEorpa ná riamh agus tá níos mó earraí á iompar. Dá bhrí sin, tá géarghá le rialacha comónta trasna na hEorpa. Cabhraíonn na tacagraif leis seo. Tháinig siad isteach i 1970 agus bhí orainn iad a leasú i 1985 de bharr tacagraf analógach agus anois tá na tacagraif chliste againn agus beidh siad ar na feithiclí go léir le cúnamh Dé faoi 2020. Ach chun iad a chur i bhfeidhm i gceart, chaithfí traenáil cheart a dhéanamh ar na hoifigigh a bheidh i gceannas ar na rialacha seo a chur i bhfeidhm agus caithfear é sin a dhéanamh gan cur leis an rómhaorlathas atá timpeall na hEorpa ar fad. Má éiríonn linn é sin a dhéanamh, cabhróidh sé go mór sa chás seo agus le sábháilteacht ar na bóithre.

 
  
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  Martin Kastler (PPE ). - Herr Präsident! Ein kleines Dorf im Frankenland ist durch sein gutes Bier bekannt! Dieser Reim zeigt ein kleines Problem auf, das wir uns heute geschaffen haben. Denn wenn diese Brauerei oder der Getränkehändler 107 Kilometer von meinem Wohnort entfernt ist, habe ich keine Chance mehr, dass er mir in Zukunft weiterhin seine Waren anbietet, ohne dass er sich einen neuen Tachografen kaufen muss, ohne dass es neue Bürokratie gibt. Und deshalb habe ich dagegen gestimmt, gegen diese Entschließung heute, denn ich bin der Ansicht, dass wir unseren kleinen und mittelständischen Unternehmern nicht zu viel aufbürden sollen!

Es gab viele Punkte, die wir hineinbekommen haben, die positiv waren. Es war ja geplant, nur 50 Kilometer im Umkreis eines regionalen Anbieters überhaupt anzunehmen. Das war völlig absurd von der Kommission. Somit sind 100 Kilometer ja gerade noch vielleicht machbar. Aber was, wenn es darüber hinausgeht? Also, ich halte es für übertrieben.

Und ein letzter Aspekt: Als Vertreter einer Arbeitnehmerorganisation in der CSU sage ich auch, wir schaffen mit dieser Verordnung eine komplette Kontrolle von Arbeitnehmern. Warum? Weil beispielsweise derjenige, der für den Bau oder für die Getränke für die Brauereien seine Waren anbietet, komplett über GPS den kompletten Arbeitstag kontrolliert wird. Ich halte also auch aus Datenschutzgründen, das, was wir heute beschlossen haben, für höchst fragwürdig und betone nochmals, warum ich dagegen gestimmt habe.

 
  
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  Albert Deß (PPE ). - Herr Präsident! Als einer der wenigen hier im Raum, der selbst schon Lkw-Fahrer war, habe ich heute, obwohl mein Kollege Higgins gute Arbeit geleistet hat, trotzdem dagegen gestimmt, und zwar vor allem wegen zwei Punkten. Zum einen, weil das Parlament für Änderungsantrag 134 gestimmt hat, wodurch die Tonnagengrenze der Fahrzeuge von 3,5 Tonnen auf 2,8 Tonnen abgesenkt wurde. Das halte ich für überflüssig, das war nicht notwendig.

Vor allem habe ich am Schluss dagegen gestimmt, weil der Änderungsantrag 129 abgelehnt wurde. Hier war beantragt worden, dass der Radius für Ausnahmegenehmigungen auf 150 Kilometer erweitert wird. Ich komme aus der Oberpfalz. München ist 130 Kilometer weg. Meine Handwerker arbeiten sehr viel in München, die müssen jetzt Fahrtenschreiber einbauen, weil sie in München Arbeit haben. Besonders geärgert hat mich, dass mein einziger Oberpfälzer Kollege Ismail Ertug bei diesen beiden Punkten gegen die Interessen der Oberpfälzer Handwerker gestimmt hat. Ich habe große Hoffnung, dass dies in der zweiten Lesung noch korrigiert werden kann, dass auch die Handwerker in marktfernen Gebieten nicht benachteiligt werden.

 
  
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  Phil Bennion (ALDE ). - Mr President, I just want to explain why the ALDE Group could not support this motion, despite the fact that we are very much in favour of the introduction of digital tachographs.

We put forward a lot of amendments to reduce the burden on small businesses, including the one which Mr Deß has just referred to on increasing the exemption area. None of these amendments were passed. We also had some destructive amendments from elsewhere which actually made the burdens greater. Therefore we were unable to support this motion as a whole.

There were also some issues from the Greens – which thankfully were rejected – which would have brought the weight down to 1.5 tonnes. This would have included all farmers’ pick-up trucks. Thankfully that did not go through.

Overall, we are in favour of the digital tachograph but we need to make sure that it is not a great burden on small and medium-sized enterprises. Therefore, we did not support this report.

 
  
  

Relazione: Jürgen Creutzmann (A7-0046/2012 )

 
  
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  Jim Higgins (PPE ). - Mr President, it is a great pleasure to actually support this draft proposal. I think the six things that it sets out to do are sensible.

It sets out, first of all, to broaden the scope of the existing regulation, which needed to be broadened. Secondly, it seeks to maintain the ability for customs to have control, for the purpose of enforcement of intellectual property rights, in all situations where goods are under supervision. Thirdly, it introduces procedures to have goods which have been abandoned destroyed without having to undergo formal or costly legal proceedings. It simplifies the procedure for dealing with IPR infringing goods sold on the Internet and it sets out very clear rules in respect of actions by both rights-holders and owners of the goods.

Finally, it clarifies the position in respect of goods in transit: customs should only act if it is likely that the goods are destined for the EU market. So the new regulation is good. It provides stronger, clearer and modernised legislation which customs administration can implement as part of their role to help cope with IPR infringements on borders.

 
  
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  Cristiana Muscardini (PPE ). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, le violazioni dei diritti di proprietà intellettuale e gli scambi di merce contraffatta a livello mondiale sono una crescente preoccupazione per le ripercussioni economiche per l'industria europea, per i rischi per la salute e la sicurezza dei consumatori.

Da tempo il Parlamento si sta pronunciando sulla necessità di regolamentare il flusso di merci provenienti da paesi terzi, che senza un controllo doganale efficiente ed armonizzato rischia di essere l'involontario strumento per il traffico di prodotti nocivi per i consumatori e contro la corretta competitività dello spazio commerciale.

Da tempo sto chiedendo che i sistemi doganali siano armonizzati per un'Europa più competitiva, argomento che oggi finalmente è al centro del dibattito politico assieme a quello della determinazione fiscale. Valutiamo positivamente la relazione Creutzmann per semplificare il quadro normativo esistente e rendere più incisiva l'azione di contrasto a fenomeni di concorrenza sleale.

In commissione commercio stiamo lavorando sulla riforma del codice doganale per garantire agli operatori maggiori certezze sulla destinazione delle merci in transito e per agire tempestivamente sulle false dichiarazioni d'origine, problema che sarebbe già stato risolto se il Consiglio avesse approvato il regolamento che questo Parlamento ha approvato nell'ottobre di due anni fa.

 
  
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  Adam Bielan (ECR ). - Panie Przewodniczący! Innowacja oraz nieskrępowany rozwój nowych technologii są możliwe w oparciu o poszanowanie praw własności intelektualnej. Ich właściwa ochrona jest niezbędna, aby móc skutecznie rywalizować na rynkach światowych, a produkty europejskie mogły konkurować ze swoimi zagranicznymi odpowiednikami. Już sam koszt, jaki ponoszą przedsiębiorstwa europejskie z powodu piractwa, szacowany na ponad ćwierć biliona euro rocznie, wymaga zdecydowanej reakcji.

Dodatkowo poważne skutki dla ludności może powodować obrót podróbkami artykułów spożywczych, higieny osobistej czy lekarstw. Niedawno zbulwersował nas przypadek użycia soli drogowej w produktach żywnościowych. Sprawozdanie uznaje, że towary podrobione przeznaczone do użytku prywatnego również naruszają prawo. W tym zakresie kluczowe znaczenie ma określenie działań związanych z tzw. małą przesyłką. Wyjaśnienia dotyczące postępowania z podejrzanymi towarami spoza Wspólnoty rodzą nadzieję na skuteczniejszą politykę także przy rozwiązywaniu spornych kwestii na forum WTO. Popieram rezolucję.

 
  
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  Charles Tannock (ECR ). - Mr President, I have always supported strengthening the enforcement of intellectual property rights, and I welcome this overdue Commission proposal. My country, the UK, is particularly strong in this area. Tolerating the siphoning off of the profits of European wealth creators and inventors defeats the logic of the single market. I hope that the measures proposed will go some way towards furthering the stalled EU 2020 Strategy. In particular, I am pleased with the prospective new capacities for involved third parties, such as carriers, to receive compensation from lawbreakers.

It is also necessary to increase the legal pressure on copyright violators. Of course, I share the concerns of some Members of this House with regard to generic medicines, but let us not forget the profit motive, on the basis of which most medical advancements are made in Europe by our pharmaceutical companies. My group has previously expressed concerns that additional responsibilities placed on already strained national customs authorities should not be too onerous, so therefore I would hope that any forthcoming amendments will avoid encumbering them more than is necessary.

 
  
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  Seán Kelly (PPE ). - A Uachtaráin, mhínigh mo chomhghleacaí Séamus Ó hUiginn, cad atá i gceist leis na moltaí seo agus, dá bhrí sin, cuireann sé ionadh orm gur vótáil 259 Feisire ina choinne cé go raibh 397 Feisire ina bhfabhar. Ach bíodh sin mar atá, bhí áthas orm vótáil leis na vótaí seo.

When one considers that counterfeited goods, piracy, etc. are costing the European Union billions and billions every year, costing us thousands and thousands of jobs and damaging the health and safety of our adults and children, it is quite clear that we need to take firm action, particularly in dealing with IPR, and at border control. It is far easier to deal with this as goods come into the European Union than trying to do it within the European Union on the borders of Member States. For that reason, I welcome the proposals here. The sooner we can put a stop to this terrible injustice, the better for our economy and for our people.

 
  
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  Daniel Hannan (ECR ). - Mr President, I consider the issue of intellectual property to be one of the most finely balanced that we have to deal with in this Chamber. It is not as clear as Left or Right; free market or dirigiste; Europhile or Eurosceptic. In all of the areas which come under this broad heading – patenting, trademarking, copyrighting – you have to strike a balance between competition and the rights of creators, and between diversity and property. The more difficult it becomes to define what you mean by property, the harder it is to strike that balance.

I would just say two things. First of all, I am very disappointed that, on the strength of what seems to have been simply a reaction in principle against what was seen as a concession to David Cameron, we have withdrawn the vote that was scheduled to be held tomorrow on the European patent. Secondly, in its current form I think that the ACTA proposal is, on balance, disproportionate and I intend to oppose it.

 
  
  

Relazione: Richard Seeber (A7-0192/2012 )

 
  
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  Andrea Zanoni (ALDE ). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, l'acqua è vita, l'acqua è un bene comune e prezioso, che abbiamo il dovere e l'interesse di preservare e di gestire in maniera sostenibile per garantire la salvaguardia degli ecosistemi e la sopravvivenza stessa dell'uomo. Questa importante relazione fa il punto sullo stato di attuazione della norma europea sulle acque in attesa del blueprint , il piano per la salvaguardia delle risorse idriche europee annunciato per questo autunno dalla Commissione.

Sono passati 12 anni dall'entrata in vigore della direttiva sull'acqua, tanto è stato fatto, ma troppo resta ancora da fare, in particolare in molti paesi del sud Europa come l'Italia, che sarà portata davanti alla Corte di giustizia per i ritardi nell'applicazione della direttiva.

Dobbiamo garantire una quantità di acqua sufficiente e buona qualità, considerando che in Europa le risorse idriche sono distribuite in modo disomogeneo e perciò dobbiamo integrare questo tema in tutte le politiche europee. Non è possibile che ben il 70% dell'acqua fornita alla comunità possa essere andata persa a causa delle fughe dovute al cattivo stato di mantenimento delle reti idriche. Dobbiamo raggiungere l'obiettivo di un'economia verde e dotarci di piani idrici stabiliti a livello locale che combattano seriamente sprechi, puntino al risparmio, al riutilizzo e al riciclaggio dell'acqua, sia per le irrigazioni che per le abitazioni private e in tutti vari settori.

 
  
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  Ewald Stadler (NI ). - Herr Präsident! Ich habe für diesen Bericht des Kollegen Seeber gestimmt, möchte allerdings dazu sagen, dass dieser Bericht natürlich aufdeckt, dass bei der Umsetzung der Wasser-Rahmenrichtlinie, die bereits seit zwölf Jahren in Kraft ist, einiges säumig ist. Auch das Heimatland des Kollegen Seeber und mein eigenes Heimatland, Österreich, hätte längst die Gebührenhaushalte umstellen müssen. Das geht insbesondere aus den Ziffern 37 und 15 hervor. Ich halte es für einen Anachronismus der Sonderklasse, dass ausgerechnet in seinem eigenen Heimatstaat nach wie vor in der Mehrzahl der Bundesländer die Gebührenhaushalte für Abwasser und für Wasser noch nach der Wohnnutzfläche berechnet werden. Das hat mit wassersparenden Gebührenhaushalten nichts mehr zu tun.

Daher appelliere ich an die Kommission und insbesondere auch an den Kollegen Seeber selbst, dafür zu sorgen, dass auch in Österreich endlich der Intention der Wasser-Rahmenrichtlinie – nämlich die Gebührenhaushalte auf eine wassersparende Bewirtschaftung umzustellen – entsprochen wird. Insoweit begrüße ich diesen Bericht. Ich hoffe, er macht zusätzlichen Druck, dass diese ungerechte Gebührengestaltung, die nebenbei auch natürlich der Wasserverschwendung und der Abwasserproduktion Vorschub leistet, endlich umgestellt wird.

 
  
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  Patrizia Toia (S&D ). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, l'acqua è sempre più valutata come un bene comune, cioè una risorsa preziosa per l'intera umanità. È dunque essenziale sviluppare una strategia integrata ed efficiente per un uso oculato di questa risorsa non infinita.

L'azione a livello UE deve fare fronte alle sfide idriche attuali e future del nostro continente, e dunque il piano per la salvaguardia delle risorse idriche che uscirà a novembre è quanto mai essenziale per garantirci – come si diceva – quantità d'acqua sufficienti e di buona qualità per un uso sostenibile ed equo, penso che questo sia un tassello importante della strategia Europa 2020.

L'acqua si lega al cibo, anzi, l'acqua è nel cibo, e una piccola quantità di cibo contiene un'enorme quantità di acqua, una strategia per l'acqua è quindi anche una strategia per la sicurezza alimentare dell'Europa e del mondo. L'acqua può generare guerre, ma l'acqua può essere anche un elemento di sviluppo e di pace, per questo sostengo fortemente la proposta contenuta nella relazione affinché l'1% per esempio delle tariffe dell'acqua sia devoluto a progetti di cooperazione decentrata e a progetti di crescita del mondo. Spero che questa legislazione che già c'è in qualche Stato membro diventi, come una buona pratica che contagia gli altri paesi, legislazione in tutti gli Stati membri dell'Unione europea.

 
  
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  Paolo Bartolozzi (PPE ). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, il lavoro del collega Seeber rappresenta il contributo del Parlamento europeo alla preparazione del piano per la salvaguardia delle risorse idriche europee, con il quale la Commissione farà il punto rispetto a quanto è stato realizzato in seguito alla direttiva quadro sulle acque, che dal 2000 rappresenta uno dei pilastri portanti delle politiche europee in materia di acqua.

La relazione alla quale abbiamo espresso il nostro voto favorevole fa luce su quelle che sono le sfide da affrontare, le lacune da colmare, in relazione soprattutto all'obiettivo di sostenibilità in termini di buono stato ecologico, chimico e quantitativo, che secondo quanto stabilito dalla stessa direttiva quadro dovrebbe essere raggiunto entro il 2015.

Tra le misure suggerite si trovano l'inclusione del monitoraggio delle questioni legate all'acqua in tutte le aree di politica dell'Unione europea, la messa a punto di un approccio olistico che prenda in esame tutti gli usi dell'acqua e i risvolti degli stessi, la promozione e la difesa dell'efficienza e della sostenibilità nella gestione di questo bene fondamentale nonché il raggiungimento della sicurezza dell'approvvigionamento idrico, a livello non solo regionale ma anche internazionale.

 
  
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  Emer Costello (S&D ). - Mr President, I welcome the recognition that water is a public good, that access to water constitutes a fundamental and universal right and that there has to be a strong social dimension to water pricing. I also welcome the emphasis on water conservation in this report which, alarmingly, points out that 70% of water supplied to cities across Europe is lost through leakages. Indeed, in my own constituency, Dublin, around 100 million litres – or 30% per day – is lost through leakages. A European-funded replacement programme throughout our older cities could be part of a stimulus package, and would create much needed employment and replace infrastructure that is over a hundred years old.

As water is a fundamental right, I believe that it is important that water utilities remain in public ownership, and that income from charges levied must be ring-fenced for the upgrading of the infrastructure. Moreover, in order to ensure that the vulnerable and less well-off are protected, there should be a quota for households for basic use before charges are applied. This would be in keeping with the ‘polluter pays principle’.

Finally, I welcome the call to raise awareness of the importance of water conservation among the general public, and I would emphasise the role of local and regional authorities in this matter.

 
  
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  Roberta Angelilli (PPE ). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, l'acqua è centrale per ecosistemi e clima, determinante per la crescita e lo sviluppo di molti settori economici. Oggi assistiamo a uno squilibrio degli ecosistemi a causa di un utilizzo indiscriminato dell'acqua, con uno sfruttamento idrico che talvolta supera il 40%, con conseguente stress idrico elevato.

Concordo con il collega Seeber: creare una normativa europea intransigente in materia di acque che sostenga l'economia verde orientata anche sul "chi inquina paga", con sistemi di tariffazione trasparenti ed efficienti, e poi incentivi e investimenti per l'utilizzo di acque reflue trattate, acque grigie, acque pluviali, nonché la messa in opera di un sistema di controllo di qualità sullo stato della rete idrica europea, per evitare che circa il 70% dell'acqua fornita alle città europee vada perso per le fughe della rete.

 
  
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  Julie Girling (ECR ). - Mr President, I welcome this report on the implementation of the Water Framework Directive. The results of implementation across Europe are of course varied. I am not one of those in this place who express dismay, disgust or even surprise at this. Member States progress at different rates, in slightly different ways. That is the whole point of it being a directive, so if it were all uniform I would be most surprised. Yes, water is a precious resource; yes, we need to make efficiency gains; yes, we should look at Member States cooperating across their borders.

There is all good stuff in this report, but let us keep it simple. Let us not complicate the issue discussing shale gas and most particularly let us not complicate the issue with amendments on soil directives. As ever, a simple report on implementation was turned into a rambling wish list by Members of the Committee on the Environment Public Health and Food Safety and for this reason I have had to abstain.

 
  
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  Mario Pirillo (S&D ). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, l'acqua è un bene pubblico essenziale e vitale, da proteggere attraverso un approccio olistico che ne tuteli e nel razionalizzi l'uso.

Migliorare l'efficienza e la sostenibilità è un obbligo al quale non possiamo sottrarci, anche rispetto alle sfide del cambiamento climatico. L'obiettivo, che ci siamo posti per il 2015, del raggiungimento di un buono stato ecologico e chimico delle acque costituisce la conditio sine qua non della politica ambientale europea e un impegno al quale guardare con rigore.

Occorre rispettare la legislazione dell'Unione europea in materia di acque e introdurre una più rigorosa azione sanzionatoria. In Europa circa il 20% dell'acqua si perde a causa di infrastrutture obsolete, che vanno necessariamente migliorate se vogliamo un efficiente uso delle risorse idriche e una gestione sostenibile dell'acqua, in grado di affrontare i problemi di carenza idrica e siccità.

 
  
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  Paul Murphy (GUE/NGL ). - Mr President, an environmental disaster is waiting to happen in Aughanish, County Limerick, Ireland. The Rusal Alumina plant refinery produces alumina powder, in a chemical process which leaves behind toxic waste.

The company and the Irish Government have incredibly classified this as non-hazardous, despite the fact that, when a similar plant had a serious breach in Hungary in 2010, it released highly toxic caustic sludge. Between 20 million and 50 million tonnes of this hazardous waste sit in an area of over 250 acres on the banks of the Shannon estuary in a pond which has never been properly lined. This waste has already become airborne, damaging the health of people in the region and damaging the farmland. If there is a major spillage it would see the water, air, soil and livestock of the area destroyed.

Ordinary farmers in the region are being forced to pay thousands of euros to install new septic tanks at their homes. Yet we have the biggest septic tank in all of Europe sitting there, without proper regard to the massive environmental dangers it poses.

 
  
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  Charles Tannock (ECR ). - Mr President, water policy is one of the areas in which EU coordination can be highly beneficial for our consumers if done properly. Water security and environmental standards, e.g. the ‘polluter pays’ principle, key goals of the Water Framework Directive, must be preserved and furthered, and this report unfortunately casts light on the slow progress of the directive. That many EU water bodies will not have achieved good status by 2015 is of course a disappointment and it is distressing to read that even the basic information on European water quality and quantity, which we evaluate our progress from, still remains poor.

I welcome, however, the conclusion that the regional dimension must be addressed more closely and that water policy should be mainstreamed into all policy areas. I am in favour, however, of acting at international global level wherever possible, and the report notes correctly that there needs to be more focus on the international angle. Europe is not an island and water scarcity in the rest of the world will inevitably cause problems for all of us in the future, not least with regard to conflicts, displaced persons and mass migration.

 
  
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  Diane Dodds (NI ). - Mr President, water is a precious commodity that we should not take for granted. Therefore, it is essential that mechanisms are in place throughout each individual Member State to safeguard this vital resource. I am pleased to report that in my own constituency of Northern Ireland, water quality standards are improving year on year. In 2011, standards at the tap were 99.8% compliant; with regard to waste water quality in 2010 our targets were exceeded, with 88.6% of works compliant with current regulations.

I would also like to draw attention to the impact of EU water legislation on the agricultural sector in Northern Ireland, where concerns have been raised in relation to the Soil Framework Directive. Although farmers in Northern Ireland are very much in support of the need for action, in order to maintain their land in good condition ensuring long-term fertility and productivity, the challenges faced in protecting agricultural soils vary across Europe. Therefore, I believe that a harmonised approach is not the best way to safeguard resources. Any further interference by Europe will only result in increasing costs and red tape while reducing the productivity of the agricultural sector.

 
  
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  Anna Záborská (PPE ) - Kvalitu pitnej vody nemožno brať na ľahkú váhu. Už veľa rokov aj ako lekárka sledujem, že laboratóriá konštatujú, že voda na každodenné používanie je nepriamo obohacovaná hormónmi, ktoré sú nebezpečenstvom pre zdravie ľudí, hlavne pre plodnosť žien a mužov.

Toto konštatovanie sa explicitne nachádza aj v správe, o ktorej sme hlasovali, ktorú som podporila, a gratulujem kolegovi Seeberovi. Parlament v rezolúcii žiada Komisiu, aby ďalej sledovala tento problém. Konštatujeme, že reziduá antibiotík, iných liekov a hormónov z antikoncepčných tabletiek sa nachádzajú vo vode.

Pripustiť znečisťovanie vody prítomnými hormónmi je kriminálnym činom. Európska komisia by mala zabezpečiť zintenzívnenie kontroly, a tak zabrániť, aby látky, ktoré nielen znečisťujú vodu a ohrozujú zdravie, ale aj priamo pôsobia na zhoršenie demografickej situácie, boli z vody eliminované.

 
  
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  Radvilė Morkūnaitė-Mikulėnienė (PPE ). - Be abejo, vanduo yra esminis ir svarbiausias dalykas kiekvieno iš mūsų gyvenime ir šiandien balsavau už teisėkūros projektą vandens srityje, įvertinimą, kitaip tariant, už šitą pranešimą. Šitas dokumentas yra labai platus ir išsamus, kalbantis ne vien apie vandens kokybę, bet ir apie išteklius ir tinkamą jų valdymą. Svarbu, kad Europos Sąjungoje visi piliečiai turėtų prieigą prie vandens, tai yra, tinkamą infrastruktūrą. Šiuo metu, kai kuriose valstybėse narėse susiduriame su situacija, kai prisijungimas nėra pakankamas, turiu mintyje tiek vandentiekio, tiek nuotekų vamzdynų magistralines sistemas. Kitas svarbus aspektas – tausus ir tvarus vandens naudojimas. Europos Sąjungoje yra ganėtinai skirtinga situacija. Vienur yra perteklius vandens, kitur jaučiamas stygius. Tačiau čia mes turime galvoti ne vien apie vandens taupymą, bet ir apie išteklių, finansinių resursų taupymą, ir šioje vietoje labai svarbu kalbėti apie inovacijas ir investicijas į inovacijas, o technologine prasme galėtume pasisemti patirties iš šiose inovacijos srityse pažengusių valstybių, tarkim kalbant ir konkrečiai minint Izraelį.

 
  
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  Syed Kamall (ECR ). - Mr President, I think we all agree that water is an essential resource and I have heard a number of speakers say that today, but we have to remember that, despite what many on the Left say, water is not free. The water that ends up in our home and in our workplaces is not free. The water that comes from the sky may be free, but it has to be collected, it has to be stored, filtered and pumped to homes, offices and other places. All that costs money. So it is essential that we have the right legislative framework in place to allow companies to do that, to provide us with clean running water, and to make sure that they can actually provide what we as consumers want at the end of the day.

Recently – well in fact a couple of years ago – we had a problem in my constituency of London with Thames Water not fixing enough of their broken and leaking pipes. When I challenged them about this and asked why they were not spending more resources on it, one of the reasons they gave – not the only reason, but one of the reasons they gave – was that they were spending too much time adhering to EU directives rather than actually fixing the problems they wanted to fix. An EU regulation like this can sometimes allow companies to take their eye off the ball and we have to ensure that they concentrate on providing clean running water to our constituents.

 
  
  

Relazione: Dieter-Lebrecht Koch, Olga Sehnalová (A7-0205/2012 )

 
  
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  Sergio Gaetano Cofferati (S&D ). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la salute e la sicurezza dei cittadini europei sono uno dei grandi obiettivi della nostra azione e del nostro lavoro; credo che il provvedimento che abbiamo votato questa mattina sia molto importante, ovviamente, l'eCall non anticipa gli incidenti, non li riduce, ma mette a disposizione procedure di intervento molto più rapide che possono attraverso la loro applicazione garantire un intervento adeguato per aiutare la sofferenza di chi è stato coinvolto o addirittura salvargli la vita, e tutto questo è molto importante.

Adesso sarà decisiva l'applicazione reale e coerente da parte di tutti i soggetti, degli Stati, delle imprese, e poi dei gestori di questa strumentazione, ma credo che il passaggio da una fase sperimentale volontaria, come quella che abbiamo alle spalle, a questa nuova norma obbligatoria sia un passaggio molto importante. Abbiamo messo in campo un provvedimento che può aiutare molte persone a non soffrire e tante altre a salvarsi la vita.

 
  
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  Jim Higgins (PPE ). - Mr President, I come from Ireland and I dread turning on my radio station on a Monday morning because I hear that three young people or two young people have died in single-car accidents, where they hit a tree, a wall or a river, particularly in rural and remote areas.

Essentially the situation is that they die in the early hours of the morning probably because of speeding, sometimes because of alcohol. In such a situation, particularly with a single-car accident, time is of the essence. The sooner the police, the medical services and fire services arrive on the scene, the sooner we have a life saved.

For many of those people who are found dead on a Saturday morning, a Sunday morning or the early hours of a Monday morning, they would have been saved had the fire services, the police services or the medical services got to them in time.

This is what this eCall system is doing. It will coordinate, it will identify the location and it will get all of the emergency rescue services to the scene in time. We need it on a pan-European level. We have a Europe now without borders and this certainly will save lives. I want to, in particular, compliment Dieter Koch who has put a lot of work into this over a ten-year period.

 
  
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  Emer Costello (S&D ). - Mr President, I, too, fully support this resolution urging the Commission to draft legislation requiring car manufacturers to fit the eCall device in all new cars from 2015, and to require Member States to ensure that their emergency services are able to handle the eCall system.

The technology has been available for a number of years, but so far less than 1 % of cars in the EU are fitted with it, and these are normally at the higher end of the market. It is now clear that mandatory legislation is required.

When a serious road accident occurs, every minute is crucial. The driver or passengers may be unconscious or unable to call emergency services due to a language barrier. They may be travelling in a country or in a terrain they are completely unfamiliar with. A car fitted with the device would be able to make an automatic emergency call and transmit data about the location and time of the crash to the nearest emergency response unit.

It is estimated that, when the system is rolled out, emergency teams would make it to the scene 40% quicker in urban areas, 50% in rural areas. This could result in saving 2 500 lives across Europe, approximately 25 lives in Ireland. No doubt serious injury would be averted in many instances as well. I welcome the resolution.

 
  
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  Roberta Angelilli (PPE ). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, già nel 2002 gli esperti in materia di sicurezza stradale consideravano tra le priorità un servizio di eCall paneuropeo da applicare in tutti i veicoli, anche perché dopo un incidente le persone coinvolte possono trovarsi in stato di choc , non conoscere la loro posizione, o semplicemente essere impossibilitate a comunicarli.

Soprattutto negli incidenti, la rapidità del pronto intervento è fondamentale per salvare vite. Il sistema di eCall basato sulla piattaforma della chiamata al 112 riduce i tempi di intervento sulla scena dell'incidente, permettendo di salvare circa 2 500 vite all'anno e di ridurre la gravità delle ferite fino al 15%. L'eCall può ridurre i tempi di risposta dei soccorsi di circa il 50% nelle zone rurali e fino al 40% nelle aree urbane, e può anche contribuire alla riduzione fino al 20% degli ingorghi che si possono formare in seguito agli incidenti stradali.

 
  
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  Charles Tannock (ECR ). - Mr President, I voted in favour of this proposal.

The eCall system builds substantially on the EU’s previous decision to establish the common emergency telephone number of 112 of which I remain a supporter. This is alongside the existing national systems, such as the 999 dialling in the UK. The implanting of emergency services’ telecommunications devices within the private motor vehicle has the potential to save thousands of lives by automatically relaying the information about accidents and their whereabouts.

Although I realise that a voluntary approach to implementing this has largely failed, I am still worried that moving to a mandatory approach may impose significant, although unknown, costs on the Member States. I accept that this should not be a prime concern when human lives are at stake.

I was however pleased at the committee stage that the ECR Group was successful in guaranteeing a technology-neutral approach whereby private eCall systems can compete with a public eCall, as this is most in accordance with the principles of a single market and also competition.

 
  
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  Ewald Stadler (NI ). - Herr Präsident! Ich habe selbstverständlich auch für den Bericht Koch gestimmt. Kein vernünftiger Mensch wird irgendeinen grundsätzlichen Einwand gegen ein eCall-System haben, das im Fall eines schweren Unfalls automatisch Rettungskräfte benachrichtigt.

Ich möchte aber die Gelegenheit nutzen, auf eine andere Notfallnummer-Problematik aufmerksam zu machen. Aufgrund einer Europaratsempfehlung gibt es den Vorschlag, dass alle Europaratsmitglieder eine einheitliche europaweite Notfallrufnummer für Kinder einrichten sollen, die von Missbrauch und Gewalt betroffen sind. Nun gibt es immer noch einige Länder, die diese Notfallnummer nicht zustande gebracht haben, u. a. leider auch Österreich. Ich appelliere daher an alle Vertreter dieses Hauses, auch an diese Notfallnummer zur Gewaltprävention bzw. zur Hilfe für Kinder, die von Gewalt und Missbrauch betroffen sind, zu erinnern, um auch diese Notfallnummer-Problematik endlich zu beheben.

 
  
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  Diane Dodds (NI ). - Mr President, we hear all too often about the tragic loss of life on our roads and quite rightly in the wake of these tragedies it is often asked whether anything could have been done to save that life which was lost. I have no doubt that the eCall system has a great deal of merit and has the potential to save many lives, and from this perspective I can, of course, support it.

However, I do have concerns and would like to see this remain optional rather than mandatory. I believe that Member States should focus their attention very much on the attempts to educate driver behaviour and so try to minimise road deaths in this way as well. It is a terrible scourge in my constituency – we have lost many young lives to deaths on our roads – but we must also look at the impact of speed, the impact of alcohol and drugs and of driver behaviour, as well as at these kinds of measures.

 
  
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  Miroslav Mikolášik (PPE ) - Keď hovoríme o systéme eCall a nových službách čísla 112 pre občanov, treba povedať, že pri dopravných nehodách zahynie ročne 40 tisíc ľudí a 150 tisíc utrpí ťažké zranenia s trvalými následkami. Integráciou systému eCall do palubných počítačov áut je možné zachrániť až 2 500 životov ročne a znížiť závažnosť zranení o 10 až 15 percent.

Keďže sa tu jedná o záchranu ľudských životov, myslím si, že služba eCall má byť bezplatná a tento systém jednoduchý na používanie, prístupný všetkým občanom Európskej únie bez ohľadu na sociálne postavenie a bez ohľadu na to, či služby pokrývajú napríklad súkromné služby alebo iné štátne služby tiesňového volania.

Apelujem na výrobcov automobilov, aby už pri výrobe zabudovávali systém schopný spustiť eCall, aby prevádzkovatelia mobilných sietí prenášali eCall do stredísk v núdzovej reakcii.

 
  
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  Daniel Hannan (ECR ). - Mr President, when my constituents discover that I am a Member of the European Parliament, they respond in many and varied ways. Some of the things they say are not suitable for repetition in this Chamber. But one thing that they have never said, in the 13 years that I have been doing this job, is that they want a common European number to dial in emergencies.

Once again, though, there seems to be a metaphorical aptness in what we are discussing. The emergency has been caused by precisely such harmonisation as this. If people were to dial their national emergency number – 999 in the case of the UK – they would at least find a responsive national mechanism on the other end that might do something about it. But if they dial a common number expecting the fire brigade, they will instead find the arsonists.

Europe is the problem and not the solution. The earlier we recognise that, the better for everybody.

 
  
  

Dichiarazioni di voto scritte

 
  
  

Richiesta di consultazione del Comitato economico e sociale sulla creazione di un mercato sociale europeo

 
  
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  John Bufton (EFD ), in writing . − It is imperative that the EU does not seek to create a one-size-fits-all social policy. The UK does not want EU involvement on social matters. The idea of creating a new social mark in order to promote “social aspects” of the EU would only serve to make member states more attractive to illegal immigrants and allow people coming from poorer EU countries to move to the UK to take advantage of a more generous UK social security system.

 
  
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  José Manuel Fernandes (PPE ), por escrito . O Comité Económico e Social Europeu (CESE), fundado em 1957, é um órgão consultivo das três instituições da União Europeia (UE) – Comissão, Conselho e Parlamento Europeu (PE) – às quais fornece pareceres sobre as propostas legislativas. Nos termos do artigo 124.º do Regimento do PE, e quando o Tratado sobre o Funcionamento da UE previr a consulta do CESE, o Presidente, após ter informado o Parlamento do início do processo de consulta, submeterá, sem debate prévio, os pedidos de consulta do CESE à aprovação do PE. Na sequência do exposto, votei favoravelmente o pedido de consulta do CESE sobre o estabelecimento do mercado social europeu.

 
  
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  Philippe Juvin (PPE ), par écrit . – Le Parlement européen a accueilli favorablement la demande de consultation du Comité économique et social européen concernant la création d'un label social européen. Ce label informera le consommateur que le produit ou le service qu'il acquiert s'inscrit dans le cadre d'un investissement destiné à améliorer son modèle social. J'ai soutenu cette demande, qui a été acceptée par l'ensemble de mes collègues, et je m'en félicite.

 
  
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  David Martin (S&D ), in writing . − I voted for this consultation of the European Economic and Social Committee on establishing a European Social Mark.

 
  
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  Alexander Mirsky (S&D ), in writing . − According to rule 124 of the Rules of Procedure of the European Parliament, parliamentary committees may request to organise debates with the European Economic and Social Committee on general and specific issues. Such requests are approved by the European Parliament without debates. I voted in favour.

 
  
  

Relazione: Sharon Bowles (A7-0198/2012 )

 
  
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  Luís Paulo Alves (S&D ), por escrito . Aprovo a presente proposta, considerando que para existir um sistema estável deve ser necessário assegurar as condições para uma efetiva proteção dos direitos dos cidadãos e para a celeridade do tratamento dos processos. O adiamento da transposição da Diretiva para outubro de 2013, a meu ver, justifica-se completamente, pelo facto de se querermos que o pacote Solvência II seja eficiente, há que garantir que o pacote de Solvência I esteja adequadamente adaptado e implementado, caso contrário, estaremos a fazer um retrocesso em todo o trabalho que a União Europeia já efetuou nesta área, de interesse fundamental para os cidadãos europeus.

 
  
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  Sophie Auconie (PPE ), par écrit . – Comme pour les banques, nous réglementons le monde de l'assurance et de la réassurance. La directive Solvabilité II, à l'étude dans la commission des affaires économiques et monétaires dont je suis membre, a pour objectif de mieux adapter les fonds propres exigés des compagnies d'assurances et de réassurance avec les risques que celles-ci encourent dans leur activité. Il faut s'assurer que la compagnie est bien gérée, qu'elle est en mesure de calculer et de maîtriser ses risques et s'assurer qu'elle est bien capitalisée. J'ai donné mon aval au report à janvier 2014 de ce rapport, porté par ma collègue, la présidente de la commission des affaires économiques et monétaires, Sharon Bowles, ce qui laisse plus de temps aux États membres pour le transposer dans nos droits nationaux.

 
  
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  Zigmantas Balčytis (S&D ), raštu . − Balsavau už šį pranešimą. Pasiūlymu iš dalies keičiama Direktyva 2009/138/EB dėl draudimo ir perdraudimo veiklos pradėjimo ir jos vykdymo (Mokumas II) siekiant, kad ji būtų pritaikyta prie naujos draudimo priežiūros sistemos ir atsižvelgiant į Europos draudimo ir profesinių pensijų institucijos įsteigimą. Taip pat keičiamas direktyvos perkėlimo į nacionalinę teisę terminas, jį atidedant iki 2013 m. birželio 30 d. ir nustatant vėlesnę direktyvos taikymo datą. Atitinkamai nustatoma nauja esamų draudimo ir perdraudimo direktyvų bendrai vadinamų „Mokumas I“ panaikinimo data, ją pratęsiant iki 2014 m. sausio 1 d. Tai daroma siekiant užtikrinti dabartinių „Mokumo I“ nuostatų teisinį tęstinumą, kol bus pradėta taikyti „Mokumas II“ direktyva. Šia siūlymui pritariu, nes būtina užtikrinti, kad prie naujosios tvarkos būtų pereinama sklandžiai ir kad būtų išvengta teisinio neaiškumo.

 
  
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  Elena Băsescu (PPE ), în scris . − Am votat în favoarea acestui raport deoarece sunt de părere că propunerea prezentată de Comisie, referitoare la un sistem modern, bazat pe riscuri în materie de reglementare şi supraveghere a întreprinderilor de asigurare şi reasigurare europene, este binevenită. Totodată, consider că în contextul actual este nevoie de aceste noi norme şi reguli, pentru a putea garanta o mai mare siguranţă pentru sectorul asigurărilor. Astfel, întreaga economie va avea de câştigat, datorită faptului că investiţiile pe termen lung vor asigura o mai mare stabilitate a sectorului. În acelaşi timp, doresc să subliniez faptul că propunerea Comisiei este una adecvată, întrucât modificarea trebuie să ia în considerare şi noua arhitectură de supraveghere din domeniul asigurărilor. Atrag atenţia asupra necesităţii unor acţiuni coordonate la nivelul instituţiilor Uniunii, pentru ca noul regulament să fie implementat într-un mod eficient şi fără întârzieri.

 
  
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  Regina Bastos (PPE ), por escrito . A Diretiva 2009/138/CE Solvência II vem estabelecer a regulamentação e supervisão das empresas de seguros e de resseguros na União Europeia. Estas novas regras são essenciais para assegurar a solidez e segurança do setor dos seguros. O prazo de transposição desta Diretiva termina a 30 de outubro de 2012. No entanto, a Comissão propôs recentemente uma alteração desta Diretiva com o objetivo de a adaptar à nova arquitetura da supervisão do setor dos seguros, propondo também a prorrogação dos prazos de transposição, revogação e aplicação inicialmente previstos. A proposta de prorrogação deste prazo para 30 de junho de 2013 é essencial, visto que outras normas terão de entrar em vigor antes desta Diretiva e não há certeza de que esses prazos possam ser cumpridos, como é o caso da Diretiva Omnibus II. Tendo em conta que as autoridades de supervisão e empresas de (res)seguros precisam de algum tempo para se prepararem para a aplicação da nova legislação, é também proposto o alargamento da data de início de aplicação do Pacote Solvência II para 1 de janeiro de 2014. Votei a favor deste Relatório uma vez que concordo com as medidas propostas.

 
  
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  Mara Bizzotto (EFD ), per iscritto . − Ho espresso voto positivo alla relazione Bowles in quanto verte a modificare la direttiva 2009/138/CE in materia di accesso ed esercizio delle attività di assicurazione e di riassicurazione (solvibilità II) per quanto concerne la data ultima di attuazione, posticipata dal 31 ottobre 2012 al 30 giugno 2013, in modo da evitare un vuoto giuridico.

 
  
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  Vilija Blinkevičiūtė (S&D ), raštu . − Balsavau dėl šio pranešimo, kadangi šiuo pasiūlymu siekiama iš dalies pakeisti 2009/138/EB direktyvą dėl draudimo ir perdraudimo veiklos pradėjimo ir jos vykdymo "Mokumas II", siekiant atidėti direktyvos perkėlimo į nacionalinę teisę ir jos taikymo terminą iki birželio 30 dienos 2013 - vietoj 2012 spalio 31 dienos ir taikymo datą iki 2014 m. sausio 1 dienos. Kadangi dabartinės derybos dėl su bendra prekybos politika susijusio reglamento "Omnibus II", kurios turėtų įtakoti "Mokumas II" naują priežiūros struktūrą dar nebaigtos, priemonių įgyvendinimas "Mokumas" II negali būti pateiktas. Todėl būtina pratęsti perkėlimo į nacionalinę teisę terminą "Mokumas II", siekiant užtikrinti teisinį tęstinumą direktyvos "Mokumas I" iki visiško "Mokumas II" taikymo. Šiame pasiūlyme nenumatoma jokių direktyvos turinio pakeitimų.

 
  
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  Philippe Boulland (PPE ), par écrit . – J'ai voté en faveur du rapport sur l'assurance et la réassurance (Solvabilité II). Le secteur de l'assurance est, pour l'instant, touché par une insécurité juridique du fait du décalage entre le système juridique de l'Union européenne (Solvabilité II) et celui des États membres (Solvabilité I). Ce rapport s'inscrit dans une volonté de régulation et surveillance des entreprises européennes d'assurance. Ainsi, la mise en place de l'Autorité européenne des assurances et des pensions professionnelles permettrait d'améliorer la solidité de ce secteur.

 
  
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  John Bufton (EFD ), in writing . − This is a purely technical postponement of the expiry date of existing insurance legislation pending entry into force of a replacement Solvency II ‘quick fix’ directive in order to extend the deadline for the implementation of the new Solvency II regime which is still being debated almost 15 years later. However micromanagement of the insurance sector is an unwelcome power grab by Brussels and renders the industry uncompetitive. In my opinion existant legislation should be removed, rather than extended while the Council and Commission debate further additions to its remit.

 
  
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  Edite Estrela (S&D ), por escrito . Votei a favor do relatório sobre " seguros e resseguros (Solvência II) " por considerar positiva a proposta de alterar a Diretiva 2009/138/CE – Solvência II –, a fim de adiar o prazo de transposição até 30 de junho de 2013 – em vez de 31 de outubro de 2012 - e a data de aplicação para 01 de janeiro de 2014. Considero que é necessário prorrogar o prazo de transposição para o regime Solvência II para assegurar a continuidade legal de Solvência I até a completa aplicação de Solvência II. Nada fazer nesta fase criaria uma situação de incerteza legal para o setor dos seguros.

 
  
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  José Manuel Fernandes (PPE ), por escrito . O relatório presente debruça-se sobre a proposta de diretiva do Parlamento Europeu (PE) e do Conselho que altera a Diretiva 2009/138/CE no que respeita às datas de transposição e entrada em aplicação e à data de revogação de certas diretivas. No próximo dia 31 de outubro, termina o prazo para a transposição da Diretiva que define as novas regras de regulamentação e supervisão das empresas de seguros e resseguros na Europa, de modo a assegurar a solidez e a segurança deste setor, permitindo-lhe uma maior estabilidade e o reforço da confiança dos consumidores. Em janeiro de 2011, a Comissão adotou uma alteração à Diretiva supra referida, nomeadamente, a criação da Autoridade Europeia dos Seguros e Pensões Complementares de Reforma (EIOPA), bem como a prorrogação do prazo de transposição, revogação e aplicação, tendo em conta a necessidade de aprovação prévia da Diretiva Omnibus II. Votei favoravelmente o adiamento da transposição da Diretiva 2009/138/CE para 30 de junho de 2013 e a entrada em vigor do pacote Solvência II para 1 de janeiro de 2014, evitando a existência de um vazio legal a partir do próximo dia 31 de outubro e assegurando a preparação atempada da sua operacionalidade.

 
  
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  João Ferreira (GUE/NGL ), por escrito . Este relatório tem como propósito propor uma diretiva que adia as datas de transposição da Diretiva 2009/138/CE (Solvência II) e a revogação das diretivas em vigor no domínio dos seguros e resseguros prevista para 31 de outubro de 2012. Isto porque a Comissão, em janeiro de 2011, adotou uma proposta de alteração da Diretiva 2009/138/CE, a fim de ter em conta a nova arquitetura da supervisão do setor dos seguros e, nomeadamente, a criação da Autoridade Europeia dos Seguros e Pensões Complementares de Reforma (EIOPA) , chamada Omnibus II . Como ainda se encontra a decorrer o trílogo relativo à Omnibus II, a Comissão considera que a entrada em vigor da Diretiva 2009/138/CE, sem as importantes adaptações previstas na Diretiva Omnibus II , poderia acarretar pesados encargos para os Estados-Membros. Considera também que essas regras são importantes para uma transição suave para o novo regime. Para se tornar operacional, o Solvência II necessita da inclusão de atos delegados e de execução por parte da Comissão. Assim, o relatório pede o adiamento da transposição da Diretiva 2009/138/CE (Solvência II) e a revogação das diretivas para 1 de janeiro de 2014. O conteúdo deste relatório é, assim, eminentemente técnico. Tendo em conta a nossa posição crítica face à EIOPA, abstivemo-nos.

 
  
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  Monika Flašíková Beňová (S&D ), písomne V smernici Európskeho parlamentu a Rady z novembra 2009 o začatí a vykonávaní poistenia a zaistenia (Solventnosť II) sa na reguláciu európskych poisťovní a zaisťovní a na dohľad nad nimi stanovuje moderný systém založený na rizikách. Tieto nové pravidlá sú podstatné pri zaistení bezpečného a spoľahlivého odvetvia poisťovníctva, ktoré môže poskytovať udržateľné poistné produkty a podporovať reálnu ekonomiku prostredníctvom dlhodobých investícií a dodatočnej stability. Komisia v januári 2011 prijala návrh na zmenu a doplnenie smernice 2009/138/ES s cieľom zohľadniť novú architektúru dohľadu nad poistením, a najmä zriadenie Európskeho orgánu pre poisťovníctvo a dôchodkové poistenie zamestnancov (EIOPA) (Omnibus II). Do uvedeného návrhu sa takisto zahŕňajú ustanovenia na predĺženie dátumov na transpozíciu, zrušenie a uplatňovanie stanovené v danej smernici. S cieľom zabrániť nadmerne zaťažujúcim legislatívnym povinnostiam pre členské štáty v rámci smernice a neskôr v súvislosti s novou architektúrou plánovanou v návrhu „Omnibus II“ je vhodné termín transpozície zmieňovanej smernice predĺžiť. Zároveň, vzhľadom na veľmi krátke obdobie do uplynutia termínov v smernici stanovených, by táto smernica mala bezodkladne nadobudnúť účinnosť.

 
  
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  Ashley Fox (ECR ), in writing . − I voted in favour of this Solvency II ‘quick fix’ directive in order to extend the deadline for the implementation of the new Solvency II regime which we are still debating in trilogue. This is an extremely important piece of legislation that has been almost 15 years in the making, and we must get it right. The original Solvency I regime comes to an end on 31 October 2012. Therefore, in order to avoid a legislative vacuum, we have decided to extend the Solvency I regime to 1 January 2014. The extension should allow Parliament and the Council sufficient time to reach a compromise that protects policy holders and strengthens our prudential regime, and also keeps our insurance industry globally competitive.

 
  
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  Marian Harkin (ALDE ), in writing . − I support this report and the commendable work undertaken by my colleague Sharon Bowles. The report should prove a tangible step towards a more sustainably efficient European insurance sector, particularly through an increased emphasis on long-term investment. While I believe that these proposals make sense at the current point of negotiations on Omnibus II, I do not think that they should be brought into full legal force until EU agreement has been reached on this package. I wish the Cypriot Presidency every success in ensuring a smooth and timely implementation of these rules in the coming months.

 
  
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  Juozas Imbrasas (EFD ), raštu . − Balsavau už šį dokumentą, nes Direktyva 2009/138/EB („Mokumas II“) nustatyta moderni, rizika pagrįsta Europos draudimo ir perdraudimo įmonių reguliavimo ir priežiūros sistema. Šios naujos taisyklės labai svarbios siekiant užtikrinti, kad draudimo sektorius būtų saugus ir patikimas. Buvo numatytas Direktyvos perkėlimo į nacionalinę teisę terminas-2012 m. spalio 31 d. Tačiau siekiant atsižvelgti į naują draudimo priežiūros sistemą, visų pirma į Europos draudimo ir profesinių pensijų institucijos įsteigimą, labai svarbu užtikrinti, kad prie naujosios tvarkos būtų pereinama sklandžiai. Kad „Mokumas II“ tvarka taptų visiškai veiksminga, Komisija dar turi priimti daug deleguotųjų ir įgyvendinimo aktų, kuriuose būtų nustatyta svarbi informacija įvairiais techniniais klausimais. Todėl siūloma Direktyvoje nustatytą perkėlimo į nacionalinę teisę terminą pratęsti iki 2013 m. birželio 30 d.

 
  
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  Philippe Juvin (PPE ), par écrit . – Le Parlement européen et le Conseil ont déjà adopté la directive 2009/138/CE (Solvabilité II), qui instaure un système moderne et fondé sur le risque pour la régulation et la surveillance des entreprises européennes d'assurance et de réassurance. Le présent rapport vise à reporter la date de transposition et d'entrée en vigueur de la directive au 31 décembre 2012. Ce report est tout à fait justifié, vu la nécessité de garantir la continuité juridique des dispositions de la directive Solvabilité I jusqu'à la mise en place de l'ensemble du paquet Solvabilité II. J'ai voté en faveur de ce rapport.

 
  
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  David Martin (S&D ), in writing . − I voted in favour of this Amendment of Directive 2009/138/EC on the taking-up and pursuit of the business of Insurance and Reinsurance (Solvency II).

 
  
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  Alexander Mirsky (S&D ), in writing . − The Solvency II is an EU directive that codifies and harmonises the regulation of insurance in EU. When the Omnibus II directive is approved by the European Parliament, Solvency II will come into effect on 1 January 2014. Solvency II will significantly reduce the risk of insolvency of insurance companies, therefore I voted in favour.

 
  
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  Andreas Mölzer (NI ), schriftlich . Die Aktienkrise 2001-2003 gab sogenannte risikofreie Kapitalanlage, also Staatsanleihen, Auftrieb. Zur Bewertung, ob ein Versicherer ausreichend Mittel hatte, seine Verpflichtungen gegenüber den Kunden zu erfüllen oder nicht wurde die Verzinsung von Staatsanleihen herangezogen. Nachdem in der Depression, in der der Zins zehnjähriger Bundesanleihen nicht mehr überkompensieren kann und der Wert der Verpflichtungen ins Unermessliche steigt, weil ihnen sehr niedrig verzinste Anleihen gegenüberstehen, gab es verschiedene Reparaturversuche. Die EU-Kommission ist nun besorgt, dass die aktuelle Krise, kombiniert mit den neuen Solvenzregeln, die Assekuranz als langfristigen Kapital- und Garantiengeber ausschalten könnte und will deshalb (nach acht Jahren Verhandlungen über neue Regeln für Kapitalausstattung und Aufsicht für die Branche herum sog. Solvency II) für die bestehenden Versicherungsverträge die alten Vorschriften aus Solvency I weiter gelten machen. Da diesbezüglich einige Fragen noch nicht ganz geklärt sind, beispielsweise ob die alten Regeln die Versicherer wieder zu Kapitalgebern machen, habe ich mich der Stimme enthalten.

 
  
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  Sławomir Witold Nitras (PPE ), na piśmie . − Dyrektywa z 2009 r. (2009/138/WE) w sprawie podejmowania i prowadzenia działalności ubezpieczeniowej i reasekuracyjnej przewiduje wspólne dla całej Unii Europejskiej ramy regulacyjne dla zarządzania ryzykiem oraz nadzoru zakładów ubezpieczeń i reasekuracji, odpowiadające poziomowi rozwoju współczesnych rynków finansowych. Jest to istotna dyrektywa z punktu widzenia bezpieczeństwa i stabilności systemu finansowego, ponieważ wzmacnia ramy nadzorcze dla sektora ubezpieczeń. Ponadto wprowadza mechanizmy, które sprawią, że sektor ubezpieczeniowy będzie lepiej wspierał realną sferę realnej gospodarki poprzez sprzyjanie długoterminowym inwestycjom. W styczniu 2011 r. pojawiła się jednak konieczność aktualizacji dyrektywy na skutek zmiany architektury instytucjonalnej nadzoru europejskiego. W związku z tym, w drugiej dyrektywie zbiorczej zawarte zostały przepisy dotyczące odroczenia terminu transpozycji i daty rozpoczęcia stosowania dyrektywy z 2009 r. Złożoność wniosku w sprawie drugiej dyrektywy zbiorczej powoduje jednak, że proces ustawodawczy nie zakończy się przed datą rozpoczęcia stosowania dyrektywy 2009/138/WE. Popieram propozycję zmiany terminu transpozycji dyrektywy "Wypłacalność II", ponieważ pozwoli to uniknąć zbyt uciążliwych obowiązków prawodawczych dla państw członkowskich oraz umożliwi lepsze przygotowanie nowego systemu przewidzianego we wniosku dotyczącym drugiej dyrektywy zbiorczej. Kompleksowość oraz doniosłość gospodarcza projektowanych regulacji wymagają ponadto pozostawienia organom nadzoru oraz zakładom ubezpieczeń i reasekuracji odpowiednio długiego okresu czasu na przygotowanie się do funkcjonowania w ramach nowych uwarunkowań regulacyjnych.

 
  
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  Siiri Oviir (ALDE ), kirjalikult . − Toetasin direktiivi 2009/138/EÜ kiiret muutmist, millega pikendati siseriiklikku õigusesse ülevõtmise tähtaegu, et tagada sujuv üleminek uuele korrale ning vältida õigusvaakumit. Direktiivi muutmine on oluline ka seoses Euroopa Komisjoni 19. jaanuari ettepanekuga arvestada õigusloomes kindlustuse uue järelvalvesüsteemi – Euroopa Kindlustus- ja Tööandjapensionide Järelvalve (EIOPA) – loomist 1. jaanuaril 2011. Pean igati mõistlikuks, et Solventsus II ehk Euroopa kindlustus-ja edasikindlustusandjate reguleerimiseks ja järelvalveks loodud kaasaegne riskipõhine süsteem käivituks alles 1. jaanuaril 2014, et tagada kvaliteetne õigusloome ja selle rakendamine. Uued eeskirjad on oluline samm selle suunas, et tagada tugev ja turvaline kindlustussektor, mis suudaks pakkuda jätkusuutlikke kindlustustooteid ning toetada tänu pikaajalistele investeeringutele ja lisastabiilsusele reaalmajandust.

 
  
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  Rolandas Paksas (EFD ), raštu . − Pritariu šiai rezoliucijai. Naujos taisyklės įtvirtintos direktyvoje "Mokumas II" užtikrins, kad draudimo sektorius funkcionuotų saugiai ir patikimai. Atsižvelgiant į finansų krizės sukeltus neigiamus padarinius ir į šios direktyvos svarbą, manau, kad yra tikslinga direktyvoje nustatytą perkėlimo į nacionalinę teisę terminą pratęsti iki 2013 m. birželio 30 d. Visos valstybės narės turi dėti visas pastangas, kad prie naujosios tvarkos būtų pereinama sklandžiai, užkertant kelią rinkų iškraipymams. Be to, labai svarbu, kad prie šios įgyvendinimo efektyviai prisidėtų ir Komisija, priimdama deleguotuosius ir įgyvendinamuosius aktus, kurie sudarytų palankias sąlygas laipsniškam perėjimo procesui įgyvendinimui.

 
  
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  Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE ), por escrito . A Diretiva 2009/138/CE (Solvência II) vem estabelecer a regulamentação e supervisão das empresas de seguros e de resseguros na União Europeia. A Comissão Europeia propôs recentemente uma alteração desta Diretiva com o objetivo de a adaptar à nova arquitetura da supervisão do setor dos seguros, propondo também a prorrogação dos prazos de transposição, revogação e aplicação inicialmente previstos. Estas novas regras são consideradas essenciais para assegurar a solidez e segurança do setor dos seguros. Por estar genericamente de acordo com as medidas propostas votei favoravelmente o presente relatório.

 
  
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  Aldo Patriciello (PPE ), per iscritto . − Questa direttiva stabilisce un nuovo e moderno regime di solvibilità per gli assicuratori e i riassicuratori nell'Unione europea. Essa prevede un approccio economico basato sul rischio che incentiva le imprese di assicurazione e di riassicurazione a misurare e gestire adeguatamente i rischi. Queste nuove norme sono essenziali per garantire che il settore assicurativo sia sicuro e solido. La proposta di modifica della direttiva 2009/138/CE garantisce un'ordinata transizione al nuovo regime. Considerando l'imminente scadenza del precedente regime e pertanto la necessità di evitare un vuoto giuridico, esprimo il mio voto favorevole alla proposta.

 
  
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  Paulo Rangel (PPE ), por escrito . A Diretiva 2009/138/CE (Solvência II) vem estabelecer a regulamentação e supervisão das empresas de seguros e de resseguros na União Europeia. Estas novas regras são essenciais para assegurar a solidez e a segurança do setor dos seguros. O prazo de transposição desta Diretiva termina a 30 de outubro de 2012. No entanto, a Comissão propôs recentemente uma alteração desta Diretiva com o objetivo de a adaptar à nova arquitetura da supervisão do setor dos seguros, propondo também a prorrogação dos prazos de transposição, revogação e aplicação inicialmente previstos. A proposta de prorrogação deste prazo para 30 de junho de 2013 é essencial, visto que outras normas terão de entrar em vigor antes desta Diretiva e não há certeza de que esses prazos possam ser cumpridos (como é o caso da Diretiva Omnibus II). Tendo em conta que as autoridades de supervisão e empresas de (res)seguros precisam de algum tempo para se preparar para a aplicação da nova legislação, é também proposto o alargamento da data de início de aplicação do Pacote Solvência II para 1 de janeiro de 2014. Pelo exposto, votei a favor do presente relatório.

 
  
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  Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE ), in writing . − In favour. This is a purely technical postponement of the expiry date of existing insurance legislation pending entry into force of a replacement.

 
  
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  Nuno Teixeira (PPE ), por escrito . A Comissão Europeia lançou uma nova diretiva relativa ao acesso à atividade de seguros, resseguros e ao seu exercício (Solvência II), nomeadamente no que diz respeito às datas de transposição e entrada em aplicação e à data de revogação de certas diretivas. A presente diretiva tem como objetivo construir uma nova arquitetura de supervisão do setor segurador, criar a Autoridade Europeia dos Seguros e Pensões Complementares de Reforma (EIOPA) e propor o adiamento do prazo de transposição da Diretiva Solvência II para 31 de dezembro de 2012. Concordo com o presente projeto de resolução legislativa que aprova a posição do Parlamento Europeu em primeira leitura, fazendo sua a proposta da Comissão Europeia que pode ser alvo de alterações.

 
  
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  Silvia-Adriana Ţicău (S&D ), în scris . − Am votat pentru raportul privind modificarea Directivei 2009/138/CE privind accesul la activitate și desfășurarea activității de asigurare şi de reasigurare (Solvabilitate II) în ceea ce privește data de transpunere si data de aplicare a acesteia, precum si data de abrogare a anumitor directive. Directiva 2009/138/CE (Solvabilitate II) prevede un sistem modern, bazat pe riscuri în materie de reglementare și de supraveghere a întreprinderilor europene de asigurare și de reasigurare. Termenul-limită pentru transpunerea acestei directive este 31 octombrie 2012 in timp ce directivele existente în domeniul asigurărilor și reasigurărilor, care sunt cunoscute ca pachetul Solvabilitate I, vor fi abrogate începând cu 1 noiembrie 2012. Conform modificărilor propuse si aprobate termenul-limită pentru transpunerea Directivei 2009/138/CE se modifica de la 31 octombrie 2012 la 30 iunie 2013 si data de abrogare a pachetului Solvabilitate I de la 1 noiembrie 2012 la 1 ianuarie 2014. Aceste modificări au fost necesare pentru a ține seama de noua arhitectură de supraveghere în domeniul asigurărilor, si anume de crearea Autorității europene pentru asigurări și pensii ocupaționale (AEAPO), pentru ca sistemul Solvabilitate II să devină pe deplin operațional, pentru a se asigura o tranziție fără dificultăți la noul sistem si pentru a preveni apariția unui vid legislativ după 31 octombrie 2012.

 
  
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  Janusz Władysław Zemke (S&D ), na piśmie . − Pozytywnie oceniam dyrektywę Parlamentu Europejskiego w sprawie podejmowania i prowadzenia działalności ubezpieczeniowej i reasekuracyjnej. Zasady te są konieczne dla bezpiecznego i solidnego funkcjonowania sektora ubezpieczeń. Ważne jest, aby zakłady ubezpieczeniowe i organy nadzoru nad nimi przyjęły pakiet gwarantujący wypłacalność ubezpieczycieli. Zwiększy to wśród obywateli i przedsiębiorców poczucie pewności prawa. Nie można jednak przesuwać ciągle terminu wejścia w życie nowej dyrektywy Unii w tej sprawie. Moim zdaniem, ostatecznie dyrektywa ta powinna obowiązywać od 1 stycznia 2014 roku, by zlikwidować jej tymczasowy charakter.

 
  
  

Relazione: Maurice Ponga (A7-0169/2012 )

 
  
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  Luís Paulo Alves (S&D ), por escrito . Aprovo a presente proposta que consiste na alteração do Estatuto de São Bartolomeu de Região Ultraperiférica para o Estatuto de País e Território Ultramarino associado à União Europeia. Concordo com o objetivo da proposta, uma vez que pretende potenciar o desenvolvimento económico e social desta região remota da União Europeia, através do reforço das relações com atores regionais, incluindo os territórios e países ultramarinos, regiões ultraperiféricas das Caraíbas e assim disseminar da melhor maneira o modelo e valores de vida da União Europeia.

 
  
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  Sophie Auconie (PPE ), par écrit . – Saint-Barthélemy, île française des Petites Antilles, était dépendante du département d’outre-mer (DOM) de la Guadeloupe jusqu'au 1er janvier 2012, date à laquelle l'île est devenue officiellement une collectivité d’outre-mer (COM). La République française avait anticipé ce changement de statut et demandé au Conseil européen d'adopter une décision à l'égard de l'île de Saint-Barthélemy, afin de la faire passer du statut de région ultrapériphérique à celui de pays et territoire associé à l'Union européenne (PTOM). Après le changement de statut au niveau national, il était cohérent de revoir le statut européen de cette COM française. L'appartenance aux Pays et territoires associés à l'Union européenne inscrit désormais l'île dans un nouveau partenariat réciproque et durable avec l'Union européenne, qui tient compte de ses particularités, sans pour autant remettre en cause son appartenance à la famille européenne. Les ressortissants des PTOM sont des citoyens européens, mais ils ne font pas partie de l'Union européenne et ne sont pas soumis au droit européen. L'île conserve l'euro comme monnaie et ses citoyens resteront des citoyens européens. Ses liens avec l'Union européenne resteront donc intacts.

 
  
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  Zigmantas Balčytis (S&D ), raštu . − Balsavau už šį pranešimą. Siūlymo tikslas - pakeisti Prancūzijai priklausančios Sen Bartelemi salos statusą iš atokiausio regiono į ES asocijuotos užjūrio šalies ir teritorijos statusą. Kadangi šis Komisijos pasiūlymas atitinka salos poreikius ir specifiką, juo nėra pažeidžiami ES interesai, ir kadangi Sen Bartelemi galės prisidėti prie ES modelio populiarinimo ir Europos vertybių sklaidos, siūlymui pritariu.

 
  
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  Elena Băsescu (PPE ), în scris . − Am votat în favoarea acestei rezoluţii, deoarece ea asigură punerea în practică a deciziei Consiliului din 29 octombrie 2010, prin care, în urma solicitării formulate de Franţa, colectivitatea franceză din Saint-Barthélemy şi-a schimbat statutul din regiune ultraperiferică în ţară şi teritoriu de peste mări asociat Uniunii Europene, începând cu 1 ianuarie 2012. Consider că această schimbare de statut va fi benefică pentru Saint-Barthélemy, corespunzând specificităţii, caracteristicilor şi nevoilor sale.

În acelaşi timp, legătura sa cu Uniunea Europeană este menţinută, inclusiv prin faptul că va fi folosită în continuare moneda euro, iar locuitorii săi îşi vor păstra statutul de cetăţeni europeni. Decizia nu prejudiciază interesele Uniunii Europene şi înscrie relaţiile cu Saint-Barthélemy într-un nou cadru de parteneriat şi cooperare. În acelaşi timp, noul statut va permite colectivităţii din Saint-Barthélemy să îşi dezvolte relaţiile cu alţi actori regionali. Modificarea anexei IA la decizia Consiliului 2001/822/CE prin inserarea unei noi liniuțe, în scopul includerii Saint-Barthélemy pe lista țărilor și a teritoriilor de peste mări, este consecinţa firească a modificării statutului colectivităţii franceze din Saint-Barthélemy.

 
  
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  Mara Bizzotto (EFD ), per iscritto . − Appoggio la relazione Ponga che vuole il passaggio dello status dell'Isola di Saint-Barthélemy da territorio ultraperiferico a territorio d'oltremare; tale modifica di status è già passata all'unanimità al voto del Consiglio Europeo e avvantaggerà questo territorio in quanto gli permetterà di rafforzare i legami con gli "African, Caribbean and Pacific Group of States " e le regioni ultraperiferiche caraibiche.

 
  
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  Vilija Blinkevičiūtė (S&D ), raštu . − Balsavau dėl šio pranešimo, kadangi remiantis Sutarties dėl Europos Sąjungos veikimo (SESV) 355 straipsnio 6 dalimi 2010 m. birželio 30 d. laiške Prancūzijos Respublika paprašė Europos Vadovų Tarybos, pasikonsultavus su Komisija, vieningai priimti sprendimą dėl San Bartelemi salos, kad jos statusas iš atokiausio regiono būtų pakeistas į Europos Sąjungos asocijuotos užjūrio šalies ir teritorijos statusą. Pagal SESV Europos Vadovų Tarybai suteikiama galimybė atitinkamos valstybės narės iniciatyva priimti tokį sprendimą, kad San Bartelemi taptų 26-ąja Europos Sąjungos asocijuota šalimi ar teritorija. Dar daugiau, suteikus San Bartelemi užjūrio šalies ir teritorijos statusą Europos Sąjunga su San Bartelemi palaikytų naują abipusę ir tvarią partnerystę, kuri atitiktų teritorijos ypatumus, bet nekeltų abejonių dėl jos priklausymo Europai. San Bartelemi valiuta išliktų euras, o jos piliečiai ir toliau būtų Europos Sąjungos piliečiais. Taigi ryšiai tarp San Bartelemi ir Europos Sąjungos būtų ir toliau išlaikomi. Dėl šio statuso pakeitimo San Bartelemi galėtų stiprinti savo ryšius su regioniniais subjektais, visų pirma užjūrio šalimis ir teritorijomis, Afrikos, Karibų ir Ramiojo vandenyno valstybėmis ir Karibų jūros valstybių atokiausiais regionais, taip prisidedant prie Europos modelio populiarinimo ir Europos vertybių sklaidos.

 
  
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  Philippe Boulland (PPE ), par écrit . – J'ai voté en faveur du rapport de Maurice Ponga relatif à l'association des pays et territoires d'outre-mer à la Communauté européenne. Ce rapport fait suite à lettre de la République française adressée au Conseil européen demandant de faire passer l'île de Saint-Barthélemy du statut de région ultrapériphérique à celui de pays et territoire d'outre-mer associé à l'Union européenne. Ce nouveau cadre d'association permettrait à Saint-Barthélemy de s'inscrire dans un partenariat plus réciproque et durable qui prendrait mieux en compte ses particularités.

 
  
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  John Bufton (EFD ), in writing . − Changing the status of Saint-Barthélemy from that of an outermost region to that of a country and territory associated with the European Union would make the 26th country and territory enter into a new reciprocal partnership with the European Union and force Saint-Barthélemy to consolidate its relations with regional players, including the other overseas countries and territories, ACP countries and outermost regions of the Caribbean. The most significant motive for this decision is in order to channel more money to the French colony and grant Brussels autonomous powers over a territory that currently is under French control.

 
  
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  Alain Cadec (PPE ), par écrit . – Je soutiens le changement de statut de l'île de Saint-Barthélemy. En devenant un pays et territoire d'outre mer (PTOM) associé à l'Union européenne, l'île de Saint-Barthélemy va disposer d'un cadre plus adapté à ses spécificités. Ce nouveau partenariat avec l'Union européenne permet une plus grande souplesse dans la mise en œuvre des normes communautaires. Je suis satisfait de l'adoption de ce rapport qui entérine la décision prise par le Conseil en octobre 2010.

 
  
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  Maria Da Graça Carvalho (PPE ), por escrito . Voto favoravelmente a alteração do anexo I A da decisão do Conselho 2001/822/CE, a fim de inserir um novo travessão que inclua São Bartolomeu na lista dos países e territórios ultramarinos, consagrando a alteração do estatuto da ilha de São Bartolomeu, a partir de 1 de janeiro de 2012, de região ultraperiférica a país e território ultramarino associado à União Europeia, por esta alteração responder às necessidades e especificidades do território de São Bartolomeu e em nada prejudicar os interesses da União Europeia.

 
  
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  Corina Creţu (S&D ), în scris . − Am votat în favoarea propunerii de decizie privind asocierea ţărilor şi teritoriilor de peste mări la Comunitatea Europeană. Saint-Barthélemy devine, astfel, a 26-a ţară şi teritoriu de peste mări asociat Uniunii Europene. Prin aprobarea statutului de ţară şi teritoriu de peste mări, Saint-Barthélemy se înscrie într-un nou parteneriat reciproc şi durabil cu Uniunea Europeană, care corespunde particularitătilor sale, fără ca prin aceasta să se pună în cauză apartenenţa sa la familia europeană. Într-adevăr, Saint-Barthélemy păstrează euro ca monedă, iar cetăţenii săi continuă să fie cetăteni europeni. Prin aceasta, se menţin legăturile sale cu Uniunea Europeană. Această modificare a statutului va permite colectivităţii din Saint-Barthélemy să-şi întărească legăturile cu actorii regionali, în special cu ţările şi teritoriile de peste mări, ţările ACP şi regiunile ultra-periferice din Caraibi, contribuind astfel la o mai bună diseminare a modelului şi valorilor europene.

 
  
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  Vasilica Viorica Dăncilă (S&D ), în scris . − Sunt de acord cu această modificare, deoarece consider că ea corespunde nevoilor și specificității teritoriului Saint-Barthélemy și nu periclitează interesele Uniunii.

 
  
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  Christine De Veyrac (PPE ), par écrit . – J'ai voté en faveur de ce texte, qui prend acte du changement de statut de l'île française de Saint-Barthélemy, devenue en 2010 le 26e des pays et territoires d'outre-mer de l'Union européenne. Ce nouveau statut permettra à notre territoire d'outre-mer de renouveler ses rapports avec les autres territoires de l'Union et de renforcer ses relations avec ses voisins immédiats des Caraïbes, tout en restant attaché à l'euro et aux valeurs européennes.

 
  
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  Edite Estrela (S&D ), por escrito . Votei favoravelmente o relatório sobre a "Associação dos países e territórios ultramarinos à Comunidade Europeia" para solicitar ao Conselho e à Comissão a adoção de uma decisão que altere o estatuto da ilha de São Bartolomeu de uma região exterior para a de um país e território associado à União Europeia.

 
  
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  Diogo Feio (PPE ), por escrito . Ao abrigo do artigo 355.º, n.º 6, do Tratado sobre o Funcionamento da União Europeia, e por iniciativa do Estado-Membro interessado, neste caso a República da França, o Conselho Europeu foi solicitado para tomar uma decisão desse teor relativamente à ilha de São Bartolomeu, para que o estatuto desta passe de região ultraperiférica a país e território ultramarino associado à União Europeia. Por conseguinte, para que esta decisão do Conselho Europeu se concretize, o Conselho, deve, por unanimidade, sob proposta da Comissão e após consulta ao Parlamento Europeu, modificar a sua decisão relativa à associação dos países e territórios ultramarinos à União Europeia. Considero, pois, que a alteração do estatuto responde às necessidades e especificidades do território de São Bartolomeu, sem prejudicar os interesses da União.

 
  
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  José Manuel Fernandes (PPE ), por escrito . O relatório em apreciação debruça-se sobre a proposta de decisão do Conselho que altera a Decisão 2001/822/CE do Conselho relativa à associação dos países e territórios ultramarinos à CE, na sequência do pedido efetuado pela República Francesa, ao abrigo do artigo 355.º do TFUE e em carta datada de 30 de junho de 2010, solicitando ao Conselho Europeu que decidisse a favor da alteração do estatuto da ilha de São Bartolomeu de “região ultraperiférica” para “território ultramarino associado à União Europeia UE". De acordo com o relator, esta alteração de estatuto “responde às necessidades e especificidades do território de São Bartolomeu, sem prejudicar os interesses da União”, mantendo o euro como moeda e continuando os seus habitantes a serem considerados ‘cidadãos europeus’. São Bartolomeu passa a ser o 26.º país e território associado da UE. Votei favoravelmente esta proposta uma vez que corresponde às aspirações legítimas dos habitantes de São Bartolomeu, permitindo-lhes reforçar as parcerias com os estados vizinhos – países ACP e regiões ultraperiféricas das Caraíbas – e não prejudica os interesses da UE.

 
  
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  João Ferreira (GUE/NGL ), por escrito . O Tratado sobre o Funcionamento da União Europeia prevê que o Conselho Europeu possa, por iniciativa do Estado-Membro interessado e deliberando por unanimidade, alterar o estatuto perante a UE dos países ou territórios ultramarinos franceses, dinamarqueses e holandeses. Assim, a França solicitou ao Conselho Europeu que alterasse o estatuto da ilha de São Bartolomeu, deixando de ser uma região ultraperiférica para passar a ser um país e território ultramarino associado à União Europeia . A consulta ao Parlamento Europeu constitui-se como um passo necessário neste processo. De acordo com o relator, a alteração do estatuto responde às necessidades e especificidades do território de São Bartolomeu. Respeitamos os anseios e as legítimas e soberanas opções dos povos destes territórios. Sem esquecer a luta que muitos deles ainda hoje travam contra o colonialismo europeu, com a qual somos solidários. Uma luta pela possibilidade de poderem decidir de forma livre e soberana os seus destinos.

 
  
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  Monika Flašíková Beňová (S&D ), písomne Rozhodnutie Rady z 27. novembra 2001 o pridružení zámorských krajín a území k Európskemu spoločenstvu vytvára právny rámec na podporu hospodárskeho a sociálneho rozvoja zámorských krajín a území a posilnenie hospodárskych vzťahov medzi nimi a Európskou úniou. Predmetné rozhodnutie sa uplatňuje do 31. decembra 2013 a jeho prílohu I A je nutné zmeniť a doplniť, aby sa zohľadnila zmena štatútu ostrova Svätý Bartolomej vo vzťahu k Európskej únii, ktorý sa od 1. januára 2012 stáva zámorskou krajinou a územím. Domnievam sa, že táto zmena štatútu zodpovedá potrebám a osobitostiam územia Svätý Bartolomej bez toho, aby ohrozovala záujmy Únie. I preto považujem za opodstatnené schváliť návrh Komisie. Táto zmena štatútu umožní ostrovu Svätý Bartolomej posilniť vzťahy s regionálnymi subjektmi, a najmä so zámorskými krajinami a územiami, s najvzdialenejšími regiónmi v karibskej oblasti, a tým prispieť k lepšiemu šíreniu európskeho modelu a európskych hodnôt.

 
  
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  Brice Hortefeux (PPE ), par écrit . – Mardi 3 juillet, le Parlement européen a reconnu le changement de statut de Saint-Barthélemy qui devient ainsi le 26ème pays et territoire d'outre-mer (PTOM). C'est une décision dont je me félicite et qui avait été actée dans les conclusions du Conseil européen du 27 octobre 2010. Jusqu'ici considéré comme une région ultrapériphérique, Saint-Barthélemy va désormais s'inscrire dans une relation nouvelle et renouvelée avec l'Union européenne mais aussi les autres PTOM de la région. Ce changement de statut sera plus conforme aux besoins et aux spécificités de l'île. En outre, cette évolution statutaire ne modifiera en rien deux aspects essentiels du bon fonctionnement de l'île : Saint-Barthélemy conservera l'euro et ses habitants resteront des citoyens européens.

 
  
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  Juozas Imbrasas (EFD ), raštu . − Pritariau balsuodamas, kadangi 2010 m. Prancūzijos Respublika paprašė Europos Vadovų Tarybos priimti sprendimą dėl Sen Bartelemi salos, kad jos statusas iš atokiausio regiono būtų pakeistas į Europos Sąjungos asocijuotos užjūrio šalies ir teritorijos statusą. Todėl Europos Vadovų Taryba priėmė Sprendimą 2010/718/ES, kuriuo nuo 2012 m. sausio 1 d. iš dalies keičiamas Prancūzijos Sen Bartelemi bendrijos statusas. Tokiu atveju Sen Bartelemi įtraukiama į užjūrio šalių ir teritorijų sąrašą ir Sen Bartelemi taptų 26-ąja Europos Sąjungos asocijuota šalimi ar teritorija. Suteikus Sen Bartelemi užjūrio šalies ir teritorijos statusą Europos Sąjunga su Sen Bartelemi palaikytų naują abipusę ir tvarią partnerystę, kuri atitiktų teritorijos ypatumus, bet nekeltų abejonių dėl jos priklausymo Europai. Sen Bartelemi valiuta išlieka euras, o jos piliečiai ir toliau yra Europos Sąjungos piliečiai. Taigi ryšiai su Europos Sąjunga ir toliau išlaikomi. Dėl šio statuso pakeitimo Sen Bartelemi galės stiprinti savo ryšius su regioniniais subjektais, visų pirma užjūrio šalimis ir teritorijomis, Afrikos, Karibų ir Ramiojo vandenyno valstybėmis ir Karibų jūros valstybių atokiausiais regionais ir taip prisidėti prie Europos vertybių sklaidos.

 
  
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  Philippe Juvin (PPE ), par écrit . – La République française a demandé au Conseil européen d'adopter une décision à l'égard de l'île de Saint-Barthélemy afin que le statut de pays et territoire associé à l'Union européenne se substitue à son actuel statut de région ultrapériphérique. En adoptant ce statut, l'île s'inscrirait dans un nouveau partenariat réciproque et durable avec l'Union européenne. Ce partenariat tiendrait compte de ses particularités, sans pour autant remettre en cause son appartenance à la famille européenne. J'ai soutenu le rapport de mon collègue Maurice Ponga, qui a été adopté à une large majorité, et je m'en félicite.

 
  
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  Michał Tomasz Kamiński (ECR ), na piśmie . − Głosowałem za zatwierdzeniem wniosku Komisji, aby Saint-Barthélemy stał się 26. krajem i terytorium zamorskim stowarzyszonym z Unią Europejską. Podzielam zdanie, że ta zmiana statusu pozwoli wyspie Saint-Barthélemy na zacieśnienie stosunków z partnerami regionalnymi, krajami AKP, co przyczyni się zarazem do poszerzania modelu i wartości europejskich. Jestem przekonany, że przyjmując status kraju i terytorium zamorskiego, Saint-Barthélemy angażuje się w nowe wzajemne partnerstwo z Unią Europejską. Saint-Barthélemy utrzyma euro jako walutę, a jego obywatele pozostają obywatelami europejskimi. To bardzo ważne, by utrzymane zostały związki z Unią Europejską.

 
  
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  Giovanni La Via (PPE ), per iscritto . − Attraverso la presente risoluzione, cui ho espresso voto favorevole, il territorio francese e caraibico di Saint-Barthelemy sarà compreso tra i territori e paesi di oltremare con evidenti vantaggi, per il territorio oggetto della relazione, dal punto di vista strutturale ed economico. Un grado di relazione politica ed istituzionale maggiore, quale quello garantito dallo status di territorio d’oltremare, consente infatti di dedicare un’attenzione maggiore alle esigenze di Saint-Barthelemy, su tutti i livelli dell’economia e della rappresentanza locale.

 
  
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  David Martin (S&D ), in writing . − I voted for this proposal as I believe that this change in status satisfies the needs and special characteristics of the territory of Saint-Barthélemy without prejudicing the interests of the European Union.

 
  
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  Véronique Mathieu (PPE ), par écrit . – J'ai voté en faveur du rapport sur le changement de statut du territoire de la collectivité française de Saint-Barthélemy. Il s'agit d'approuver la proposition de la Commission européenne afin de rendre effectif le changement de statut de région ultrapériphérique à celui de pays et territoire d'outre-mer associé à l'Union européenne, depuis le 1er janvier 2012. L'influence de l'Union européenne dans la région pourra être ainsi renforcée.

 
  
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  Alexander Mirsky (S&D ), in writing . − Pursuant to Article 355(6) of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU) France requested and the Council, after consulting the Commission, adopted a decision amending the status of the island of Saint-Barthélemy from that of an outermost region to that of a country and territory associated with the European Union. This change will have effect from 1 January 2012. To give effect to that European Council decision, the Council must, under Article 203 TFEU, act unanimously on a proposal from the Commission and after consulting the European Parliament, amend its decision on the association of the overseas countries and territories with the European Union.

 
  
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  Rolandas Paksas (EFD ), raštu . − Pritariu pasiūlymui, kad Sen Bartelemi salai būtų suteiktas asocijuotos užjūrio šalies ir teritorijos statusas. Tai būtų šios salos ir ES naujos abipusės ir tvirtos partnerystės ir glaudžių ekonominių santykių pamatas. Be to, Sen Bartelemi bus sukurtos puikios sąlygos tolimesniam ryšių su regioniniais subjektais plėtojimui ir stiprinimui bei ekonominiam ir socialiniam vystymuisi.

 
  
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  Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE ), por escrito . A República Francesa solicitou ao Conselho Europeu que tomasse uma decisão relativamente à ilha de São Bartolomeu, para que o estatuto desta passe de região ultraperiférica a país e território ultramarino associado à União Europeia. Este estatuto responde às necessidades e especificidades do território de São Bartolomeu, sem prejudicar os interesses da União. Ao adotar o estatuto de país e território ultramarino, São Bartolomeu insere-se numa nova parceria recíproca e duradoura com a União Europeia, que dá resposta às suas particularidades sem, no entanto, pôr em causa a sua pertença à família europeia. Nestes termos votei favoravelmente.

 
  
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  Aldo Patriciello (PPE ), per iscritto . − Con lettera datata 30 giugno 2010, la Repubblica francese ha chiesto al Consiglio europeo di adottare tale decisione per quanto riguarda l'isola di Saint-Barthélemy, affinché lo status di quest'ultima passi da quello di regione ultraperiferica a quello di paese e territorio d'oltremare associato all'Unione europea. Al fine di rendere effettiva tale decisione viene quindi proposto di modificare l'allegato I A della decisione 2001/822/CE del Consiglio allo scopo di introdurre un nuovo trattino che inserisca l'isola di Saint-Barthélemy nell'elenco dei paesi e territori d'oltremare. Al fine di rafforzare le relazioni con i territori d'oltremare, contribuendo ad una migliore diffusione dei valori europei, esprimo il mio voto favorevole alla proposta.

 
  
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  Paulo Rangel (PPE ), por escrito . O presente relatório surge na sequência do pedido da República Francesa ao Conselho Europeu para alterar o estatuto da ilha de São Bartolomeu, de modo a que o estatuto desta passe de região ultraperiférica a país e território ultramarino associado à União Europeia. São Bartolomeu torna-se, assim, o 26.º país e território ultramarino associado à União Europeia. Ao adotar o estatuto de país e território ultramarino associado, São Bartolomeu insere-se numa nova parceria recíproca e duradoura com a União Europeia, que dá resposta às suas particularidades sem, no entanto, pôr em causa a sua pertença à família europeia. Com efeito, São Bartolomeu mantém o euro como moeda e os seus cidadãos continuam a ser cidadãos europeus. Os laços com a União Europeia mantêm-se, assim, firmes. Votei assim a favor deste relatório, uma vez que vem reforçar as relações de São Bartolomeu com os intervenientes regionais, nomeadamente com os países e territórios ultramarinos, os países ACP e as regiões ultraperiféricas das Caraíbas, bem como contribuir para uma melhor difusão do modelo e dos valores europeus.

 
  
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  Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE ), in writing . − In favour. Pursuant to Article 355(6) of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union the European Council may, on the initiative of the Member State concerned and acting unanimously after consulting the Commission, adopt a decision amending the status, with regard to the Union, of a Danish, French or Netherlands country or territory referred to in paragraphs 1 and 2 of Article 355.

By letter of 30 June 2010, the French Republic requested the European Council to adopt such a decision with regard to the island of Saint-Barthélemy, in order to change its status from that of an outermost region to that of a country and territory associated with the European Union.

 
  
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  Licia Ronzulli (PPE ), per iscritto . − Con l'adozione dello status di paese e territorio d'oltremare, il territorio di Saint-Barthélemy instaura un nuovo partenariato reciproco e duraturo con l'Unione europea, scelta che permetterà di soddisfare le sue esigenze specifiche nel pieno rispetto del diritto internazionale.

 
  
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  Sergio Paolo Francesco Silvestris (PPE ), per iscritto . − Con decisione 2010/718/UE del 29 ottobre 2010 il Consiglio europeo ha adottato la modifica dello status della collettività francese di Saint-Barthélemy da regione ultraperiferica a paese e territorio d'oltremare associato alla Comunità europea. Tale decisione diverrà effettiva quando il Consiglio, in virtù dell'articolo 203 del trattato sul funzionamento dell'Unione europea, deliberando all'unanimità su proposta della Commissione e previa consultazione del Parlamento europeo, modificherà la sua decisione relativa all'associazione dei paesi e territori d'oltremare all'Unione europea. Con voto favorevole si conviene nel modificare l'allegato I A della decisione 2001/822/CE del Consiglio allo scopo di introdurre Saint-Barthélemy come 26° paese e territorio d'oltremare associato all'Unione europea, permettendo così alla predetta isola di rafforzare i rapporti con i restanti paesi d'oltremare e contribuendo a una migliore diffusione dei valori e degli scambi europei.

 
  
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  Marc Tarabella (S&D ), par écrit . – À partir du moment où aucune atteinte aux intérêts de l'Union n'est détectée et que ce changement de statut répond aux besoins et spécificités du territoire de Saint-Barthélemy, les liens avec l'Union européenne restent intacts: il n'y a pas la moindre raison de refuser le texte du rapporteur. De plus, ce changement de statut permettra à Saint-Barthélemy de renforcer ses relations avec les acteurs régionaux, et notamment les pays et territoires d'outre-mer, les pays ACP et les régions ultrapériphériques de la Caraïbe, et ainsi de contribuer à une meilleure diffusion du modèle et des valeurs européennes.

 
  
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  Nuno Teixeira (PPE ), por escrito . Ao abrigo do artigo 355.º, n.º 6, do Tratado sobre o Funcionamento da União Europeia, o Conselho Europeu, por iniciativa do Estado-Membro interessado, pode adotar uma decisão que altere o estatuto perante a União de um dos países ou territórios ultramarinos referidos nesse artigo. A República Francesa solicitou ao Conselho Europeu que tomasse uma decisão desse teor relativamente à ilha de São Bartolomeu, para que o estatuto desta passe de região ultraperiférica a país e território ultramarino associado à União Europeia. Por concordar com a possibilidade de estes territórios poderem optar por tornar-se RUP ou país e território ultramarino, escolhendo o estatuto que lhes for mais adequado, votei a favor da posição do Parlamento Europeu.

 
  
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  Angelika Werthmann (NI ), in writing . − I believe that this change in status satisfies the needs and special characteristics of the territory of Saint-Barthelemy without prejudicing the interest of the European Union, and therefore I supported it with my vote.

 
  
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  Jacek Włosowicz (EFD ), na piśmie . − W pełni zgadzam się z decyzją zmieniającą status francuskiego terytorium zamorskiego Saint-Barthélemy. Zmiana ta odpowiada potrzebom i specyfice terytorium tej wyspy. Saint-Barthélemy stanie się w ten sposób 26. krajem i terytorium zamorskim stowarzyszonym z Unią Europejską. Przyjmując status kraju i terytorium zamorskiego, wyspa zaangażuje się w nowe wzajemne i trwałe partnerstwo z Unią Europejską, utrzyma euro jako własną walutę, a obywatele tego kraju pozostają obywatelami europejskimi. Utrzymane zostaną związki z Unią Europejską.

 
  
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  Marina Yannakoudakis (ECR ), in writing . − This report recommends the change of status of Saint-Barthélemy from an outermost region to a territory associated with the European Union. This means that Saint-Barthélemy will join the eleven British territories associated with the European Union, including the Falkland Islands, South Georgia and the Sandwich islands.

Saint Barthélemy, like the Falkland Islands and other British territories in the South Atlantic, traces its ties with Europe back to the seventeenth century. While not part of the EU, these territories are indivisibly linked to Europe. This report is about providing support to the various territories associated with the EU. I certainly support the Falkland Islanders in the face of recent aggressive threats from Argentina, and as we mark the twentieth anniversary of repelling an Argentine invasion it is vital that we continue to defend the overseas countries and territories that have constitutional ties with our Member States, including the Falklands.

 
  
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  Iva Zanicchi (PPE ), per iscritto . − Con il voto di oggi l'isola caraibica di Saint-Barthélemy diventa il 26esimo territorio d'oltremare associato all'Unione europea: tuttavia l'euro resterà la valuta ufficiale ed i suoi abitanti continueranno ad essere considerati europei. L'adozione del nuovo status porterà vantaggi soprattutto economici e politici, permettendo all'isola di Saint-Barthélemy di rafforzare le relazioni con gli altri territori d'oltremare, i paesi ACP e le regioni ultraperiferiche dei Caraibi, contribuendo così a una migliore diffusione del modello e dei valori europei.

 
  
  

Relazione: François Alfonsi (A7-0219/2012 )

 
  
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  Luís Paulo Alves (S&D ), por escrito . Aprovo a presente proposta, considerando que as estratégias macrorregionais podem trazer enormes benefícios para as regiões, o que envolve também diversos Estados-Membros e respetivas regiões, tendo sido um bom exemplo o caso das estratégias do Danúbio e do Mar Báltico. Considero, sem dúvida, que este tipo de estratégia resulta, mas por outro lado, a União Europeia deve reforçar uma governação a vários níveis em todos os seus procedimentos institucionais, não só apenas enquadradas nas estratégias, mas na generalidade das ações políticas, de modo a facilitar a criação de novas estratégias macrorregionais, como é o caso da possível estratégia do Atlântico que poderá trazer enormes vantagens para as regiões. No caso específico do Mediterrâneo, tal como o relator refere, o facto de diversos Estados e regiões partilharem a mesma bacia, ambiente natural e a sua ligação histórica ao longo da costa poderá vir a trazer grandes proveitos não só nas sinergias a serem criadas entre os Estados-Membros da União Europeia, como também com os Estados vizinhos.

 
  
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  Χαράλαμπος Αγγουράκης (GUE/NGL ), γραπτώς . – Το ΚΚΕ καταψήφισε την έκθεση του Ευρωκοινοβουλίου για την εξέλιξη των μακροπεριφερειακών στρατηγικών στην Μεσόγειο, καθώς κινείται στην αντιδραστική κατεύθυνση της ενίσχυσης των ευρωενωσιακών μονοπωλίων στην λεκάνη της Μεσογείου. Η πρόταση για την δημιουργία μακροπεριφερειακής ζώνης συνεργασίας στην περιοχή Αδριατικής - Ιουνίου δεν αφορά την "χρηματοδότηση δράσεων" για την κάλυψη των λαϊκών αναγκών των εργαζομένων στην περιοχή, άλλα την εμβάθυνση της ενιαίας καπιταλιστικής αγοράς στα νησιά, την ενίσχυση των μεγάλων επιχειρηματικών ομίλων με ζεστό χρήμα από τα κοινοτικά ταμεία, δηλαδή με χρήματα των εργαζομένων. Ενισχύει την πολιτική και οικονομική επέμβαση της ΕΕ στην περιοχή των Δυτικών Βαλκανίων και Βορείου Αφρικής χρησιμοποιώντας ως πρόσχημα την δημοκρατία και τα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα. Η έκθεση, πιστή στην πολιτική της ΕΕ, δεν προτείνει ενίσχυση με πρόσθετους πόρους, αλλά στοχευμένη κατεύθυνση της χρηματοδότησης σε έργα υψηλής κερδοφορίας για το κεφάλαιο που, και περιορισμένες θέσεις εργασίας δημιουργούν και προσωρινές, οι οποίες χάνονται με το τέλος των έργων. Για μία ακόμη φορά κερδισμένοι θα είναι οι μεγάλοι μονοπωλιακοί όμιλοι και μεγάλοι χαμένοι οι εργαζόμενοι που καλούνται με τις δικές τους θυσίες να στηρίξουν και να αυγαταίνουν τα κέρδη της πλουτοκρατίας

 
  
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  Antonello Antinoro (PPE ), per iscritto . − Le macro-strategie regionali mettono insieme un approccio coerente per la cooperazione territoriale, soddisfano la domanda di investimenti in Europa su una base territoriale in modo nuovo. Aiutano a ricostruire collegamenti e cooperazione. La relazione sostiene le macrostrategie regionali basate sul principio della governance multilivello, al fine di garantire la collaborazione tra enti locali, regionali e nazionali. Chiede un maggiore livello di coordinamen-to tra i diversi fondi e invita la Commissione a riflettere sul futuro di un approccio macro regionale in Europa, individuando le zone prioritarie che devono essere coinvolte nelle nuove strategie, soprattutto quando c'è mancanza di cooperazione tra territori limitrofi, che in diverse gli Stati membri è evidente. A questo proposito, accolgo con favore l'attuazione di una strategia macroregionale per il bacino del Mediterraneo.

 
  
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  Pino Arlacchi (S&D ), in writing . − I voted for this resolution to sustain the great opportunity represented by the EU macro-regional strategies. First of all, macro-regional strategies frame the EU’s neighbourhood policies in a way that encourages renewed dialogue and new prospects for territorial cooperation projects supported by cohesion policy. The Baltic Sea strategy is a perfect example of that. When it comes to the Mediterranean, we must consider that the entire basin shares the same natural environment, and its shores are connected by the same history and culture. In terms of developing potential, maritime traffic must be placed at the heart of a transport strategy for the whole area, particularly for goods. A macro-regional strategy can provide tailored responses to these objectives. The Mediterranean, due to its 500 million inhabitants (less than one-third of whom live within the European Union), represents the main ‘neighbourhood prospect’ for Europe. For this reason I believe that a development dynamic based around the Mediterranean could drive forward the whole European economy.

 
  
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  Sophie Auconie (PPE ), par écrit . – Certaines régions regroupent des pays qui partagent le même environnement naturel et une même réalité historique et culturelle. L'Europe a donc élaboré des stratégies macro-régionales qui ouvrent des perspectives nouvelles aux projets de coopération territoriale. Ces stratégies sont d’ailleurs soutenues par la politique de cohésion, un des plus beaux outils de l'Union européenne ! J'ai ainsi approuvé les stratégies de ce rapport qui peuvent contribuer à la réalisation des objectifs de l'Union européenne et assurer une meilleure coordination entre les programmes régionaux et les objectifs de la stratégie Europe 2020.

 
  
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  Zigmantas Balčytis (S&D ), raštu . − Balsavau už šį pranešimą dėl naujų ES makroregioninių strategijų vystymo suteikiant naujas galimybes įgyvendinti teritorinio bendradarbiavimo projektus. Regioninės politikos kūrimas yra būtinas siekiant išspręsti ekonomines ir aplinkos problemas bei strateginėmis priemonėmis pasiekti "Europa 2020" išsikeltus tikslus. Pritariu Komisijos siūlymui taikant makroregioninių strategijų metodą kurti Viduržemio jūros strategiją ir kad 2009 m. patvirtinta Baltijos jūros regiono strategija yra puikus pavyzdys tai atlikti. Viduržemio jūros regionas Europai yra svarbiausias kaimyninis regionas, jame gyvena 500 mln. gyventojų, iš kurių trečdalis yra ES, tačiau bendradarbiavimas tarp ES ir šio regiono išlieka gana menkas. Pritariu siūlymui kurti šio regiono makroregioninę strategiją, nes jam dinamiškai besivystant, būtų skatinama ir visos Europos ekonomika.

 
  
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  Jean-Luc Bennahmias (ALDE ), par écrit . – À travers les exemples de la mer Baltique et du Danube, il apparaît clairement que les stratégies macro-régionales, nouvelles formes de coopération territoriale, ont contribué à améliorer l’efficacité des politiques de développement régional de l’Union et à renforcer les synergies entre régions et États. L'UE doit urgemment ouvrir de telles perspectives pour la Méditerranée, espace vital pour l'avenir de l'Europe. La mise en œuvre d'une stratégie macro-régionale pour le bassin méditerranéen permettrait en effet d'offrir une perspective commune pour aborder les défis auxquels doivent faire face les pays méditerranéens et de structurer cet espace essentiel au développement et à l'intégration de l'Europe. Après l'échec de l'Union pour la Méditerranée, il serait temps de donner un signal porteur d’espoir à l’espace méditerranéen dans son ensemble, actuellement traversé par la crise mais aussi bouleversé par les révolutions successives du côté Sud de la Méditerranée. Le Parlement européen ayant massivement exprimé son soutien à cette initiative en Méditerranée et entendant en faire une priorité politique, il appartient désormais à la Commission d'y apporter son concours et à Chypre de mettre à profit sa présidence pour avancer dans ce sens et poser les bases de cette stratégie.

 
  
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  Mara Bizzotto (EFD ), per iscritto . − Voto a favore della la relazione del collega Alfonsi che, costatando e valorizzando l'innegabile esistenza di un sistema storico-culturale che accomuna i paesi del Mediterraneo, mira a costituire un'infrastruttura politica e di servizi comuni suddivisa in macroregioni (Mediterraneo occidentale, Mediterraneo centrale, Mediterraneo orientale), che permetterebbe il crearsi di una sinergia capace di dare un input nuovo e più forte al coordinamento fra Stati membri e una distribuzione e reinvestimento delle risorse più efficace.

 
  
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  Vilija Blinkevičiūtė (S&D ), raštu . − Balsavau dėl šio pranešimo, kadangi makroregioninės strategijos suteikia naujas galimybes įgyvendinti teritorinio bendradarbiavimo projektus, remiamus vykdant sanglaudos politiką. Rengiant kelis makroregionų projektus padaryta gana didelė pažanga. Baltijos jūros regiono makroregioninė strategija patvirtinta 2009 m. ir aptardama šią strategiją Komisija pabrėžė „tokio naujo bendradarbiavimo“ naudą. Šiuo metu vyksta Viduržemio jūros šalių sąjungos raida ir didėja šios sąjungos galimybės tapti regiono varomąja jėga. Viduržemio jūros regionas atliko pagrindinį geopolitinį vaidmenį Europos istorijoje. Tačiau Europos Sąjungoje Viduržemio jūros regionas yra per mažai organizuotas. Pastebimi labai menki bendradarbiavimo ir tarpusavio ryšių palaikymo rezultatai. Ne Europos Sąjungoje gyvenančių Viduržemio jūros regiono pakrančių gyventojų gyvenimo lygis labai blogėja visais aspektais: ekonominiu, socialiniu, ekologiniu ir politiniu. Šios visuomenės privalo vystytis ir toks vystymasis yra naudingas Europai. Europa būtų saugesnė, tinkamiau kontroliuotų imigrantų srautus ir tiesiogiai dalyvautų augimo zonos veikloje, o tai darytų teigiamą įtaką jos pačios ekonomikos rezultatams. Taigi taikant makroregioninių strategijų metodą būtų galima priimti sprendimą dėl bendro projekto šioje Sąjungos ateičiai labai svarbioje teritorijoje, siekiant įveikti dabartinę krizę ir patenkinti visų Viduržemio jūros regiono kaimynių, visų pirma pietinės pakrantės šalių gyventojų, lūkesčius.

 
  
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  Sebastian Valentin Bodu (PPE ), în scris . − Strategiile macroregionale joacă un rol important în UE deoarece deschid perspective noi pentru proiectele de cooperare teritorială finanțate prin politica de coeziune. Pentru a se evita proiectele care nu aduc o contribuție importantă la dezvoltarea macroregiunilor, consider că elaborarea strategiilor trebuie să se bazeze pe consultări ample, care să definească, cât mai clar posibil, problemele identificate pe teren.

O etapă importantă este faza de pre-elaborare, atunci când se vor identifica principalele axe strategice și se vor defini bazele viitoarei guvernanțe. Dacă nu acordăm o importanţă sporită acestei etape, există șanse ca viitoarele proiectele să nu rezolve problemele identificate, iar implementarea lor să se realizeze dificil. Pe lângă macroregiunea Mării Baltice, o altă macroregiune a cărei strategie va contribui la îmbunătăţirea condiţiilor de viaţă şi de muncă a milioane de cetățeni europeni este macroregiunea Dunării. Această strategie va crea o platformă de dialog autentică între cele 14 state riverane.

 
  
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  Philippe Boulland (PPE ), par écrit . – J'ai voté en faveur du rapport relatif à "l'évolution des stratégies macro-régionales de l'UE : pratiques actuelles et perspectives d'avenir, notamment en Méditerranée". J'estime que les stratégies macro-régionales européennes constituent de bonnes perspectives pour des projets de coopération avec les territoires entourant la mer Baltique. En effet, ce rapport souligne l'intérêt qu'a l'Union à poursuivre la stratégie de la politique de cohésion en particulier dans le domaine de la coopération intersectorielle. Par ailleurs, il me semble important de définir plus précisément des projets qui répondent aux besoins locaux des populations baltes.

 
  
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  John Bufton (EFD ), in writing . − The creation of new "macro-regions” to establish macro-regional identity equates to "social and financial engineering." It allows Brussels to increase funding for regions who are unable to comply, or spend/invest responsibly and would include funding for Maghreb countries, which are already benefiting from EU Neighbourhood policy and the EU Mediterranean Association pact and who, in my opinion, should not become automatic recipients of EU funding derived from EU taxpayers during times of such financial difficulty. It enables the EU to spread its scope and power via handouts, not passed by the public. In the light of these proposals we are likely to expect an Atlantic strategy, Carpathian strategy, Balkan strategy, and so on, representing a large cost to EU member states without prior consultation.

 
  
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  Alain Cadec (PPE ), par écrit . – J'ai voté pour l'adoption de ce rapport qui met en avant la nécessité de développer, à l'échelle de l'Union européenne, des stratégies macro-régionales. En tant que rapporteur sur la Stratégie Atlantique pour le Parlement européen, je partage la vision du rapporteur sur la nécessité de suivre une approche plurisectorielle. Il me semble important de soutenir et développer les projets de coopération territoriale. Ces derniers sont pertinents car ils permettent de répondre aux problématiques locales plus efficacement. Je soutiens par ailleurs l'initiative visant à développer une stratégie macro-régionale en Méditerranée. Cela est bienvenu après le "Printemps arabe" et la transition démocratique de certains pays de la rive sud de la Méditerranée.

 
  
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  Maria Da Graça Carvalho (PPE ), por escrito . Votei favoravelmente o presente relatório por considerar que: deve ser apoiada a implementação de uma estratégia macrorregional para a bacia mediterrânica de modo a fornecer um plano de ação para a abordagem dos desafios comuns e problemáticos com que se deparam os países e as regiões mediterrânicas; igualmente os principais domínios de intervenção para uma macrorregião mediterrânica devem incluir redes de energia, cooperação científica e inovação, redes de cultura, educação e formação, proteção ambiental, transportes marítimos sustentáveis, proteção e segurança marítimas e proteção do ambiente marinho contra a poluição, sobrepesca e pesca ilegal, através da criação de uma rede integrada de sistemas de informação e vigilância para as atividades marítimas, do reforço da boa governação e de uma administração pública eficaz, de modo a fomentar a criação de emprego.

 
  
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  David Casa (PPE ), in writing . − Macro-regional strategies promote development based on groups of territorial location. This is logical because states in the same region share certain historical and cultural bonds that can be instrumental for cooperation. Because macro-regional strategies are to the mutual benefit of all parties implicated and the Mediterranean would profit greatly from such a scheme, in regards to the economy as well as social and environmental issues, I have voted in favour of this resolution.

 
  
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  Andrea Cozzolino (S&D ), per iscritto . − Il bacino del Mediterraneo condivide un medesimo ambiente naturale, e una medesima realtà storica e culturale ne lega le sponde. Il sud dell'Europa è ricco di grandi potenzialità, che non possono essere valorizzate senza coordinamento o senza una visione. Il "clima mediterraneo" determina ecotipi simili: i prodotti della terra si rassomigliano e, nella loro varietà, costituiscono un'unica gamma di prodotti. Allo stesso tempo anche le problematiche ambientali sono ovunque le stesse. La biodiversità mediterranea è, quindi, particolarmente ricca, ma è anche altrettanto minacciata. Occorrono risposte adeguate e sinergiche. In seno alla UE, lo spazio Mediterraneo è strutturato troppo debolmente e si registrano scarsi risultati in termini di cooperazione e interconnessione. Inoltre, alle porte della UE, le popolazioni delle rive del Mediterraneo - nonostante gli sviluppo dell'ultimo anno - conoscono ancora livelli di vita inadeguati. Lo sviluppo di queste società è una necessità per loro stesse e un'opportunità per l'Europa. Quest'ultima conquisterebbe una maggiore sicurezza, un controllo più "sostenibile" dei flussi d'immigrazione e la partecipazione diretta a un'area in crescita, con effetti positivi sulle proprie prestazioni economiche. Per questo e per molto altro è importante sostenere la realizzazione di una macroregione del mediterraneo.

 
  
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  Corina Creţu (S&D ), în scris . − Am votat pentru, deoarece, în afara UE, populaţiile care locuiesc în regiunea mediteraneană au standarde de viaţă extrem de scăzute pe toate planurile: economic, social, ecologic şi politic. Pentru aceste societăţi, dezvoltarea lor este o cerinţă esenţială, iar pentru Europa este o oportunitate, deoarece s-ar putea traduce printr-o mai mare securitate, un control mai „sustenabil” al fluxurilor de imigraţie şi participarea directă la această zonă de creştere. Toate acestea ar avea un impact pozitiv asupra performanţelor propriei sale economii. Astfel, evenimentele din primăvara anului trecut care au avut loc pe ţărmul sudic al Mediteranei reprezintă un stimulent puternic pentru dezvoltarea de noi politici active de vecinătate. Încorporându-le, cel puţin parţial, într-o strategie macroregională, ele ar putea căpăta o dimensiune teritorială concretă, garantând o eficacitate sporită. Statele membre şi regiunile UE din spaţiul mediteranean trebuie să se angajeze într-un demers de cooperare consolidată, care trebuie deschisă tuturor partenerilor din acest spaţiu esenţial pentru viitorul Europei. Strategia macroregională este cea mai bună modalitate de a realiza acest obiectiv.

 
  
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  Mário David (PPE ), por escrito . Foi com satisfação que verifiquei que este relatório de iniciativa na Comissão do Desenvolvimento Regional se encaixava perfeitamente na Estratégia anteriormente definida por este Parlamento para a Politica Europeia de Vizinhança (PEV), da qual fui o relator na Comissão AFET. Ao destacar a importância da Bacia Mediterrânica enquanto espaço de cooperação descentralizado e mais abrangente no que diz respeito ao reforço da tomada de decisões transregionais/partilha de boas práticas, propõe o desenvolvimento de uma estratégia macrorregional para a bacia mediterrânica (à semelhança da estratégia para o báltico por exemplo) num quadro mais amplo que inclua o Mediterrâneo ocidental, o Adriático e o Mediterrâneo oriental. Considera ainda que se poderá levar a cabo uma política global para toda a bacia mediterrânica, que complemente as prioridades definidas pelas organizações regionais e internacionais (v.g. a União para o Mediterrâneo) e aplicar boas práticas suscetíveis de contribuir para a realização dos objetivos das Estratégias da UE. O enfoque na participação da sociedade civil, os princípios/áreas de atuação a desenvolver e a aprofundar e a atualização da abordagem das migrações em face da "Primavera Árabe" parecem-me ser igualmente um excelente complemento aos dois Relatórios sobre a PEV dos quais fui relator no Parlamento Europeu.

 
  
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  Christine De Veyrac (PPE ), par écrit . – J'ai soutenu ce texte qui encourage le développement de stratégies dites "macrorégionales" afin de coordonner les efforts de plusieurs territoires en vue de résoudre des défis communs. Si l'union fait la force, le Parlement européen veillera au respect d’une gestion responsable des fonds européens, en évitant que ces stratégies macrorégionales ne deviennent de grands "machins budgétivores", selon les termes du rapporteur. Souhaitons que le principe de responsabilité, décliné ici en règles des trois "non" (non à de nouvelles dépenses, à un nouveau "machin institutionnel" et à de nouvelles réglementations) et des trois "oui" (oui à la complémentarité des financements, à la coordination des systèmes institutionnels et à l’ouverture de nouveaux projets), s’applique désormais à l’ensemble des politiques de l’Union européenne.

 
  
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  Göran Färm, Anna Hedh, Olle Ludvigsson, Jens Nilsson, Marita Ulvskog och Åsa Westlund (S&D ), skriftlig . − Vi svenska socialdemokrater i Europaparlamentet stöder betänkandet om utvecklingen av EU:s makroregionala strategier: erfarenheter och framtidsutsikter, framförallt för Medelhavsområdet. Vi är positivt inställda till makroregionala strategier som verktyg för att främja EU:s territoriella sammanhållning och utveckling. Däremot stöder vi inte skrivningarna om att höja tröskelvärdena för de minimistöden till öar. Vi anser heller inte att omfattningen av de minimistöden skall utökas inom transportsektorn, eller till att också omfatta jordbruks- och fiskesektorerna.

 
  
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  Diogo Feio (PPE ), por escrito . As macrorregiões, das quais a do Báltico é a primeira, são consequências lógicas da interdependência crescente dos países e das suas características semelhantes ou comuns, tendo subjacente uma pertença a um determinado espaço geográfico e cultural que, se transcende fronteiras, não deixa, ainda assim, de ser delimitado em virtude destas. A abordagem macrorregional permite fazer face a problemas comuns, atacar problemas partilhados, promover a coesão e buscar soluções cujos efeitos possam beneficiar todos os intervenientes bem como dar à União Europeia uma visão de conjunto que lhe permita desenvolver mais adequadamente a sua ação. Creio que esta opção, se for bem gerida e capazmente articulada com os Estados, respeitando a sua soberania e promovendo e respeitando as suas especificidades, poderá ser replicada com sucesso em diversas áreas. O Mediterrâneo, pelo tempo atribulado que atravessa, deve merecer por parte da União um envolvimento inteligente e a busca de soluções estabilizadoras que envolvam ambas as suas margens.

 
  
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  José Manuel Fernandes (PPE ), por escrito . À semelhança das estratégias macrorregionais para outras áreas geográficas da Europa, como a bacia do Danúbio e o mar Báltico, são agora apresentadas as estratégias macrorregionais para o Mediterrâneo, mais concretamente para a zona dos mares Adriático e Jónico. A experiência levada a cabo com a implementação da macrorregião báltica demonstra que se trata de uma iniciativa boa e potenciadora de desenvolvimento para os povos dessas regiões. A política económica da União Europeia assenta na cooperação regional. Torna-se, pois, evidente – sobretudo após a denominada ‘Primavera Árabe' – ser de todo o interesse manter boas relações com os povos do Mediterrâneo sul e potenciar o desenvolvimento comercial e turístico mediante o aproveitamento dos recursos existentes, nomeadamente, o tráfego marítimo e as energias sustentáveis. Além disso, é uma excelente oportunidade de promoção da coesão interregional e de fortalecimento das relações entre os povos. Votei favoravelmente o relatório do colega François Alfonsi sobre as estratégias macrorregionais da UE para o Mediterrâneo e faço votos para que, com o apoio do próximo quadro financeiro plurianual, a UE continue a colaborar no processo de democratização dos países africanos da bacia do Mediterrâneo de modo a conseguir mais estabilidade e um maior crescimento económico na região.

 
  
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  João Ferreira (GUE/NGL ), por escrito . Acreditamos que é fundamental a promoção de políticas que promovam uma efetiva coesão económica e social na União Europeia, para mais numa situação de profunda crise estrutural e de grandes desigualdades sociais e assimetrias regionais. A promoção da coesão pode e deve envolver a cooperação entre países e regiões com afinidades diversas, que preveja intervenções no território tendentes a preservar o equilíbrio ecológico e a promover um desenvolvimento justo, equilibrado e sustentável. Esta visão é, em parte, incluída no relatório e na abordagem que faz às estratégias macrorregionais. Todavia, a UE subverte com frequência o conceito de coesão, nomeadamente através da renacionalização dos custos das políticas comunitárias, da insuficiência de verbas destinadas à coesão ou da condicionalidade imposta, amarrando os países a estratégias (como a EU 2020) cujos propósitos e objetivos são contraditórios com a desejada coesão. Este relatório apresenta um rol de intenções que valorizamos, mas não podemos deixar de assinalar a nossa preocupação em relação a estes pontos. Além disso, temos sérias reservas relativamente a alguns pontos do relatório, que se aproximam da visão da UE como potência hegemónica na região do Mediterrâneo, denotando indisfarçáveis ambições imperiais.

 
  
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  Monika Flašíková Beňová (S&D ), písomne Makroregión Baltského mora vytvorený v roku 2009 zoskupuje súvislý celok území, ktorých poslaním je spolupráca s cieľom lepšie riešiť hospodárske a environmentálne problémy, ktoré v nich vznikajú. Táto spolupráca vznikla vo forme makroregionálnej stratégie určenej na koordináciu už platnej silnej odvetvovej spolupráce postavenej na štyroch pilieroch – životnom prostredí, prosperite, dostupnosti a bezpečnosti – a na akčnom pláne zameranom na 15 priorít a 80 hlavných projektov. Makroregionálne stratégie otvárajú nové perspektívy pre projekty územnej spolupráce, ktoré sú podporované politikou súdržnosti. Môžu dopĺňať veľké stratégie Únie, ako sú transeurópske siete dopravy alebo integrovaná námorná politika. Môžu priniesť lepší súlad s regionálnymi programami a cieľmi stratégie 2020 Európskeho parlamentu. Stredomorská oblasť má rovnaké prírodné prostredie, pričom celé jej pobrežie spája rovnaká história a kultúra. Na juhu Európy existuje silný potenciál, ktorý sa nemôže zhodnotiť bez koordinácie a uceleného pohľadu, ktoré môžu vzniknúť vďaka vymedzeniu makroregionálnej stratégie. Dynamický rozvoj Stredozemia môže byť hnacou silou pre celé európske hospodárstvo. Som toho názoru, že európske štáty a regióny v oblasti Stredozemia sa musia zapojiť do procesu užšej spolupráce. Ten zároveň musí byť otvorený všetkým partnerom v tomto priestore, ktorý je pre budúcnosť Európy veľmi dôležitý. Práve makroregionálna stratégia je prostriedkom, ako to dosiahnuť.

 
  
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  Elisabetta Gardini (PPE ), per iscritto . − Le macroregioni rispondono ai criteri di semplificazione e coordinamento a cui l'Unione europea ispira da sempre la propria politica regionale. Accomunati dalla vicinanza geografica, Stati membri, regioni ed enti locali trovano nella macroregione la cornice istituzionale ideale per interagire, con l'obiettivo di risolvere problematiche comuni e di attuare politiche condivise. E' importante che un'opportunità simile venga concessa anche ai soggetti operanti nel bacino del Mediterraneo, la cui importanza turistica, commerciale ed economica è evidente a tutti. Purtroppo, nel quadro europeo l'area mediterranea non gode di una struttura all'altezza, con il risultato che vi si registrano scarsi risultati in termini di cooperazione ed interconnessione. La suddivisione del Mediterraneo in tre grandi macroregioni (occidentale, adriatico-ionica ed orientale) aumenterebbe non solo la coerenza e l'operatività delle politiche mediterranee, ma favorirebbe anche un coordinamento maggiore tra i diversi strumenti d'intervento a disposizione dell'UE. La creazione di una macroregione mediterranea rappresenta dunque un'occasione per l'intera area mediterranea di intraprendere politiche coordinate in un'ottica di sviluppo e crescita: sarebbe un errore per l'Unione europea non concedergliela.

 
  
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  Bruno Gollnisch (NI ), par écrit . – Nouvelle lubie de l'Europe de Bruxelles : la macro-région européenne. Enfin, macro certainement, mais "européenne", il faut voir. Car la macro-région a pour but de regrouper des régions (et non des États) autour d'un projet commun (une mer, un fleuve, etc.), même si lesdites régions ne sont pas partie d'un État membre de l'Union. Le but est d'encourager, bien évidemment, le court-circuitage des États nations et de promouvoir le flou des frontières extérieures. Au motif que l'on ne peut laisser la création de telles entités à des initiatives spontanées, voilà qu'on demande à la Commission de recenser toutes les macro-régions possibles. Et bien sûr d'encourager leur création. Du coup, le rapport de M. Alfonsi propose deux macro-régions en Méditerranée, regroupant donc des zones du nord et du sud de cette mer. Prélude à l'inclusion de ces pays, aujourd'hui pour la plupart menacés par l'intégrisme musulman, dans le marché unique européen et la libre-circulation des personnes entre les deux rives. Et après, ce sera quoi ? Une "macro-région" atlantique, pour favoriser la mise en œuvre du grand marché transatlantique ? Il faut arrêter ces dérives !

 
  
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  Brice Hortefeux (PPE ), par écrit . – Mardi 3 juillet, le Parlement a approuvé à une vaste majorité le rapport sur les stratégies macrorégionales de l'Union européenne. Cette forme unique de coopération a déjà fait ses preuves dans la mer Baltique qui sert désormais de cadre de référence à d'autres initiatives comme la stratégie lancée il y a un an dans le Danube ou le projet d'une stratégie à l'échelle de la Méditerranée. Cette stratégie sort du schéma de la coopération traditionnelle à l'échelle nationale ou régionale car elle associe tous les acteurs institutionnels et les partenaires comme les universités, les centres de recherche et les organisations régionales d'un espace plus large qui se trouve confronté à des défis territoriaux communs en matière environnementale, économique, migratoire et culturelle. L'élaboration d'une stratégie dans la Méditerranée se trouve pleinement justifiée par l'existence de caractéristiques et de problématiques communes et les politiques européennes pourraient être mises en œuvre plus efficacement à cette échelle. Ce rapport propose des recommandations utiles pour les stratégies futures en tirant les leçons de l'expérience en mer Baltique. Nous avons là un dispositif intéressant à exploiter et c'est pour cette raison que j'ai décidé de soutenir ce rapport.

 
  
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  Juozas Imbrasas (EFD ), raštu . − Balsavau už šį dokumentą, nes makroregioninės strategijos suteikia naujas galimybes įgyvendinti teritorinio bendradarbiavimo projektus, remiamus vykdant sanglaudos politiką. Šiomis strategijomis gali būti papildytos pagrindinės Bendrijos strategijos, pavyzdžiui, transeuropinių transporto tinklų arba integruotos jūrų politikos. Įgyvendinant jas galima geriau derinti regionines programas ir Europos Parlamento tikslus, nurodytus strategijoje „Europa 2020“. Europos Sąjungoje Viduržemio jūros regionas yra per mažai organizuotas. Pastebimi labai menki bendradarbiavimo ir tarpusavio ryšių palaikymo rezultatai. Viduržemio jūros regionui priklausančios Europos valstybės ir regionai turi pradėti glaudžiau bendradarbiauti ir suteikti galimybę bendradarbiauti visiems šio regiono, kuris labai svarbus Europos ateičiai, partneriams. Makroregioninė strategija-tai priemonė, kuriai turi būti teikiama pirmenybė siekiant šio tikslo.

 
  
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  Philippe Juvin (PPE ), par écrit . – Le Parlement européen a adopté à une large majorité le rapport de mon collègue François Alfonsi, et je m'en félicite. Ce rapport vise à établir un état des lieux des pratiques actuelles dans le cadre des stratégies macrorégionales de l'Union européenne afin d'en définir les perspectives. Dans ce contexte, il est nécessaire de donner un cadre de référence pertinent à la politique de cohésion et d'encourager la coopération intersectorielle. La stratégie macrorégionale en Méditerranée présente un fort potentiel, non seulement par l'environnement naturel commun, mais aussi à travers une histoire et une culture partagées. Pour cette raison, un point d'honneur doit être mis au renforcement de la dimension méridionale de la politique européenne de voisinage, en garantissant une meilleure gestion des flux migratoires.

 
  
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  Michał Tomasz Kamiński (ECR ), na piśmie . − Strategie makroregionalne otwierają nowe perspektywy dla projektów współpracy terytorialnej opartych na polityce spójności i oferują skuteczniejsze rozwiązania problemów gospodarczych i środowiskowych występujących w danym obszarze. Pozytywne skutki tej strategii możemy odnotować w utworzonym w 2009 r. makroregionie Morza Bałtyckiego. Sądzę, że podobnie powinno być także na południu Europy. Pamiętajmy, że region Morza Śródziemnego zamieszkiwany jest przez 500 mln obywateli, z czego zaledwie jedna trzecia znajduje się na terenie Unii Europejskiej. Dlatego (nie zapominając jak ważny jest region Morza Bałtyckiego) musimy także na południu wspierać strategię makroregionalną, która jest środkiem najbardziej sprzyjającym osiągnięciu współpracy państw Morza Śródziemnego. Uważam, że dynamika rozwoju wokół Morza Śródziemnego może stanowić siłę napędową dla całej gospodarki europejskiej. Dlatego głosowałem za przyjęciem tego sprawozdania.

 
  
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  Giovanni La Via (PPE ), per iscritto . − La casistica delle strategie macroregionali dell’UE ha portato risultati positivi – è il caso del Baltico – e si pone, senza dubbio, come una delle best practice europee nell’ambito della cooperazione interistituzionale. La relazione del collega Alfonsi, cui ho espresso voto favorevole, mira a sviluppare tale strategia e ad implementarla in quei territori in cui la cooperazione ha mostrato segnali di cedimento. L’applicazione della strategia macroregionale al bacino del Mediterraneo è sicuramente funzionale a colmare il gap di comunicazione sui diversi livelli istituzionali ed è volta a garantire un miglior processo di partecipazione al fine di incrementare lo sviluppo del territorio cui si rivolge. Occorre, quindi, lavorare affinché tali strategie risultino sempre più efficaci ed efficienti nella loro applicazione programmatica.

 
  
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  Petru Constantin Luhan (PPE ), în scris . − Importanţa strategiilor deja elaborate, precum cea a Mării Baltice sau a Dunării, a constat în faptul că acestea au reprezentat atât un cadru integrat de abordare a provocărilor şi oportunităţilor din aceasta regiune, cât şi proiecte-pilot pentru viitoarele strategii macroregionale. Având în vedere succesul acestora, consider că Uniunea Europeană poate utiliza aceste modele în elaborarea viitoarelor strategii. Pe lângă zona Mării Mediterane, amintită în acest raport, doresc să dau şi exemplul regiunii Mării Negre, care are o importanţă strategică recunoscută, dată de resursele naturale foarte bogate şi de o piaţă potenţială de peste 350 de milioane de consumatori.

Din nefericire, cooperarea la Marea Neagră deţine un loc destul de modest în planurile actuale ale Uniunii Europene, însă consider că UE ar trebui să aibă un rol semnificativ în această regiune, prin creionarea unei Strategii europene pentru Marea Neagră. O eventuală strategie va genera beneficii însemnate nu numai statelor din bazinul Mării Negre, ci și întregii Uniuni, creând astfel o adevărată punte între Europa și Asia.

 
  
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  Elżbieta Katarzyna Łukacijewska (PPE ), na piśmie . − Wprowadzenie strategii makroregionalnych stwarza wiele możliwości. Przyczyniają się one do szybszego rozwoju terytorialnego, zwiększają spójność społeczną i gospodarczą, koncentrują się na wyzwaniach i problemach danego regionu oraz uwydatniają rolę powiązań między obszarami miejskimi i wiejskimi.

Stanowią one także innowacyjną formę międzyregionalnej i ponadnarodowej współpracy europejskiej, która przyczynia się do zwiększenia spójności i koordynacji działań politycznych w różnych sektorach, wspiera tworzenie nowych miejsc pracy oraz zapewnia trwały wzrost. Strategie makroregionalne to wreszcie nawiązanie owocnych i konkretnych relacji w polityce sąsiedztwa UE, wymiana dobrych praktyk oraz postęp oparty na rozwoju terytorialnym.

Jestem ogromną zwolenniczką tworzenia nowych strategii makroregionalnych i mam nadzieję, że w niedalekiej przyszłości powstaną nowe makroregiony, w tym Euroregion Karpacki. Dlatego głosowałam za przyjęciem sprawozdania przygotowanego przez posła François Alfonsiego. Dziekuję.

 
  
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  David Martin (S&D ), in writing . − I voted for this Report. Macro-regional strategies offer new prospects for territorial cooperation projects supported by cohesion policy. They can assist the broad EU strategies such as trans-European transport networks or the integrated maritime policy. They can ensure better coordination between regional programmes and the objectives of the Europe 2020 strategy.

 
  
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  Véronique Mathieu (PPE ), par écrit . – J'ai voté en faveur du rapport sur "l'évolution des stratégies macro-régionales de l'UE : pratiques actuelles et perspectives d'avenir, notamment en Méditerranée", qui reconnaît la valeur ajoutée de la stratégie macro-régionale de la mer Baltique et de ces stratégies en général. Les stratégies macro-régionales permettent de mettre en relation les autorités compétentes de plusieurs États membres afin de définir des cadres similaires pour un même espace montagneux, maritime, etc. Grâce à ces stratégies, les investissements peuvent être partagés par les différents acteurs, les priorités peuvent être coordonnées et permettent de développer les financements régionaux dans une approche intégrée.

 
  
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  Iosif Matula (PPE ), în scris . − Strategiile macroregionale reprezintă noi punți de cooperare teritorială sprijinite prin politica de coeziune a UE. Cu toate că, în prezent, nu există un standard pentru definirea macroregiunilor, ele includ teritorii din mai multe țări sau regiuni administrative, care dețin una sau mai multe caracteristici comune. Strategiile macroregionale au debutat în urmă cu trei ani, cu strategia macroregiunii Mării Baltice, ce și-a stabilit obiectivul de a concentra cooperarea între regiunile statelor din jurul Mării Baltice în domeniile: mediu, prosperitate, accesibilitate și securitate. A urmat strategia macroregiunii Dunării ce cuprinde regiunile din bazinul dunărean cu o populație de peste 100 milioane de locuitori, ce se întinde pe o cincime din suprafața Uniunii.

Inițial, Comisia s-a arătat reticentă pentru susținerea acestor inițiative pe motivul că ar încărca arhitectura administrativă, ar crește cheltuielile și ar fi lipsite de eficacitate. Consider însă că macroregiunile reprezintă o valoare adăugată europeană și pot contribui la implementarea proiectelor transeuropene energetice și de transport. Am susținut acest raport deoarece cooperarea teritorială la nivelul macroregiunilor poate aduce avantaje inițiativelor grupărilor de cooperare teritorială (GECT), asigurând implicarea autorităților locale și regionale, alături de reprezentanții societății civile, în luarea deciziilor în vederea utilizării eficiente a potențialului lor comun.

 
  
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  Ana Miranda (Verts/ALE ), por escrito . Voto a favor deste relatório porque estabelece os princípios básicos que devem reger o processo de política territorial da União Europeia. Os critérios que forem estabelecidos para a região mediterrânica devem ser os mesmos que regem a construção de uma macro região atlântica. 60% da população que vive nas zonas costeiras da Europa reside na costa atlântica. Esta região é formada por 5 Estados-Membros e por mais de 35 entidades subestatais, com diferentes graus de autonomia política, e é fonte de riqueza, de crescimento e de diversidade. Devemos propor, como se faz com a costa mediterrânica, a costa atlântica na sua dimensão marítima, mas também na sua dimensão territorial, que até há pouco tempo lamentavelmente não fazia parte da comunicação da Comissão. A inclusão, por conseguinte, desta conceção regional no desenvolvimento das grandes políticas europeias em matéria de infraestruturas (como a rede transeuropeia de transportes) e marítima gerará grandes benefícios para os cidadãos europeus.

 
  
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  Alexander Mirsky (S&D ), in writing . − I voted in favour because I believe that reinforced cooperation in the Mediterranean area, opened to all partners through a comprehensive macro-regional strategy, is essential for the best use of Structural and Cohesion Funds with more added value for all regions as well as Europe as a whole.

 
  
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  Andreas Mölzer (NI ), schriftlich . Mit der 2009 ins Leben gerufenen Makroregion Ostseeraum sollen die wirtschaftlichen und ökologischen Probleme in dieser Region besser gelöst werden. Basierend auf diesen Erfahrungen wurden gemeinsam vergleichbare Rahmen für die verschiedenen Makroregionen in Europa, die über gemeinsame Merkmale wie Meeresraum, Gebirgsregion, Flussgebiet usw. verfügen, erarbeitet, um damit neue Möglichkeiten für Projekte der territorialen Zusammenarbeit im Rahmen der Kohäsionspolitik zu erschließen. Prinzipiell mögen makroregionale Projekte positiv für die EU-Nachbarschaftspolitik sein, eine eigene makroregionale Strategie erscheint indes nicht nötig. Es besteht die Gefahr, dass lediglich eine „große“ Haushaltsmittel verschlingende und ineffektiv agierende Maschinerie ins Leben gerufen wird. Auch die Argumentation, dass bei der Organisation der Makroregionen eine zwischenstaatliche Lösung unbedingt zu vermeiden sei, ist nicht nachvollziehbar. Ich ziehe spontane Zusammenschlüsse wie sie bisher der Fall waren, etwa auch bei der Donauregion, einem einzementierten Bürokratismus vor und habe daher gegen den Bericht gestimmt.

 
  
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  Claudio Morganti (EFD ), per iscritto . − Ho votato a favore di questa relazione non tanto per la dimensione, pur importante, legata al mar Mediterraneo, quanto piuttosto per il concetto che sta alla base, ovvero il superamento dell'ormai anacronistica partizione legata agli Stati nazionali. La realtà mostra chiaramente come vi siano aree e popoli che presentano molte affinità in comune, pur facendo tuttavia parte di differenti paesi: l'esperienza Baltica è emblematica di quello che può essere un utile processo di aggregazione europea che parte dal basso, un processo cioè che nasce per condividere interessi e sentimenti comuni, e non è imposto dall'alto, come purtroppo è avvenuto troppe volte nella recente storia europea. Facendo riferimento alla dimensione italiana, vi è ad esempio un Mezzogiorno, che può e deve essere interessato a una dimensione macroregionale mediterranea, e un Settentrione che guarda naturalmente all'arco alpino come orizzonte di sviluppo. Lo scorso 29 giugno vi è stato in proposito un incontro a San Gallo tra i presidenti delle regioni alpine di Italia, Svizzera, Francia, Germania e Austria, nel quale sono state gettate le basi per quella che potrebbe costituirsi come la futura macroregione alpina, nella quale dovrebbero tornare ad essere protagonisti i popoli d'Europa, troppo spesso accantonati nel processo decisionale europeo.

 
  
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  Franz Obermayr (NI ), schriftlich . Grundsätzlich kann die Schaffung von Makroregionen, basierend auf gemeinsamen geographischen Gegebenheiten wie Meeresraum, Gebirgsregion oder Flussgebiet Synergieeffekte erzielen und die nachbarschaftliche Zusammenarbeit grenzüberschreitend sinnvoll verbessern. Nichtsdestotrotz halte ich es nicht für erforderlich eine eigene institutionalisierte makroregionale Strategie ins Leben zu rufen. Neue bürokratische Strukturen sind abzulehnen, weil sie nicht zuletzt mit einem finanziellen und administrativen Mehraufwand verbunden sind. Vielmehr sollten sich weiterhin, dort wo es sinnvoll erscheint, Makroregionen bilden und insbesondere die Mitgliedstaaten dabei selbst die Initiative ergreifen können. Daher habe ich gegen den vorliegenden Bericht gestimmt.

 
  
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  Rolandas Paksas (EFD ), raštu . − Balsavau už šią rezoliuciją. Manau, kad ES makroregionų strategijos yra puikus pavyzdys kurio dėka efektyviau sprendžiamos visam regionui aktualios problemos, ypač susijusios su darniu ir tvariu vystymusi, įgyvendinami sanglaudos ir ES kaimynystės politikos teritorinio bendradarbiavimo projektai, taip pat panaudojamos ES fondų lėšos. Tik koordinuojant valstybių pozicijas, galima maksimaliai išnaudoti regiono vystymosi potencialą. Džiugu, kad Baltijos jūros regiono strategija davė pradžią šiam procesui, kurio metu įgyvendinami projektai ne tik padeda sumažinti fizinius atstumus tarp žmonių, bet skatina kūrybingumą, idėjų mobilumą, bendrą regioninį tapatumą. .

 
  
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  Γεώργιος Παπανικολάου (PPE ), γραπτώς . – Οι μακροπεριφερειακές στρατηγικές ως προγράμματα εδαφικής συνεργασίας που υποστηρίζονται από την πολιτική συνοχής έχουν αποφέρει σημαντικά οικονομικά και αναπτυξιακά οφέλη σε πολλά κράτη μέλη, μεταξύ των οποίων και η Ελλάδα. Υπενθυμίζεται ότι αυτού του τύπου η συνεργασία συνέβαλε, μεταξύ άλλων, στον εκσυγχρονισμό και την αναμόρφωση των εθνικών μας οδικών δικτύων ενώ βοήθησε και στην ανάπτυξη μίας ολοκληρωμένης θαλάσσιας πολιτικής. Είναι σαφές πως η Ελλάδα επιθυμεί την συνέχιση και την όσο το δυνατόν μεγαλύτερη ενίσχυση των στρατηγικών αυτών. Η παρούσα έκθεση, την οποία και υπερψήφισα, κινείται σε αυτή την κατεύθυνση και μάλιστα δίνει ιδιαίτερη έμφαση στον γεωγραφικό χώρο της Μεσογείου, προτείνοντας μεταξύ άλλων έναν ξεχωριστό – πέρα των υπαρχόντων -μακροπεριφερειακό μηχανισμό, την δημιουργία του οποίου η χώρα μας θα πρέπει να διεκδικήσει καθώς ενέχει σημαντικές ευκαιρίες οικονομικής ανάπτυξης και δημιουργίας θέσεων απασχόλησης.

 
  
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  Maria do Céu Patrão Neves (PPE ), por escrito . Concordo com a ideia de que o desenvolvimento de estratégias macrorregionais deve estar inserido numa reflexão global destinada a inventariar as problemáticas no terreno, de forma a evitar projetos hesitantes ou decorrentes de simples considerações de ordem política e imediatista. Por concordar com a ideia de que para cada macrorregião é necessária uma «fase de prefiguração», que organize uma ronda pelos parceiros envolvidos, que trace os primeiros eixos estratégicos e que defina também as bases de uma futura governação, como bem expôs o relator, votei favoravelmente o presente relatório.

 
  
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  Franck Proust (PPE ), par écrit . – L'innovation proposée par les stratégies macro-régionales est intéressante et les premiers résultats dans la Baltique et le Danube sont encourageants. Je suis favorable à ce texte car il manifeste l'intérêt de l'Europe à regarder vers le Sud, cette région dont je suis moi-même élu. Mais je tiens à rappeler que projeter une stratégie macro-régionale pour la Méditerranée va s'avérer beaucoup plus ardu que pour le reste des régions européennes, car le pourtour méditerranéen est une zone très particulière. C'est à la fois une zone de rencontres, mais surtout une frontière. Frontière pour des peuples qui partagent une histoire, des cultures, parfois même des origines, mais dont le revenu moyen par habitant est 5 fois plus élevé au Nord qu'au Sud. C'est le différentiel frontalier le plus important au monde. Frontière pour des pays qui ne partagent pas les mêmes caractéristiques. Certains au Sud connaissent un regain de démocratie avec le printemps arabe, d'autre s'enferment dans des logiques autocratiques. Alors oui, nous devons développer une stratégie macro-régionale. Mais par étapes: d'abord avec nos plus proches partenaires, par la culture, le tourisme, la biodiversité, l'entreprenariat. En associant différents instruments existants, dont l'Union pour la Méditerranée et la politique européenne de voisinage.

 
  
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  Paulo Rangel (PPE ), por escrito . O presente relatório versa sobre a evolução das Estratégias Macrorregionais da UE, em especial no Mediterrâneo, preconizando uma abordagem macrorregional que permitiria definir um projeto global neste espaço vital para o futuro da União, a fim de sair da crise atual e ir ao encontro das expectativas dos seus vizinhos, nomeadamente os do sul do Mediterrâneo. Esta abordagem faz, na minha opinião, todo o sentido, uma vez que o espaço mediterrâneo representa um todo coerente, que forma uma mesma bacia cultural e ambiental, partilhando várias características e prioridades comuns: as mesmas produções agrícolas, a abundância de recursos em energias renováveis, designadamente a energia solar, a importância do turismo, os mesmos riscos face às catástrofes naturais (incêndios, inundações, sismos, escassez de recursos hídricos) e os mesmos riscos face às atividades humanas, nomeadamente a poluição marítima. Uma dinâmica de desenvolvimento em torno do Mediterrâneo pode constituir, para além de uma força impulsionadora para toda a economia europeia, um encorajamento poderoso para o desenvolvimento de novas políticas ativas de vizinhança uma vez que a denominada "Primavera Árabe" pôs em destaque as potencialidades estratégicas das ligações geográficas, políticas e económicas entre as duas margens do Mediterrâneo.

 
  
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  Jean Roatta (PPE ), par écrit . – Lancée en 2009, la macro-région de la mer Baltique regroupe un ensemble cohérent de territoires dont la vocation est de coopérer pour mieux résoudre les problèmes économiques et environnementaux qui s'y posent. Cette coopération a pris la forme d'une "stratégie macro-régionale", destinée à coordonner les fortes coopérations sectorielles déjà en vigueur, et structurée autour de quatre piliers – environnement, prospérité, accessibilité et sécurité – et autour d'un plan d'action déclinant 15 axes prioritaires et 80 projets phare. Le bassin méditerranéen partage le même environnement naturel et une même réalité historique et culturelle lie tous ses rivages. Dans le sud de l'Europe, il existe des potentialités fortes qui ne pourront être valorisées sans la coordination et sans la vue d'ensemble permises par la définition d'une stratégie macro-régionale. Parmi les potentialités figure la nécessité de mettre le trafic maritime au cœur d'une stratégie des transports dans toute la zone, notamment pour les marchandises. Le rapport souligne également la possibilité de renforcer la dimension méridionale de la politique européenne de voisinage, en revêtant une dimension territoriale concrète qui garantit une meilleure gestion des flux migratoires et qui a des incidences positives sur les performances de leurs propres économies.

 
  
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  Raül Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE ), in writing . − In favour. Launched in 2009, the Baltic Sea macro-region brings together a coherent set of territories that want to cooperate in order to find better solutions to the economic and environmental problems facing them.

This cooperation has taken the form of a ‘macro-regional strategy’, designed to coordinate the existing extensive sectoral cooperation and based on four pillars — environment, prosperity, accessibility and security — and an action plan setting out 15 priority areas and 80 flagship projects.

This experience has inspired other projects. One of these — the Danube macro-region — has taken its first steps. Further projects are envisaged. The institutions concerned, Member States, regions and local authorities are working together to define similar frameworks for other European macro-regions that share common traits: same maritime area, same mountain range, same river basin, etc.

Macro-regional strategies offer new prospects for territorial cooperation projects supported by cohesion policy. They can assist the broad EU strategies, such as trans-European transport networks or the integrated maritime policy. They can ensure better coordination between regional programmes and the objectives of the Europe 2020 strategy.

 
  
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  Licia Ronzulli (PPE ), per iscritto . − Le strategie macroregionali aprono nuove prospettive ai progetti di cooperazione territoriale, asse portante delle reti transeuropee di trasporto e della politica marittima integrata, fornendo un quadro di riferimento per le politiche di coesione. Questo può influire sulle priorità di ogni singolo piano regionale di sviluppo permettendo una maggiore partecipazione e una migliore cooperazione fra i diversi strumenti d'intervento a disposizione dell'Unione europea. Le strategie macroregionali permettono la realizzazione di una convergenza tra le risorse delle regioni e dei diversi Stati membri, attraverso una governance multilivello, unico strumento in grado di assicurare la complementarietà delle politiche europee per lo sviluppo regionale.

 
  
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  Nikolaos Salavrakos (EFD ), in writing . − A macro-regional strategy in the Mediterranean as a whole or in sub-regional areas as the Ionian Adriatic region is important for the development of these regions and for the implementation of adequate tools and measures to create European added value.

 
  
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  Marie-Thérèse Sanchez-Schmid (PPE ), par écrit . – Les stratégies macro-régionales des régions de la Baltique et du Danube ont prouvé l'utilité d'une coordination des politiques à l'échelle de territoires fonctionnels. Au lendemain du printemps arabe, refonder nos relations avec les pays de la Méditerranée est une nécessité historique. Or, l’expérience a bien montré que les relations multilatérales au niveau local et régional ont autant d’impacts que les grands accords bilatéraux. Utilisons l'expérience européenne pour aider ces régions dans leur transition démocratique. Une approche macro-régionale a de multiples avantages : répondre à des défis communs, articuler la politique de voisinage et la politique de développement régional et repenser la gouvernance multi-niveaux et la subsidiarité dans l'espace méditerranéen. Consolider un espace de paix, de démocratie et de prospérité autour de la Méditerranée est le prochain défi de l'Union européenne. Nous devons être à la hauteur des espoirs que le printemps arabes à fait naître pour relancer un partenariat euro-méditerranéen de proximité et de projets.

 
  
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  Sergio Paolo Francesco Silvestris (PPE ), per iscritto . − La strategia macroregionale per il mar Baltico è stata approvata nel 2009 con evidente interesse della Commissione poiché questo nuovo modo di cooperazione è destinato ad aprire un campo innovativo per la politica di coesione in Europa, avendo per obiettivo uno sviluppo su base territoriale. Predetta strategia volge a colmare quelle crepe create dalle frontiere nel corso della storia, favorendo in tal modo l'integrazione dei nuovi Stati membri e delle loro regioni. Tale approccio macroregionale consentirebbe di definire un progetto d'insieme in materia di cooperazione dell'Unione, per uscire così dalla crisi attuale dando risposte concrete ai paesi vicini, soprattutto nel Mediterraneo meridionale, pertanto con voto favorevole sostengo l'importanza di progetti di cooperazione territoriale poiché in questo modo si rafforzerebbero le sinergie con le grandi strategie dell'Unione come le reti transeuropee di trasporto e la politica marittima integrata.

 
  
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  Γεώργιος Σταυρακάκης (S&D ), γραπτώς . – Υπερψήφισα την έκθεση για τις μακροπεριφερειακές στρατηγικές που βοηθούν την προώθηση της συνεργασίας, την ενίσχυση των συνεργειών με μείζονες κοινοτικές πολιτικές και τη δημιουργία σημαντικής ευρωπαϊκής προστιθέμενης αξίας. Οι στρατηγικές αυτές θα πρέπει να βασίζονται στην αρχή της πολυεπίπεδης διακυβέρνησης, προκειμένου να εξασφαλιστεί η συνεργασία μεταξύ των τοπικών, περιφερειακών και εθνικών φορέων. Η καθιέρωση μακροπεριφερειακής στρατηγικής στη Μεσόγειο θα μπορέσει να βοηθήσει τις συμμετέχουσες χώρες να αντιμετωπίσουν με καλύτερο τρόπο τα ειδικά προβλήματα που προκύπτουν από τα χαρακτηριστικά ορισμένων περιοχών, τη ξηρασία, τη θαλάσσια ρύπανση και την τουριστική ανάπτυξη. Όσον αφορά τον νησιωτικό χαρακτήρα, η Επιτροπή θα πρέπει να εφαρμόσει ένα στρατηγικό σχέδιο το οποίο θα αντιμετωπίζει τα διαθρωτικά μειονεκτήματα των νησιωτικών περιφερειών και θα καταστήσει τις νησιωτικές περιφέρειες εξίσου ανταγωνιστικές με αυτές τις ενδοχώρας ώστε να μειωθεί το χάσμα μεταξύ των διαφορετικών επιπέδων ανάπτυξης των Ευρωπαϊκών περιφερειών και να εξασφαλιστεί η αποτελεσματική ένταξή τους στην Ενιαία Αγορά. Αυτό μπορεί να εξασφαλιστεί καλύτερα με την κατανομή των κατάλληλων πόρων και την έγκριση μιας ολοκληρωμένης προσέγγισης στους τομείς των μεταφορών και της ενέργειας. Επιπλέον, θα ήταν επιθυμητό να έχει η Επιτροπή μια θετική στάση κατά την εξέταση των κρατικών ενισχύσεων οι οποίες αποτελούν νόμιμη αποζημίωση σε σχέση με τα μειονεκτήματα του νησιωτικού χαρακτήρα.

 
  
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  Nuno Teixeira (PPE ), por escrito . Votei a favor deste documento porque apoio a abordagem macrorregional das políticas de cooperação territorial entre territórios pertencentes a uma mesma zona de serviços e trabalho. Considero que as estratégias macrorregionais abriram um novo capítulo na cooperação territorial europeia, utilizando uma abordagem ascendente e tornando a cooperação extensiva a cada vez mais domínios e defendo que, tendo em conta o seu valor acrescentado europeu, as estratégias macrorregionais devem ser alvo de mais atenção no próximo quadro da cooperação territorial de 2014 a 2020.

 
  
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  Silvia-Adriana Ţicău (S&D ), în scris . − Am votat pentru raportul privind evoluția strategiilor macroregionale ale UE: practica actuală și perspectivele, în special în regiunea Mediterana, deoarece consider că macroregiunile sunt un cadru favorabil pentru a crea sinergii între inițiativele existente și pentru a optimiza utilizarea resurselor. Raportul de initiațivă a Parlamentului European menționează situația actualelor strategii macroregionale precum Strategia UE pentru Marea Baltică și cea pentru Regiunea Dunării, identifică zonele prioritare pentru viitoare strategii macroregionale și face recomandări pentru o strategie macroregională a UE pentru Marea Mediterană. Subliniem că domeniile majore de intervenție pentru o macroregiune mediteraneeană ar trebui să vizeze nivelurile subregionale corespunzătoare pentru cooperarea în cadrul unor proiecte specifice. Domeniile majore de intervenție ar trebui să includă rețelele de energie, cooperarea științifică și inovarea, rețelele culturale, educația și formarea, turismul, comerțul, protecția mediului, transportul maritim sustenabil, securitatea și siguranța maritime și protecția mediului marin împotriva poluării, a pescuitului excesiv și a pescuitului ilegal, consolidarea bunei guvernanțe și o administrație publică eficace pentru promovarea creării de locuri de muncă. Consider că o strategie macroregională în bazinul mediteraneean trebuie să coordoneze finanțările europene existente, în special cele din cadrul politicii de vecinătate, al politicii de coeziune și al politicii de cooperare teritorială, pentru a realiza proiecte care să răspundă provocărilor comune.

 
  
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  Giommaria Uggias (ALDE ), per iscritto . − Quale relatore per il gruppo ALDE ho collaborato attivamente all'elaborazione della strategia macroregionale per il Mediterraneo considerandola uno strumento di cooperazione territoriale che comporterà una migliore sinergia fra i diversi strumenti d'intervento attraverso una governance multilivello. In quest'ottica la strategia del Mediterraneo potrà essere imperniata sulla necessità di sviluppare un sistema di trasporti marittimi integrato che coinvolga l'intero bacino del Mediterraneo e lo sviluppo delle energie rinnovabili.

Un aspetto fondamentale per il quale ho lavorato nel dossier è quello di sollevare la questione insulare a livello europeo e sollecitare le istituzioni UE ad adottare, dando attuazione all'articolo 174 del TFUE, una strategia ad hoc che tenga conto degli svantaggi delle isole.

Un altro elemento caratterizzante il dossier è la previsione che la Commissione, in collaborazione con la futura presidenza cipriota dell´UE, adotti un piano strategico per le isole che garantisca le condizioni per la crescita economica di questi territori assicurandone allo stesso tempo la piena continuità territoriale. Di particolare significato è la richiesta alla Commissione di misure, come l´innalzamento della soglia de minimis per gli aiuti alle isole nei settori dei trasporti, agricoltura e pesca, che permettano loro di essere equamente competitive rispetto ai territori continentali.

 
  
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  Derek Vaughan (S&D ), in writing . − I support this report, which calls for the economic and environmental problems facing EU regions to be addressed through macro-regional strategies with multi-level governance. These strategies, involving local, regional and national authorities working together, can create new ways of using cohesion policy towards territorial cooperation projects.

This can help work towards broad EU strategies such as trans-European transport networks or integrated maritime policy. It is vitally important that the economic needs of regions are addressed and I hope that these strategies, following on from successful strategies in the Baltic Sea and Danube areas, can bring together territories to find solutions to the problems they face.

 
  
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  Marie-Christine Vergiat (GUE/NGL ), par écrit . – La commission de la culture et éducation avait transmis à la commission du développement régional son avis sur la stratégie macrorégionale pour le bassin méditerranéen. Je me félicite tout particulièrement de l'adoption de mon amendement, intégré dans le texte adopté en plénière, sur la nécessité de faciliter la mobilité des œuvres artistiques et des artistes en Méditerranée par la simplification des procédures d'octroi des visas et par l'optimisation des programmes de libre circulation et de soutien des acteurs culturels, mais aussi sur l'importance de la mise en place et de la reconnaissance mutuelle d'un statut des artistes en Europe et dans les pays du Sud.

 
  
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  Oldřich Vlasák (ECR ), písemně . − U zprávy k makroregionálním strategiím ve Středomoří jsem se zdržel. Důvodem je navrhováné porušení principu 3 NE, které je z hlediska implementace zásadní pro nenavyšování evropské byrokracie a evropského rozpočtu.

 
  
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  Angelika Werthmann (NI ), in writing . − I acknowledge that macro-regional strategies put together a cohesive approach for territorial cooperation, meeting the demand for investing in Europe on a territorial basis in this new way. Macro- regional strategies also help rebuilding links and cooperating in a new fashion. In this regard, the Rapporteur supports that macro-regional strategies should be based on the principle of multi-level governance, in order to ensure the collaboration among local, regional and national bodies. However, he also recognized that macro-regional strategies are a complex structure in terms of governance, harder to coordinate and to enable to cooperate with. I agree and therefore I supported this report with my vote. I support the implementation of a macro-regional strategy for the Mediterranean basin, in order to structure this essential space for the future of Europe.

 
  
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  Jacek Włosowicz (EFD ), na piśmie . − Uważam, że państwa i regiony europejskie obszaru Morza Śródziemnego powinny zacieśnić współpracę i umożliwić udział w niej wszystkim partnerom z tego terytorium mającego zasadnicze znaczenie dla przyszłości Europy. Strategia makroregionalna jest środkiem najbardziej sprzyjającym osiągnięciu tego celu. W basenie Morza Śródziemnego panują takie same warunki naturalne i cały obszar spaja ta sama rzeczywistość historyczna i kulturowa. Na południu Europy istnieją duże możliwości, których jednak nie da się wykorzystać bez koordynacji i ogólnej perspektywy, możliwych dzięki zdefiniowaniu strategii makroregionalnej.

W ramach UE obszar śródziemnomorski jest niedostatecznie zorganizowany. Można tam zaobserwować niewielkie osiągnięcia pod względem współpracy i wzajemnych powiązań. Wyzwania, z którymi muszą się zmierzyć władze polityczne regionu Morza Śródziemnego, będzie można znacznie łatwiej zdefiniować w ramach całościowej refleksji.

 
  
  

Raccomandazione per la seconda lettura: Debora Serracchiani (A7-0196/2012 )

 
  
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  Luís Paulo Alves (S&D ), por escrito . Aprovo e congratulo o presente Relatório, pelo fato de salientar o alcance das negociações efetuadas pelo Parlamento Europeu com o Conselho, que têm obtido mudanças fundamentais, nomeadamente, no que respeita a serviços relacionados com o setor ferroviário, nomeadamente no sentido da sua modernização e interligação. Mais importante ainda é o objetivo final desta proposta, que é a abertura do mercado nacional de passageiros e a separação de infraestruturas de gestão de operações de transporte, o que sem dúvida não só nos torna todos na Europa mais próximos, bem como significa consolidar os princípios da Liberdade de Movimento de Pessoas no Espaço Europeu.

 
  
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  Laima Liucija Andrikienė (PPE ), in writing . − I voted in favour of the resolution on the Single European Railway Area. This proposal for a Directive establishing a Single European Rail Area is a merger of three directives in force and contains provisions regarding the adequate financing of and charging for rail infrastructures, the conditions of competition on the railway market, and the organisational reforms needed to ensure appropriate supervision of the market. I support an adequate, transparent and sustainable funding of the infrastructure, better predictability of the infrastructure development and access conditions, as well as the improvement of the competitiveness of rail operators vis-à-vis other transport modes. It is important that a strong and independent national regulatory body would be established which would exchange information within a network with other national regulatory bodies. Finally, for the successful liberalisation of the railway market, it is necessary to introduce transparent rules for the calculation of track access charges and promote technical harmonisation.

 
  
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  Sophie Auconie (PPE ), par écrit . – Adopté en 2001, le premier paquet ferroviaire visait déjà à améliorer l'attractivité du transport ferroviaire. Cette réforme n'a pas abouti: dix ans plus tard, le transport ferroviaire n'est toujours pas parvenu à rattraper le retard par rapport aux autres modes de transport. Cet échec découle avant tout des divergences entre les réglementations nationales et de l'absence de mise en œuvre du premier paquet ferroviaire par les États membres. J'ai donc voté en faveur de la refonte du paquet ferroviaire européen qui a pour objectif la création d'un espace ferroviaire unique. Fruit de deux années d'âpres négociations, j'ai notamment soutenu l'accès non discriminatoire au réseau ferroviaire, une concurrence équitable entre les sociétés ferroviaires, le rapprochement des normes techniques et des harmonisations supplémentaires dans le cadre du transport ferroviaire national et transfrontalier.

 
  
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  Zigmantas Balčytis (S&D ), raštu . − Balsavau už šį pranešimą. Norint skatinti investicijas geležinkelių sektoriuje būtina, kad būtų parengtos ilgalaikės strategijos ir daugiametės sutartys tarp valstybės ir infrastruktūros valdytojų ir dėl to rinkos dalyviai galėtų lengviau nuspėti, kaip bus plėtojama infrastruktūra. Siekiant investicijų į ekologiškesnes technologijas, būtina taikyti naujas apmokestinimo taisyklės, diferencijuoti mokesčius pagal traukinio triukšmo charakteristikas, bei traukiniams kuriuose įrengta ETCS. Pritariu, kad reikėtų išplėsti nacionalinių reguliavimo institucijų kompetenciją, stiprinti jų galias tokiose srityse, kaip poveikio priemonės, auditas ir pačios institucijos iniciatyva atliekami tyrimai, bei užtikrinti jos nepriklausomą nuo kitų valstybės institucijų. Taip pat svarbu stiprinti konkurenciją geležinkelių rinkoje sudarant skaidresnes patekimo į rinką sąlygas ir suteikiant geresnes prieigos galimybes. Pritariu išdėstytiems siūlymams, kad būtų sudarytos geresnės sąlygos naudotis tokiomis paslaugomis kaip techninės priežiūros infrastruktūra, terminalai, keleivių informavimo ir bilietų pardavimo įranga ir tt., bei kad būtų nustatytos aiškios interesų konflikto sprendimo ir su diskriminacine veikla susijusios taisykles.

 
  
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  Elena Băsescu (PPE ), în scris . − Am votat în favoarea acestui raport deoarece consider că este nevoie de modificarea cadrului de reglementare pentru sectorul feroviar din Europa, pentru ca acesta să fie simplificat şi clarificat. Astfel, se va spori competitivitatea, se vor îmbunătăţi condiţiile pentru investiţii şi se va consolida supravegherea pieţei. Subliniez faptul că o mai mare transparenţă a condiţiilor de acces pe piaţă va duce la o concurenţă echitabilă pentru întreprinderile feroviare. Totodată, cooperarea între autorităţile naţionale de reglementare va ajuta la eliminarea obstacolelor rămase în calea accesului la serviciile feroviare, iar astfel se va putea asigura o mai buna funcţionare a pieţei, în care pasagerii şi bunurile să poată trece frontierele cu uşurinţa.

Trebuie să avem în continuare în vedere dezvoltarea sectorului, pentru instituirea spaţiului feroviar unic european. Transportul feroviar îşi menţine potenţialul de dezvoltare, însă sunt de părere că normele ar trebui consolidate şi armonizate, pentru ca el să devină şi mai atractiv.

 
  
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  Regina Bastos (PPE ), por escrito . Desde janeiro de 2012, uma delegação do Parlamento Europeu tem estado em negociações informais com o Conselho e a Comissão com o intuito de preparar um acordo em segunda leitura no que se refere ao espaço ferroviário único. A presente recomendação apoia as alterações adotadas em primeira leitura em plenário, de modo a defender nos trílogos em curso com o Conselho a posição do Parlamento que foi adotada por larga maioria. Defende a necessidade de entidades reguladoras independentes para se atingirem as condições de concorrência idênticas entre grandes e pequenas empresas ferroviárias. Propõe que a longo prazo se crie uma entidade reguladora europeia com o intuito de supervisionar o transporte transfronteiriço. Rejeita as propostas do Conselho de baixar a duração do acordo contratual multianual para três anos devendo ser proposta a duração de sete anos. Advoga a necessidade de regras transparentes no que se refere ao acesso a serviços ferroviários conexos ou a instalações de serviços de modo a assegurar que os operadores do transporte sejam capazes de exercer os respetivos serviços. Pelo exposto, apoiei a presente recomendação.

 
  
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  Jean-Luc Bennahmias (ALDE ), par écrit . – En novembre dernier, lors du vote en première lecture, j'avais voté contre cette refonte du paquet ferroviaire. Je considère toujours que si des avancées ont été obtenues, que ce soit en termes de transparence, de coopération renforcée entre les autorités nationales, ou de programmation pluriannuelle des projets d'infrastructures, celles-ci ne suffisent pas pour soutenir cette deuxième lecture. La raison principale pour laquelle je ne soutiens pas ce paquet est l'engagement à poursuivre sur la voie de la libéralisation, et notamment l'engagement répété et maintenu à ouvrir le transport des voyageurs à la concurrence. Dans ce paquet, la Commission comme le Parlement s'engagent aussi à continuer sur la voie de la séparation entre les gestionnaires d'infrastructures et les transporteurs, alors que nous voyons bien dans nos pays respectifs, et en particulier en France, que cette séparation pose de nombreuses difficultés et qu'il serait bon de tout remettre à plan afin, peut être, d'envisager autre chose que toujours plus de libéralisation.

 
  
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  Phil Bennion (ALDE ), in writing . − I voted in favour of the second reading agreement on the recast of the first railway package as I was convinced that this recast will contribute to improving the functioning of the internal railway market. Establishing a single European railway area has always been an ambitious goal of the European Union, and remains a key instrument of the internal market and the reduction of C02 emissions while remaining an important challenge given the disparities between Member States. Establishing a single railway area requires in particular strong and independent national regulators to establish a level playing field between big and small railway companies but also a European regulatory body to ensure a more integrated regulatory oversight of international services. I hope that the European Commission will soon come up with proposals on the fourth railway package that I hope will help us move forward in establishing this single European railway market.

 
  
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  Sergio Berlato (PPE ), per iscritto . − La compresenza dei vari sistemi ferroviari nazionali fa sì che il settore sia ostacolato da confini geografici che limitano in modo non trascurabile sia lo sviluppo del comparto sia la competitività del trasporto ferroviario rispetto ad altre modalità di trasporto. Alla luce di queste considerazioni, ritengo che la realizzazione di uno spazio ferroviario europeo unico debba rappresentare una tra le principali priorità per l'Unione europea. Per favorire la costruzione di uno spazio ferroviario europeo unico e creare condizioni eque di concorrenza tra imprese ferroviarie di grandi e piccole dimensioni, a mio avviso, è essenziale la presenza di autorità di regolamentazione che siano tra di loro indipendenti. Nel lungo periodo, inoltre, gli organismi nazionali di regolamentazione devono tendere a divenire enti che emanano decisioni affidabili e tempestive. Concordo con la relatrice nel ritenere che, a lungo termine, sia opportuno istituire un organismo di regolamentazione europeo al fine di consentire un efficiente controllo del trasporto transfrontaliero. Accolgo con favore, infine, il risultato raggiunto dal Parlamento europeo in merito all'apporto di modifiche al testo originario della proposta e volte a incrementare la trasparenza dei flussi finanziari, in particolare, nelle imprese integrate che forniscono servizi di trasporto ferroviario e assicurano la gestione dell'infrastruttura.

 
  
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  Sebastian Valentin Bodu (PPE ), în scris . − Un spaţiu feroviar unic european ar trebui să fie obiectivul nostru în continuare, deoarece cele peste 20 de sisteme naţionale de semnalizare şi de control al vitezei, care nu sunt reciproc compatibile, limitează puternic dezvoltarea sectorului şi competitivitatea transportului feroviar faţă de alte moduri de transport.

Pentru realizarea acestui spaţiu unic, cred că două elemente sunt esenţiale, şi mă refer aici la organismul de reglementare şi, respectiv, la funcţiile esenţiale ale administratorului infrastructurii. Pe termen lung, consider că ar trebui înfiinţat un organism de reglementare european pentru a superviza transportul transfrontalier. Pentru a pune bazele unui astfel de organism ar trebui creată o reţea a organismelor de reglementare naţionale, care trebuie să devină entităţi de încredere ce pot lua decizii rapide şi eficiente. În ceea ce privește administratorul infrastructurii, printre sarcinile esențiale ale acestuia ar trebui inclusă și dezvoltarea rețelei, deoarece acesta cunoaște mai bine nevoile întregului sector.

 
  
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  Philippe Boulland (PPE ), par écrit . – J'ai voté en faveur du rapport de Debora Serracchiani relatif à un espace ferroviaire unique européen. Dans un contexte de morcellement de l'espace ferroviaire dans l'Union, il est urgent de légiférer dans le sens d'une plus forte convergence des réglementations nationales. Adopté en 2001, le premier paquet ferroviaire avait déjà vocation à améliorer l'attractivité du transport ferroviaire, mais dix ans plus tard, on constate une absence de sa mise en œuvre. Pour pallier l'insuffisance du développement et de l'entretien des infrastructures, ce rapport propose de faire du rail, principal mode de transport, un vecteur économique d'aménagement du territoire européen. En effet, ces réformes structurelles visent à stimuler l'investissement privé et public pour que de nouveaux opérateurs puissent pénétrer sur un marché ferroviaire plus "ouvert". Par ailleurs, il est nécessaire de garantir les règles d'un marché ferroviaire équitable et non discriminatoire. Il faut également assurer une concurrence loyale entre les sociétés ferroviaires et un accès à des services fiables, sécurisés et efficaces. Le rail peut, à mon sens, incarner une bonne vitrine de la technologie européenne dans le monde.

 
  
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  Arkadiusz Tomasz Bratkowski (PPE ), na piśmie . − Stworzenie jednolitego europejskiego obszaru kolejowego stwarza niewątpliwie wiele możliwości na terenie całej UE z racji harmonizacji przepisów państw członkowskich. Tym samym chciałbym podziękować wszystkim zaangażowanym w wypracowanie stanowiska PE.

W kontekście poprawki do artykułu 2 ustęp 2a, pod którą się podpisuję, pragnę zwrócić uwagę na fakt, że tworzenie wyjątków od ogólnej reguły niekoniecznie jest sprzeczne z europejskim interesem. Wszystkie instytucje UE wskazują na konieczność tworzenia nowych miejsc pracy, pomagania małym i średnim przedsiębiorstwom, kreowania szczególnych warunków dla obszarów o obniżonej konkurencyjności i położonych peryferyjnie. W tym kontekście chciałbym uzasadnić głosowanie w sprawie niniejszego sprawozdania i omawianej poprawki. Tym bardziej, że nie rozumiem, dlaczego idea tworzenia jednolitego obszaru kolejowego miałaby przekreślić działalność mniejszej i zarazem rentownej firmy zapewniającej liczne miejsca pracy w 4 regionach Polski charakteryzujących się wysoką stopą bezrobocia.

 
  
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  John Bufton (EFD ), in writing . − The proposed legislation fails to take into account real practicalities like variances in track size between member states. In the UK the high speed networks in St Pancras and Euston also would not match. It would also involve establishing unpopular EU controlled regulatory bodies to enforce the rules. The privatisation of railways in the UK caused many problems and users still suffer from higher prices while operators suffer from delays due to issues regarding track maintenance. This legislation in effect would put control of UK rail networks into the hands of Brussels, making services even less accountable to users, despite Brussels arguing that the opposite. Whilst it is important that industry is aided by a strong transport network across Europe, Member States should have the freedom to control their own railway networks and work in cooperation with one another.

 
  
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  Cristian Silviu Buşoi (ALDE ), în scris . − Am sprijinit adoptarea noii directive privind spațiul feroviar european unic deoarece incompatibilitățile tehnice dintre state constituie un obstacol major în calea pieței transportului feroviar de marfă, aflată în creștere rapidă, în cazul căreia cel mai mare potențial îl are traficul transfrontalier. De asemenea, ele reprezintă piedici în calea dezvoltării unei rețele europene de transport mai ample. Creșterea interoperabilității va face ca trenurile trebuie să poată circula pe întreaga rețea transeuropeană si va contribui semnificativ la scăderea costurilor operative. Sprijin ferm viziunea prezentată de aceasta directiva privind o politică europeană de cercetare şi inovare în domeniul transporturilor care să se bazeze pe eforturi comune către un sistem de transport competitiv și eficient din punct de vedere al resurselor.

 
  
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  Antonio Cancian (PPE ), per iscritto . − Nel corso della seduta plenaria dello scorso mese, il tema del rafforzamento del mercato unico è stato ampiamente dibattuto e l'Aula ha condiviso la necessità di ampliare ed implementare il funzionamento del mercato interno tramite il rapido recepimento e la completa trasposizione della normativa europea da parte degli Stati membri.

In maniera coerente con questo obiettivo, abbiamo discusso ieri la raccomandazione per la seconda lettura del report sullo spazio ferroviario europeo unico, ma ritengo che questa rappresenti soltanto un piccolo passo verso la creazione di un vero mercato ferroviario europeo. Da troppi anni sentiamo parlare del potenziale impatto positivo che la piena realizzazione del mercato unico potrebbe avere sull'economia dell'Unione, ma poi tutti ci trinceriamo dietro posizioni di vantaggio nazionale ogniqualvolta avremmo la possibilità di compiere riforme settoriali per la sua piena realizzazione.

Senza entrare nel merito dei singoli provvedimenti, ricordo che stiamo continuando a dilazionare il recast in attesa di una posizione della Commissione che veramente possa portare ad una piena liberalizzazione del mercato, che sarebbe comunque cosa oggi impossibile, a prescindere dal fatto che ci siamo dati ben 30 mesi per recepire la normativa. Un tempo che, per uscire dalla crisi grazie al mercato interno, non possiamo permetterci.

 
  
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  Maria Da Graça Carvalho (PPE ), por escrito . A existência de entidades reguladoras independentes é crucial para se alcançarem condições de concorrência idênticas entre as grandes e as pequenas empresas ferroviárias. As decisões das entidades reguladoras nacionais devem ser fiáveis e atempadas. Numa perspetiva de longo prazo deverá ser criada uma entidade reguladora europeia com o intuito de supervisionar o transporte transfronteiriço. Entretanto, as entidades reguladoras nacionais devem desenvolver a sua atividade em rede. O Parlamento adotou alterações no sentido de aumentar a transparência dos fluxos financeiros, em particular nas empresas integradas que prestam serviços de transporte e de gestão da infraestrutura. O texto da legislação atualmente em vigor conduziu a grandes discrepâncias ao nível da interpretação e, consequentemente, a diversos casos pendentes no Tribunal de Contas Europeu. Tornou-se assim premente a necessidade de melhorar o texto neste ponto, no sentido de garantir maior clareza. Por concordar com o exposto e com as outras propostas do Parlamento Europeu referidas no documento em apreço, votei favoravelmente este relatório.

 
  
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  David Casa (PPE ), in writing . − I am in agreement with the Rapporteur that a single European railway area would be beneficial to our Union. It is important that neither national boundaries nor lack of development impede this goal. Due to the fact that they will lead to a strengthening of the overall infrastructure of the EU, for example by calling for timely implementation and security of funding for these measures, I have voted in favour of these amendments.

 
  
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  Νικόλαος Χουντής (GUE/NGL ), γραπτώς . – Ψήφισα κατά στην έκθεση καθώς διαφωνώ πλήρως με την επιχειρούμενη προσπάθεια του Ευρωπαϊκού Συμβουλίου και όλων των πολιτικών ομάδων στο ΕΚ, με εξαίρεση την GUE/NGL, για την ιδιωτικοποίηση των ευρωπαϊκών σιδηροδρόμων. Διαφωνώ κατηγορηματικά με παραμέτρους που δημιουργούν το πλαίσιο για απολύσεις εργαζομένων, για ανάληψη της ευθύνης των ζητημάτων ασφάλειας και συντήρησης των σιδηροδρόμων από ιδιωτικές εταιρείες, Η διαδικασία των ιδιωτικοποιήσεων και μάλιστα σε κοινή ευρωπαϊκή κατεύθυνση θα στερήσει από τα κράτη μέλη τη δυνατότητα εξορθολογισμού, εκσυγχρονισμού και αναβάθμισης των δημοσίων σιδηροδρομικών δικτύων έτσι ώστε να βελτιωθούν οι παρεχόμενες υπηρεσίες στους πολίτες και να αυξηθούν τα δημόσια έσοδα. Η πλήρης απελευθέρωση των σιδηροδρόμων και μάλιστα υπό την έμμεση καθοδήγηση των ευρωπαϊκών οργάνων δεν εξασφαλίζει με κανένα τρόπο την αναβάθμιση τους. Αντίθετα, μέσω του ανταγωνισμού των ιδιωτικών επιχειρήσεων θα αυξηθούν ακόμη περισσότερο οι κίνδυνοι για να καταβάλει, τελικά, η ιδία η κοινωνία το κόστος από ενδεχόμενες δυσλειτουργίες

 
  
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  Tadeusz Cymański (EFD ), na piśmie . − Popieram ideę jednolitego europejskiego obszaru kolejowego. Niemniej jednak, zarówno na forum Komisji Transportu (zastępując jednego z jej członków), jak i w trakcie aktualnej sesji plenarnej głosowałem za przyjęciem specjalnej derogacji dla Linii Hutniczej Szerokotorowej w Polsce. Pomimo mobilizacji polskiej delegacji zapis ten został odrzucony przez większość w Parlamencie. Pogłębianie konkurencji w danym obszarze nie może odbywać się bez uwzględnienia dysproporcji pomiędzy poszczególnymi krajami i regionami oraz w oderwaniu od ich uwarunkowań społecznych.

 
  
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  Vasilica Viorica Dăncilă (S&D ), în scris . − Într-o Europă în care cetăţenii călătoresc din ce în ce mai des, atât în interes particular - în vacanţă sau în vizită la familie sau prieteni, dar şi în interes profesional, furnizarea de servicii în domeniul transportului feroviar prin intermediul infrastructurii europene ar trebui să le permită întreprinderilor feroviare să ofere servicii mai bune tuturor utilizatorilor, fie că vorbim de transportul de marfă, fie că vorbim de transportul de călători.

Ca atare, este esenţial un acces nediscriminatoriu al tuturor partenerilor la infrastructurile din domeniu, dar şi un regim al tarifelor cât mai omogen. Consider că executivul european ar trebui să realizeze un studiu privind metodologia de calcul a tarifelor aplicate în statele membre, în vederea stabilirii unei metode uniforme de calcul, pentru a determina un sistem tarifar accesibil la nivel european.

 
  
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  Marielle de Sarnez (ALDE ), par écrit . – À l'heure de la libre circulation des biens, des capitaux et des personnes à l'intérieur de l'Union européenne, il est normal que des règles harmonisées en matière d'exploitation des réseaux ferroviaires soient mises en place à l'échelle européenne. Ceci améliorera la transparence dans l’attribution et la gestion des sillons (« slot ») et favorisera la coordination transnationale à tous les niveaux : capacités disponibles, investissement, travaux d’infrastructures, gestion opérationnelle, etc. La création d’un guichet unique devrait permettre en outre aux entreprises de s’adresser à un interlocuteur unique, symbole d’une gestion des corridors ferroviaires placée dans une perspective européenne. Ce règlement constitue ainsi un signal fort en faveur d’une véritable politique européenne des transports et des infrastructures. Il est un pas essentiel pour permettre au fret ferroviaire d’être plus rapide et plus fiable, et donc, pour en faire une alternative crédible et écologique à la route sur la longue distance. Une approche véritablement européenne était d’autant plus nécessaire que c’est à cette échelle que le marché du fret ferroviaire est pertinent.

 
  
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  Christine De Veyrac (PPE ), par écrit . – J'ai voté en faveur de ce texte qui vise à améliorer la mobilité de nos concitoyens, en assurant la création d'un réseau ferroviaire plus efficace, concurrentiel et sûr dans l'ensemble de l'Union européenne. Le Parlement européen s'engage ainsi à encourager le développement d'infrastructures modernes et de trains moins bruyants et plus sûrs, qui emmèneront les voyageurs aux quatre coins de l'Union à des prix compétitifs!

 
  
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  Edite Estrela (S&D ), por escrito . Votei favoravelmente o relatório sobre o " Espaço ferroviário europeu único " que reflete os bons resultados das negociações com o Conselho e os compromissos alcançados, designadamente nas áreas de acesso para serviços relacionados com transporte ferroviário, tais como a criação de uma rede nacional independente de órgãos reguladores e o aumento da transparência dos fluxos financeiros entre o gestor das infraestruturas e empresas de transporte ferroviário em empresas integradas.

 
  
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  Göran Färm, Anna Hedh, Olle Ludvigsson, Jens Nilsson, Marita Ulvskog och Åsa Westlund (S&D ), skriftlig . − Vi svenska socialdemokrater är positiva till att investera i tågtrafik för att göra det enklare och snabbare att åka tåg i Europa. Vi tror dock inte att ett gemensamt järnvägsområde baserat enbart på avreglering och konkurrensutsättning kan lösa problemen vi står inför. Dåliga exempel på en alltför hård avreglering av järnväg i till exempel Sverige och andra länder visar detta. Vi anser inte att ytterligare öppnande av till exempel den inhemska persontrafiken gagnar Europa.

Vad Sverige och andra europeiska länder behöver är ökade investeringar i infrastruktur och ett gemensamt resenärsperspektiv. För att komma tillrätta med de gränsöverskridande kapacitetsproblemen krävs nya spår, minskad störningskänslighet och modernare elektrifiering genom ny teknik.

 
  
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  Diogo Feio (PPE ), por escrito . A necessidade de estabelecer um espaço ferroviário europeu único parte do declínio do transporte ferroviário, pretende inverter esta tendência e promover este meio de transporte de pessoas e mercadorias que é rápido, seguro e menos poluente do que os que recorrem a combustíveis fósseis, em particular o transporte aéreo. Os Estados-Membros devem acompanhar de perto a aplicação deste espaço europeu ferroviário e promover internamente o recurso a este meio de transporte, bem como potenciar a conectividade entre linhas férreas dos diversos Estados-Membros. Uma Europa com um espaço ferroviário único tenderá a ser mais respeitadora do ambiente e melhor provida de bens e serviços. Ao fim de muitos meses de discussão, foi agora possível chegar a um acordo com o Conselho e por isso felicito o Relator e os relatores sombra pelo trabalho levado a cabo neste dossier.

 
  
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  José Manuel Fernandes (PPE ), por escrito . Debora Serracchiani apresenta-nos uma recomendação para segunda leitura, na sequência da posição do Conselho em primeira leitura, visando a adoção de uma diretiva do Parlamento Europeu (PE) e do Conselho que estabelece um espaço ferroviário europeu único (reformulação). A construção de um mercado único ao nível da União Europeia (UE) implica um vasto conjunto de normas de uniformização, as quais, muitas vezes, exigem a eliminação de barreiras técnicas, como é o caso das infraestruturas ferroviárias. Na verdade, é desmotivador e causa de não utilização deste tipo de transporte, o facto de, aquando das viagens entre os Estados-Membros, termos de mudar de comboio quando atingimos determinada fronteira. Torna-se, pois, urgente uniformizar as bitolas das redes ferroviárias europeias. Congratulo-me com o facto de, após longas e difíceis negociações, ter sido possível chegar a um acordo sobre a criação do espaço ferroviário europeu único. A liberalização dos serviços ferroviários constituirá uma mais-valia para os cidadãos europeus e para as empresas. Saúdo a aprovação deste relatório pois trata-se de uma proposta potenciadora do funcionamento do mercado único e de enormes vantagens para os cidadãos e empresas. Além disso, pode constituir uma excelente alternativa ao tráfego rodoviário com enormes vantagens em termos energéticos e ambientais.

 
  
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  João Ferreira (GUE/NGL ), por escrito . Esta Diretiva representa uma peça mais do ataque em curso ao serviço público de transporte ferroviário. A orientação é clara: privatizar o que dá lucro e deixar ao Estado as áreas onde são necessários avultados financiamentos – como a construção e manutenção das infraestruturas. A fragmentação proposta é feita à medida das multinacionais do setor, que vão tomando conta do transporte ferroviário e colonizando os mercados de serviços associados em diversos países. Os que aqui hoje aprovaram esta Diretiva responderão amanhã perante os trabalhadores que perderão os seus postos de trabalho, perante aqueles que verão degradadas as suas condições de trabalho, os seus salários diminuídos e a sua carga horária aumentada. Responderão também perante as populações, que serão privadas dos serviços considerados menos lucrativos, que pagarão mais por um serviço de pior qualidade. Responderão também, e finalmente, perante as inquietantes ameaças à segurança do transporte ferroviário, imposta que é a subjugação das normas de segurança definidas pelas autoridades nacionais às regras da concorrência.

 
  
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  Monika Flašíková Beňová (S&D ), písomne Železničná doprava zažila veľký rozkvet v priebehu 19. storočia a v prvej polovici 20. storočia. S narastajúcou popularitou cestnej a leteckej dopravy je však preferovanou stále menej. Európska únia v snahe napraviť situáciu prijala viacero legislatívnych opatrení zameraných na oživenie záujmu o železnice postupným vytváraním tzv. jednotného európskeho železničného priestoru. V uplynulom období predstavila niekoľko balíkov a smerníc, prostredníctvom ktorých deklarovala svoj zámer reformovať regulačný rámec, zabezpečiť integráciu sektora železničnej dopravy na európskej úrovni a umožniť mu čeliť konkurencii iných druhov dopravy za čo možno najlepších podmienok. Dopravná politika Európskej únie si dala za cieľ vybudovať vnútorný trh, predovšetkým rozvíjaním spoločných politík, v snahe dosiahnuť konkurencieschopnosť i v oblasti dopravy. Som presvedčená, že je žiaduce vynaložiť potrebné úsilie na vybudovanie komplexného a integrovaného európskeho železničného priestoru. Podľa môjho názoru spoločné záujmy Európskej únie ako celku - pokiaľ hovoríme o železničnom sektore - by mali byť nadradené záujmom jednotlivých štátov. Je potrebné budovať skutočný európsky železničný priestor, pričom by sa nemalo zabúdať ani na dodržiavanie bezpečnostných požiadaviek, pričom táto skutočnosť by mala zohrávať väčšiu úlohu pri udeľovaní licencií železničným prevádzkovateľom.

 
  
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  Elisabetta Gardini (PPE ), per iscritto . − Il pieno sviluppo del settore ferroviario europeo rappresenta un passaggio fondamentale per la completa affermazione di un mercato comune a livello continentale. La massima libertà di spostamento e la possibilità di poter far viaggiare le merci senza ostacoli possono fare la differenza tra un sistema economico funzionante ed in espansione ed uno arrancante e farraginoso. Allo stesso tempo è necessario che questo processo di sviluppo sia guidato dagli stessi principi che regolano il mercato comune, ovvero la libera concorrenza e la trasparenza. In questo senso le misure adottate vanno nella direzione giusta perché puntano a stimolare l'offerta di servizi di trasporto, sia di merci sia di passeggeri, e a garantire una concorrenza leale. L'istituzione di regolatori nazionali forti e indipendenti, coordinati dalla Commissione europea in modo da favorire la collaborazione reciproca, rappresenta il sistema migliore per garantire la corretta applicazione delle regole, mentre l'obbligo di redigere rendiconti distinti e trasparenti da parte delle imprese di trasporto ferroviarie e dei gestori dell'infrastruttura dovrebbe evitare qualsiasi trasferimento illegale di fondi pubblici tra queste due entità. Al tempo stesso la concorrenza dovrebbe risultare stimolata dalla separazione contabile tra gestore ed impresa, in modo da garantire l' equilibrio necessario tra trasparenza e flessibilità per garantire investimenti adeguati.

 
  
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  Nathalie Griesbeck (ALDE ), par écrit . – Après de longs mois de négociations, nous avons finalement adopté la refonte de la législation ferroviaire européenne. Si celle-ci ne règle pas tout, elle permet toutefois de renforcer le transport ferroviaire dans l'Union européenne, en clarifiant notamment le rôle entre les différents acteurs du transport ferroviaire. Parmi les mesures phare figurent le renforcement de l'indépendance du régulateur national et la mise en place d’un réseau européen des régulateurs pour parvenir à une interprétation et une application uniformes de la législation. Autre aspect essentiel de cette refonte, la clarification des flux financiers entre le gestionnaire de l'infrastructure et l'opérateur ferroviaire. Ce vote ne marque pas la fin de la réforme du marché ferroviaire européen. En effet dès l'année prochaine la Commission européenne devrait présenter de nouvelles propositions législatives, notamment sur l'épineuse question de la libéralisation du transport national de passagers ainsi que sur celle de la séparation entre la gestion de l’infrastructure et les opérateurs ferroviaires.

 
  
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  Juozas Imbrasas (EFD ), raštu . − Oficialiai teigiama, kad Europos Komisijos pasiūlyti direktyvos pakeitimai atsirado, siekiant plėtoti geležinkelių sektoriaus sistemą ir sukurti bendrą transporto rinką. Tačiau kai kurios siūlomos nuostatos kelia nuogąstavimų, kad jos gali turėti labai neigiamas pasekmes arba būti pražūtingos Lietuvos geležinkelių sistemai. Lietuvoje, kaip ir kitose Baltijos valstybėse situacija geležinkelio sektoriuje yra specifinė dėl europinių standartų neatitinkančios geležinkelio vėžės, kuri tebėra daugiausia integruota į NVS šalių rinką. Šiame svarstytame projekte pateikiami Lietuvos atžvilgiu palankesni, kompromisiniai variantai. Nebeliko didžiausią nepasitenkinimą kėlusio reikalavimo atskirti geležinkelių infrastruktūrą ir keleivių bei krovinių vežimo veiklas. Tačiau išliko kiti, ne mažiau nerimo Lietuvos geležinkelininkams keliantys reikalavimai dėl krovinių terminalų, stočių, kuro užpylimo, skirstymo kelių ir kt. nepriklausomumo užtikrinimo. Dėl to ateityje gali kilti didelių problemų, nes užtikrinti šių padalinių nepriklausomumo vienoje įmonėje praktiškai bus neįmanoma ir tuomet EK gali pradėti reikalauti jų atskyrimo. Daug abejonių kelia ir siūlymas sudaryti galimybę trečiųjų šalių krovinių gabenimui taikyti didesnį infrastruktūros mokestį. Nežinia, kaip praktiškai pavyktų įgyvendinti šią nuostatą, juolab, kad neabejojama, jog Komisija reikalaus mažinti mokesčius ir skirtumą dengti iš valstybės biudžeto. Europos Parlamentas prie Geležinkelių direktyvos svarstymo grįš šių metų rudenį. Tikiuosi, kad pavyks rasti įtikinamų argumentų, kurie leis direktyvoje atsirasti Lietuvai palankioms ir tolesnį jos geležinkelių sistemos funkcionavimą užtikrinančioms formuluotėms.

 
  
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  Philippe Juvin (PPE ), par écrit . – La mise en place d'un espace ferroviaire européen unique a pour but d'améliorer les services ferroviaires en intensifiant la concurrence, en renforçant les compétences des régulateurs nationaux et en améliorant le cadre des investissements dans ce secteur. Dans cette perspective, il est indispensable de garantir, d'une part, un accès non discriminatoire aux sillons ferroviaires et aux installations de service et, d'autre part, une transparence sur les prix fixés par les régulateurs ferroviaires nationaux indépendants. Il s'agit également de séparer et de contrôler les comptes pour s'assurer que les entreprises ferroviaires, structurellement liées au gestionnaire de l'infrastructure, ne soient pas favorisées par rapport à leurs concurrents. J'ai soutenu ce rapport en phase de deuxième lecture de la procédure législative.

 
  
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  Michał Tomasz Kamiński (ECR ), in writing . − I am disappointed that the Parliament has rejected Amendment 12 (Article 2 – paragraph 2a (new)). Although this amendment had initially been supported by the EP, it was dropped in the trialogue. This may have negative consequences for the Polish LHS (Linia Hutnicza Szerokotorowa). This paragraph would have allowed the exemption of the LHS from certain provisions of the directive. The LHS operates a 400-kilometre long broad-gauge railway from the terminal in Sławków in Silesia to the Polish-Ukrainian border. Without this amendment, the directive may be detrimental to the line’s operations. This issue cannot be ignored in the new directive.

 
  
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  Sergej Kozlík (ALDE ), písomne EP podporuje ambiciózne návrhy s cieľom zriadiť jednotný európsky železničný priestor. Národné železničné systémy oddelené štátnymi hranicami výrazne obmedzujú rozvoj a konkurencieschopnosť tohto sektora oproti iným spôsobom dopravy. Rada tieto návrhy vo svojom texte oslabila. Navrhované znenie však posilňuje úlohu a právomoci národných regulačných orgánov. Navrhuje sa v dlhodobom horizonte vytvorenie európskeho regulačného orgánu, ktorý by dohliadal na cezhraničnú dopravu. Predchádzať by mu mala sieť národných regulačných orgánov. EP tiež žiada vytvorenie podmienok pre stabilnejšiu situáciu vo financovaní železničnej infraštruktúry a tiež zvýšenie transparentnosti finančných tokov, najmä v rámci integrovaných podnikov poskytujúcich zároveň služby a zároveň aj riadiacu infraštruktúru. Pozíciu Parlamentu som podporil.

 
  
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  Constance Le Grip (PPE ), par écrit . – J'ai soutenu le rapport de ma collègue Debora Serracchiani sur l'établissement d'un espace ferroviaire unique européen. Cet accord, conçu pour optimiser l'approvisionnement et la qualité du service de transport pour le fret et les voyageurs internationaux, est une nouvelle étape vers l'intégration ferroviaire. Nous sommes parvenus à un accord qui assure une meilleure utilisation des fonds publics par la surveillance des flux financiers. De plus, la directive prévoit la mise en place de régulateurs nationaux indépendants afin de garantir l'application des règles dans les États membres. C'est donc un pas de plus vers la création d'un espace ferroviaire unique européen.

 
  
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  Bogusław Liberadzki (S&D ), in writing . − I strongly supported the Directive on establishing a single European railway area (recast). Unfortunately, however, the vote on the derogation for the Polish Linia Hutnicza Szerokotorowa line (LHS) was not in favour. The LHS is a 400-kilometre long broad-gauge railway from the terminal in Sławkow in the Upper Silesian Basin to the Polish-Ukrainian border. Having a gauge other than the EU standard one it constitutes a special case for which the general provisions of the directive do not fit. Since 6 % of the entire Polish railway transport performance in 2011 (54 billion tonne-kilometres) were transported on the LHS, the lack of support from the Members of the European Parliament shown today will seriously harm its performance and thus weaken the second largest rail freight market in Europe.

 
  
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