Presidente. - L'ordine del giorno reca, in discussione congiunta,

– la raccomandazione della commissione per gli affari esteri sul progetto di decisione del Consiglio concernente la conclusione, a nome dell'Unione europea, dell'accordo di associazione tra l'Unione europea e la Comunità europea dell'energia atomica e i loro Stati membri, da una parte, e l'Ucraina, dall'altra, fatta eccezione per le disposizioni concernenti il trattamento dei cittadini dei paesi terzi legalmente assunti come lavoratori subordinati nel territorio dell'altra parte (13613/2013 – C8-0105/2014 – 2013/0151A(NLE)) (Relatore: Jacek Saryusz-Wolski) (A8-0002/2014), e

– la raccomandazione della commissione per le libertà civili, la giustizia e gli affari interni sull'accordo di associazione UE-Ucraina, per quanto concerne le disposizioni relative al trattamento dei cittadini di paesi terzi legalmente occupati nel territorio dell'altra parte (14011/2013 - C8-0106/2014 - 2013/0151B(NLE)) (Relatore: Claude Moraes)

Vi prego di rispettare assolutamente i termini durante questo dibattito perché a mezzogiorno saremo in collegamento diretto con il parlamento di Kiev, quindi non posso accettare né blue card né ci sarà il catch-the-eye. Invito anche i miei ex colleghi Commissari a rispettare assolutamente il termine di tempo fissato, così come tutti i relatori e tutti coloro che interverranno, altrimenti sarò costretto a togliervi la parola, non per mancanza di rispetto nei vostri confronti, ma perché non possiamo mancare noi di rispetto al parlamento di Kiev.

  Jacek Saryusz-Wolski, rapporteur. - Mr President, I am hereby submitting to the European Parliament the legislative proposal to ratify – to give consent to – the Association Agreement between the European Union and the Ukraine, ten years after the Orange Revolution, which deceived so many hopes, one year after the failure in Vilnius to sign the Association Agreement and 10 months after the beginning of the heroic and victorious Euromaidan, which was a sign of the wish and will of the Ukrainian nation to make its European choice. The European choice of Ukraine, through this ratification today, will be institutionalised in the form of an Association Agreement and will in future bind the European Union and the Ukraine together.

During the past 10 months, Ukrainian citizens proved to be committed to European values and willing to fight for the country’s democratic development. Ukrainian society has paid the highest price for their European aspirations, grieving the deaths of numerous people, suffering territorial occupation by Russia and experiencing a deteriorating economic situation. The European Union was extending assistance to the Ukrainian State. From the EU side the EU has assisted Ukraine economically and politically and with this ratification it gives Ukraine the strongest sign of support.

Economic support on the Union’s side is substantial, with a financial package amounting to up to EUR 11 billion, and it also covers political support, which is embodied in the creation of the Support Group for Ukraine in the European Commission, the organisation of the International Donors Conference and efforts towards establishment of the technical assistance plan in a number of areas, from constitutional to judicial and administrative reform.

This ratification is a milestone in Ukraine-EU relations. The ratification of the Association Agreement follows the signing, in two sequences in March and June, of this agreement and it is such a milestone in spite of the regrettable proposal on delayed implementation of the Agreement which was recently discussed. The ratification of the Association Agreement is a success for both Ukraine and the European Union.

Today’s vote on ratification, which will happen at 12 noon simultaneously in two European cities, Kiev and Strasbourg – the capital of Europe and the capital of Ukraine – and by two democratically elected parliaments, both chambers seeing each other on the big screens, by the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine and the European Parliament, the highest legislative directly elected and democratic body of the European Union. It is a strong symbolic message to Ukrainian society and the proof of sharing the common European values and destiny.

This gesture is even more necessary today than it seemed to be some time ago, in the face of the increasing pressure, invasion and warfare directed against Ukraine by Russia. We need to restore the credibility of this relationship in the face of external threats.

An Association Agreement is not the definitive goal of Ukrainian-European Union relations. Ukraine and the European Union have a common future in front of them and this future must be protected from external Russian pressure, to become a reality. What can be done? The only way for the Union to effectively stop those threats and stop Russia questioning this relationship is to introduce increasingly heavy sanctions, until the cost for Russia becomes too high for it to sustain its policies.

We need to enhance and accelerate financial and economic assistance to Ukraine and contribute to increasing the military capabilities of Ukraine. Ukraine should be assisted in protecting its territorial integrity and in introducing the agreed necessary but difficult reforms at the same time and in parallel. The Association Agreement to be ratified today will be protected from any changes which might be requested by any third counry. We start and embark on the new European future for Ukraine. Ukraine: welcome to this new relationship with the European Union.

  Claude Moraes, rapporteur. - Mr President, Mr Saryusz-Wolski has spoken with some passion and a lot of knowledge about the position in Ukraine, as have many colleagues in the foreign affairs debate.

It falls to the Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs – where the decision was split – to take responsibility for Article 17, the legal migration and neighbourhood aspects of this Association Agreement, which are nevertheless very important aspects. We were very conscious of this and take very seriously our responsibility to have a vote in parallel with the Kiev Parliament. Although our responsibilities are less than those of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, the seriousness with which our committee voted yesterday, swiftly, in a vote without debate – and I understand that many of our members were concerned about the lack of debate in committee – nevertheless shows they were acutely aware that this parallel symbolic vote, as Mr Saryusz-Wolski described it, was an extremely important signal to the people of Ukraine.

I want to specifically say why that is. In the last parliamentary term I was also one of the rapporteurs responsible for neighbourhood policy. We have heard in the last debate on foreign affairs why neighbourhood policy must be consistent. Despite all the sufferings of the Ukrainian people that we have heard of, we need to be consistent in our neighbourhood policy. Neighbourhood policy is an extremely important indicator that we will maintain our undertakings to the Ukrainian people and we will not deviate from that. So the Civil Liberties Committee will maintain its policy and our vote yesterday, by some majority, was the signal of that. I do not want to take up the time of the plenary too much because we want that vote to coincide at 12.00, but I would just like to say that we will take our steps seriously under Article 17 and I will conclude my remarks there.

  Karel De Gucht, Member of the Commission. - Mr President, many questions have been put about the agreement, or the proposal for an agreement, reached last Friday in Brussels between Ukraine, the European Union and Russia. What does it really mean?

It means, on the one hand, that we are going to prolong the autonomous trade measures vis-à-vis Ukraine. So they will continue to be able to export onto our European markets as if the agreement were already in force. Let me point out that, since June when we decided on the autonomous trade measures for the first time, exports by Ukraine to the European Union have increased by 15% in just a couple of months. So this is a very effective tool.

It is up to the Council of Ministers to change the decision on provisional application, and with respect to the autonomous trade measures it depends on codecision by the European Parliament and the Council whether or not these autonomous measures are prolonged. This is a decision to be taken by you and by the Council of Ministers in a very democratic process.

With regard to provisional application, which is the other side of the mirror, the question of whether we have free access to the Ukrainian market, and whether we can continue with sanitary and phytosanitary standards (SPS) and with the technical barriers to trade, is in the hands of the Council of Ministers. There is currently a decision on provisional application, and the Council will have to change that. We are going to make a proposal to them to do so for definite periods of time – specifically until the end of next year.

Why have we been working to make the agreement that was reached on Friday? Some have said it is non-effective, a sign of weakness or a mistake. The reason we have been doing it, Ms Harms, and the result of the long process which started in July, is to make ratification possible. Without this agreement on Friday, there would no ratification today. And what are the results of that ratification? There are at least three.

First, it gives new economic opportunities to Ukraine to export into the European Union and to have economic growth. If we really want Ukraine to become a fully-fledged democracy and part of the European House, what you will need there is economic opportunity, growth and jobs. And that, by the way, is the reason why these people protested in the Maidan: because they want freedom and they want economic growth. When the Soviet Union split apart, the per capita income in Ukraine was a little bit higher than it was in Poland, and now the per capita income in Poland is four times higher than that of Ukraine. That has been the result of Poland becoming a member of the European Union.

Secondly, ratification establishes a bond between Ukraine and the European Union which is very important because that is what the people really want. They want to establish this bond with the European Union, and once the ratification has taken place it is no longer merely a matter of words. It has become a legal relationship: it has become a treaty. Of course, the Member States will have to ratify it. Six have done so already and it will be very wise for the other Member States to do this as soon as possible. Ratification establishes a bond between Ukraine and the European Union which will be very difficult, if not impossible, to undo because it establishes a treaty.

At the moment, what Russia is trying to do in Ukraine is to create a new frozen conflict in the east of the country. That is what they are trying to do – just as happened in Moldova with Transnistria, just as happened in Georgia with Abkhazia and South Ossetia, and just as happened in Nagorno-Karabakh. At that moment in time we, as the European Union, are saying ‘OK, we will make a treaty with you, we will make this bond with you.’ This is a legal bond and we are not going to undo it, but rather we will make further discussion possible and will ensure that the elections on 15 October take place under acceptable conditions. We are ready to make a sacrifice – yes, an economic sacrifice – and delay the provisional application of the agreement for a very limited period of time. That is what this is about and I am sure that is what you are going to vote for in half an hour’s time.

  Tibor Szanyi, az S&D képviselőcsoport nevében. – Magyarország Ukrajnával szomszédos ország, és mi egészen közelről látjuk és érezzük ennek az egész konfliktusnak nagyon sok vonatkozását. Ennek ellenére magyar emberként és magyar politikusként is csak gratulálni szeretnék az európai intézményeknek, köztük az Európai Parlamentnek, hogy nagyon sok más hasonló esethez képest most végre nem a tétlenség, hanem a cselekvés útját választotta. Mindazonáltal ne feledkezzünk meg arról, hogy ennek a mostani folyamatnak az eredője, a legmélyebb ok, ami miatt itt állunk, ahol állunk, végül is a nacionalizmus. Sajnos Európában is rengeteg nacionalista erőfeszítés van. Nekünk nemcsak Ukrajnával kell barátkozni, hanem szembe kell szállni az Európai Unión belüli nacionalista törekvésekkel is.

  Mark Demesmaeker, namens de ECR-Fractie. – Wij zorgen vandaag voor een stimulans om te komen tot een vrij en economisch sterker Oekraïne. Willen wij een buffer vormen tegen een destructieve destabilisatiepolitiek van het Kremlin, dan is deze stap nodig, zowel voor onze veiligheid als voor die van Oekraïne.

Maar verandering kan natuurlijk nooit van buitenaf worden opgelegd. Verandering komt altijd van binnenuit. De systematische onderliggende zwakheden van de Oekraïense democratische instellingen zijn een constante drijfveer voor hen die het land willen destabiliseren. Zonder echte hervormingen in justitie, zonder doortastende anticorruptiemaatregelen, zonder het opdoeken van het systeem van oligarchen, waar de Oekraïense politieke klasse uit bestaat, kortom, zonder verandering van het systeem zélf dat Oekraïne al jaren kenmerkt, zal deze overeenkomst toekomstig buitenlands gestook niet weerstaan. En die verandering, daar was het de Euromaidan-beweging tenslotte toch om te doen.

Ik hoop dat mijn collega's van de Raad dit ook beseffen. Wij staan aan jullie kant, maar grijp dit moment dan ook aan om de Oekraïners vertrouwen in de politiek te schenken.

Ondertussen, commissaris, wil ik een oproep doen om snel concreet te helpen. Tientallen zwaargewonde soldaten hebben dringende professionele medische hulp nodig in onze ziekenhuizen. Honderdduizenden vluchtelingen hebben hulp nodig. De heropbouw in het oosten, de bevrijde gebieden, moet dringend beginnen. Ik hoop dat de Europese Unie hier snel kan helpen. Leve Oekraïne.

  Kaja Kallas, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Mr President, first of all I would like to strongly welcome the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement. I hope that the European Parliament will give its consent with a large majority. The armed conflict in the eastern Ukraine has resulted in over 3000 military and civilian casualties, but it has also resulted in major economic costs, including the cost of rebuilding the eastern regions.

Ukraine needs a political and negotiated resolution of the conflict. For that it is necessary that the Russian Federation withdraw all its troops from Ukraine. It also needs EU support. I believe this agreement is a great opportunity for EU-Ukraine economic relations, for the economic development of Ukraine, but it is also a great opportunity for Ukraine to further consolidate its efforts to strengthen the rule of law, fight against corruption and guarantee compliance with human rights and fundamental freedoms.

  Helmut Scholz, im Namen der GUE/NGL-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, sehr geehrte Herren Kommissare! Die heutige Ratifizierung mit der jetzigen Verschiebung der Inkraftsetzung des Kapitels V des

Assoziierungsabkommens EU-Ukraine sieht meine Fraktion kritisch.

Zwei Gründe: Es ist bereits erklärt, dass sich schlussendlich am Abkommen nichts verändern wird, und zugleich soll das angekündigte Jahr dafür genutzt werden, eine Schocktherapie in der Ukraine zu umgehen. Wer bitte will hier ernsthaft erklären, dass die hohen gesellschaftlichen Kosten der Assoziierung für die Ukraine in einem Jahr nicht mehr fällig wären?

In der Ukraine haben wir zurzeit nicht einmal ein Parlament, welches entsprechende Gesetze erarbeiten könnte, denn Neuwahlen sind angesetzt. Da sind wir eigentlich in der Substanz wiederum bei der Ratifizierung schon des Freihandelsabkommens EU-Ukraine von 2012 oder am Vorabend von Vilnius.

Das EP soll heute hier etwas abnicken, was gegen die Regeln nicht analysiert und nicht diskutiert wurde, weder im EP, in der EU, noch in der ukrainischen Gesellschaft und schon gar nicht mit den Partnern wie Russland. Die Botschaft ist klar: Die Bürgerinnen und Bürger werden die Zeche bezahlen, und wir sind ein willfähriges Instrument.

Deshalb fordert meine Fraktion, das Assoziierungsabkommen heute nicht abzustimmen und dem EP kurzfristig eine Roadmap vorzulegen, wie der Gesamtkomplex der Wirtschaftsbeziehungen EU-Ukraine-Russland für alle transparent geregelt werden soll.

  Yannick Jadot, au nom du groupe Verts/ALE. – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Commissaire, j'espère que, dans un peu plus d'une demi-heure, ce Parlement votera, à une large majorité, pour cet accord d'association. C'est un signal extrêmement important de solidarité et de soutien dans un moment extrêmement difficile pour les Ukrainiens. Cet accord comprend un volet économique. Il rapproche l'Ukraine de l'acquis communautaire, sous conditionnalité démocratique, ce qui est très important.

J'espère qu'une large majorité se dégagera. Évidemment, elle n'inclura pas tous les groupes. L'extrême droite continue de préférer la dictature corrompue de Poutine à la démocratie et au droit des peuples à disposer d'eux-mêmes.

Au-delà de cela, nous sommes dans une situation un peu compliquée parce qu'on a appris vendredi dernier que les conditions de la mise en œuvre de l'accord avaient évolué. Il y a dix jours, la commission du commerce international se réunissait en la présence de la Commission européenne et nous n'étions absolument pas alertés sur le fait qu'étaient négociés de possibles changements dans les conditions de mise en œuvre, notamment de l'accord commercial. Et, parce que vous êtes interpellés ce matin, une demi-heure avant le vote, on commence à comprendre les raisons qui ont pu amener à modifier la mise en œuvre et peut-être le contenu de l'accord.

Est-ce que des membres du Conseil européen sont intervenus? Sous quel mandat un tel report a-t-il été négocié? Est-ce la Russie qui est intervenue et qui, du fait de son occupation militaire d'une partie de l'Ukraine, a imposé ce report? On ne le sait pas bien mais on va quand même voter.

Il y a là, Monsieur le Commissaire, il y a un vrai problème. Qu'il y ait une mise en scène du vote de ce Parlement et du vote du Parlement ukrainien en même temps, tout ceci est très bien. Mais il faut que ce Parlement européen puisse juger sérieusement de cet accord. Or, en l'état, nous n'avons pas pu le faire. Vous gâchez un peu la fête de cet accord.

  James Carver, on behalf of the EFDD Group. – Mr President, the timing of this agreement is despicable. We have an intermittent ceasefire coming and going in Eastern Ukraine and this procedure is being rushed through here so that the European and Ukrainian parliaments can send a joint symbolic signal towards Russia. Usual procedures for amendments have been strictly limited in terms of time for submission, and they were only in English. Parliamentary procedures have not been adhered to. The Committee on International Trade was unable to submit an official position on the trade aspects of this agreement. So much for democracy. The consideration of this agreement has been rushed through in the name of political posturing and risks prolonging and possibly even intensifying both the conflict in Eastern Ukraine and tensions with Russia. You people simply do not understand the meaning of the word diplomacy. Quite frankly, you are trying to extinguish a bonfire that you lit, with gasoline.

  Tanja Fajon (S&D). - Za mir in blagostanje vseh ljudi v Ukrajini – za to si prizadevamo. Za podporo suverenosti, za politično rešitev, za prekinitev agresije in za gospodarsko okrevanje. S potrditvijo pridružitvenega sporazuma prevzemamo aktivno odgovornost do modernizacije države, političnih in ekonomskih reform.

Tako, da evropski denar dobijo resnično tisti, ki ga najbolj potrebujejo – upokojenci, mali podjetniki, družine z otroci. Še posebej me veseli, da smo v sporazum vključili tudi mobilnost. Odpravljamo namreč še eno od ovir do vstopa Ukrajine v brez-vizumski režim, in to je tisto, kar ljudje najbolj čutijo, najbolj otipljivo za krepitev stikov med ljudmi.

Dragi kolegi, ratifikacija sporazuma je dokaz, da nam ni vseeno za tisoče nedolžnih žrtev, ki so morale umreti. To je naš dolg. Da danes stojimo na strani tistih, ki v Ukrajini najbolj trpijo.

  Timothy Kirkhope (ECR). - Mr President, through this agreement we are offering Ukraine the greatest tool the EU has at its disposal: access to our single market in all senses. Such an agreement will not only improve our ties with our eastern neighbours, it will also provide Ukraine with the impetus to make reforms: reforms to improve transparency, tackle corruption and improve the economy. Reforms will not happen overnight and they will not happen without pain but in the long run Ukraine will be able to take her rightful place as a Western country, with open and stable markets, capable of standing on her own two feet.

In Europe this Association Agreement means not only that we gain the partnership of a long-standing and, one might say, long-suffering friend but also that we will gain a stable marketplace in which our producers and our businesses can fully engage. Of course, in order to open our markets to each other we must also ensure that some fundamental norms and standards are put in place. That is what this agreement seeks to do, and especially to ensure that basic rights are maintained for all workers coming to and from Ukraine. Today marks a new chapter in EU-Ukraine relations, a process that will be to our mutual benefit, and no one should get in the way of that.

  Miloslav Ransdorf (GUE/NGL). - Pane předsedající, chtěl bych vyjádřit souhlas s tím, co řekla Viktoria Šilova z hnutí Antiválka, že Ukrajinci vyměnili vládu zlodějů, která byla za Janukovyče, za vládu vrahů, která je za Porošenka.

Je třeba říci, že dnešní ekonomický stav je katastrofický, že Národní banka Ukrajiny je v současné době ve stavu technického defaultu, že je na východě Ukrajiny zavřeno 35 dolů a během 3 týdnů nebude mít Ukrajina dost energetického uhlí. Hrozí energetická krize a to je téma, které je i pro nás v Evropském parlamentu důležité, jako i to, že jsou tam stovky firem, které čekají na rozumný ekonomický program, který by jim mohly nabídnout evropské podniky. Jsem přesvědčen, že máme jít touto cestou a uvědomit si, že bychom měli v Evropském parlamentu vytvořit skupinu na podporu Ukrajiny. To znamená ne podporu těch, kteří tam dneska vládnou a kde je vlastně ve vládě i třetina fašistů, ale na podporu ukrajinského lidu a toho, aby se Ukrajina vydala rozumným směrem.

Volby jsou proto velká příležitost a nebude to jednoduchý úkol. Měli bychom se snažit o dohled nad volbami, protože tam je 32 006 volebních okrsků.

  Barbara Spinelli (GUE/NGL). - Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, ritengo che qualsiasi trattato con il governo ucraino necessiti di un dibattito più approfondito. Il Parlamento si è dato troppo poco tempo.

Ecco i punti che andrebbero chiariti prima di ogni intesa in piena guerra civile. Non si può contestualmente provocare la Russia includendo l'Ucraina nella NATO. Al governo di Kiev, considerato illegittimo da metà degli ucraini, l'Unione dovrebbe chiedere di sciogliere subito le milizie di estrema destra e neonaziste alle dipendenze del ministero dell'Interno a Kiev. Devono essere protette le popolazioni russe nell'Est e nel Sud dell'Ucraina, altrimenti diamo a Putin tutte le ragioni di un'invasione. Dovremmo discutere seriamente sulle sanzioni alla Russia, una politica a mio parere sbagliata, anzi una non-politica.

  Karel De Gucht, Member of the Commission. - Mr President, honourable Members, today you are going to ratify the Association Agreement with Ukraine. This is an historical fact but I think it is also the beginning of a process, the process of anchoring Ukraine in a democratic process, establishing the rule of law in that country, helping the Ukrainians to ban corruption and bringing them economic prosperity, and also contributing to their sovereignty, their sovereignty which is presently under pressure from Russia.

The Commission, the present one and also the next one, will follow up this process very closely. It will follow it very closely with respect to the agreement that we reached on Friday and, for example, if Russia is not respecting the conditions of the postponement of the provisional application of the Agreement by imposing trade measures on Ukraine, we will propose to the Council to change their decision on provisional application. We will look very clearly into the political process, making sure that we do not end up with a Ukraine which is constantly destabilised by the establishment of a new frozen conflict in the east of the country. And we will make sure that the necessary financial help, political help, economic help is given to Ukraine so that they can develop towards sovereignty, democracy and independence.

  Štefan Füle, Member of the Commission, on behalf of the Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. - Mr President, I am also speaking a little bit on my own behalf. Over the past year we have witnessed how the Ukrainian people have struggled for freedom, democracy and the rule of law, values at the core of the European Union. Europe stands with countries willing to engage on this path, and this is what our relationship with Ukraine is all about. We want to support Ukraine to become a more democratic, prosperous and rule-governed country.

Ukraine deserves the same opportunities that were afforded to my country and other countries in Eastern Europe after 1989. This was precisely the aim of our Association Agreement on which negotiations have been taking place for more than five years and which you are about to ratify. Honourable Members, Ukrainians count on your clear support in the vote later this morning. Let us send them a strong signal from Strasbourg to Kiev.

  Jacek Saryusz-Wolski, rapporteur. - Mr President, I am certain that in a few minutes this House will, with a great majority, ratify the Association Agreement between the European Union and Ukraine, thus sending a strong signal of support and solidarity.

The Association Agreement can provisionally enter into force immediately after reciprocal notification by both sides of the ratification and it will mean work in secret by Commissioner De Gucht as to how to make it half enter into force – politically but not economically. After ratification the Association Agreement – and this is the formal statement of the rapporteur and of the forthcoming resolution – cannot be changed by one word or one comma. We have to do all we can in order to prevent it being stopped or derailed.

Our Moscow sources say that a letter demanding changes to the text has already been sent to Commissioner De Gucht from Russia. I believe that with our ratification we are completely closing the gate to such possibilities and that we are acting in accordance with all the elements of our resolution, which is to be put to the vote on Thursday, that demand further, more audacious, extended and enhanced action by the European Union to assist Ukraine in its economic and political process and also in the defence of its territorial integrity and, ultimately, of the dignity of the Ukrainian nation.

  Presidente. - Ringrazio tutti i deputati per aver compreso l'importanza di rispettare durante questo dibattito i tempi di parola. Ringrazio anche i Commissari Füle e De Gucht per aver anche loro contributo al rispetto della tempistica.

(La seduta è sospesa per alcuni istanti)

Dichiarazioni scritte (articolo 162)

  Andrea Bocskor (PPE), írásban.– Ukrajna jelenlegi kül- és belpolitikai eseményei kiemelt figyelmet érdemelnek Európa részéről, hisz az európai orientációért az ukrán állampolgárok nagy árat fizettek. Ukrajna békéjének, stabilitásának és a lakosság létbiztonságának megteremtése jelenleg elsődleges, ehhez minden segítséget meg kell adni Ukrajnának, ezért fontos a társulási szerződés ratifikációja. Ez azért is lényeges, hogy az ország belpolitikai életében valóban elinduljanak a demokratizálódás folyamatai, a jogállamiság és jogegyenlőség feltételeinek megteremtése az Ukrajnában élő nemzeti kisebbségek számára is. Remélem, hogy az elkövetkező parlamenti választásokra már létrehozzák az egy tömbben élő nemzetiségek számára kedvező választókörzeteket, és lehetővé teszik, hogy képviselőik mandátumhoz jussanak, amit a szeptember végére kiírt, előrehozott választás esetén a Központi Választó Bizottság (CVK) törvénytelenül nem tett meg. Fontos ezt hangsúlyoznunk, mert amikor hozzájárulunk Ukrajna és az EU társulási szerződéséhez a kisebbségek jogait tiszteletben tartó, jogállami Ukrajna lehet igazi partnere az Európai Uniónak.

  Eduard Kukan (PPE), písomne. – Dnešná ratifikácia asociačnej dohody je symbolickým a historicky dôležitým krokom vo vzťahoch EÚ a Ukrajiny. Je to krok správnym smerom. EÚ má dlhodobo jasnú politiku voči Ukrajine založenú na rešpektovaní jej slobodných a suverénnych rozhodnutí. Asociačná dohoda je výsledkom dlhodobého procesu rokovaní potvrdzujúcich túto politiku. Toto bolo dnes potvrdené ako Európskym parlamentom, tak ukrajinskou Verchovnou radou. Verím, že pre Ukrajinu prinesie táto dohoda ekonomické výhody a bude motiváciou k ďalším reformám. Argumenty, ktoré zaznievajú proti ratifikácii tejto dohody, považujem za scestné a nepresné a sú často výsledkom ruskej propagandy. Európska Únia ma záujem na tom, aby bola Ukrajina naším partnerom – a to obchodným, ako aj politickým. Dnešnou ratifikáciou vysielame signál, že chceme tento cieľ dosiahnuť. Napätá situácia, ktorá vládne na Ukrajine, nie je výsledkom tejto dohody, ale agresívnej politiky Ruska voči svojim susedom. Pevne verím, že takáto politika nebude mať dlhé trvanie.

  Csaba Molnár (S&D), írásban. – Tagállami kormányoktól hallunk olyan hangokat, hogy az Oroszország elleni szankciók nem hatékonyak. A magyar miniszterelnök egyenesen azt állítja, lábon lőjük magunkat. Ezzel a kijelentéssel két probléma van, ezért az EP-nek határozottan el kell utasítania. Az első probléma, hogy az állítás nem igaz. A moszkvai értéktőzsde zuhan, a rubel mind az euróhoz, mind a dollárhoz képest történelmi mélységbe esett, 51 milliárd dollárnyi tőke menekült el az országból. Mindez bizonyítja, hogy ezek valós, erős, hatékony szankciók. Másrészt igaz, hogy a szankciók az európai gazdaságoknak is kárt okoznak, azonban ezek jóval kisebbek, mint amit Oroszország elszenved. Oroszországnak ránk, európaiakra nagyobb szüksége van, mint fordítva. A nemzetközi jog, a területi agresszió áldozatául esett ukrán nép védelme, valamint az európai alapértékek tisztelete fontosabb, mint a szankciók okozta átmeneti problémák. Mindezeken túl fontos, hogy az EU nem bírálhat hitelesen a közösségen kívüli államot addig, amíg saját határain belül meg nem oldja az alapjogok sérelmével kapcsolatos problémákat. Sajnálatos módon a magyar példa mutatta meg azt, hogy az uniós csatlakozást követően visszarendeződés történhet a jogállamiság és a demokratikus jogok terén. Az EU jelenleg sajnos eszköztelen, ha a demokratikus alapjogok érdekében kellene fellépnie. Erre minél hamarabb közösségi szintű megoldást kell találni. Csak így folytathatunk hiteles külpolitikát Oroszország viszonylatában.

  Laurențiu Rebega (S&D), în scris. – Această criză este de natură politică, deci este inadmisibil ca producătorii agricoli să fie unii dintre cei mai afectați de relațiile politice ale Uniunii Europene cu Federația Rusă. Consider că nu doar măsurile de sprijin comunitar pentru producătorii de legume și fructe trebuie susținute, deoarece aceștia pierd zilnic sume impresionante, dar și că încurajarea consumatorilor către un consum intern major a acestor produse poate fi o soluție pe termen scurt și lung. De asemenea, una din soluții poate fi și aceea a susținerii producătorilor și facilitării accesului către piețele extra europene deja deschise - precum cea chineză - și sunt de acord cu deschiderea față de piețele canadiene și americane. Sunt optimist în vederea găsirii unui echilibru între sancțiunile politice față de Federația Rusă și protejarea intereselor producătorilor agricoli de către Uniunea Europeană.

  Claudia Tapardel (S&D), în scris. – Astăzi, la Strasbourg, Parlamentul European a aprobat cu majoritate de voturi Acordul de asociere UE-Ucraina, inclusiv Acordul de Liber Schimb Aprofundat și Cuprinzător (DCFTA). Momentul a fost unul istoric, având în vedere că, în același timp, acordul a fost ratificat și de Parlamentul Ucrainean. Acordul presupune o asociere politică și de comerț liberalizat. Componenta politică aduce Ucraina cu un pas mai aproape de UE, în timp ce aspectul economic oferă acces reciproc, liber pe piață, integrând substanțial piețele celor două părți, desființând taxele de import și interzicând alte restricții comerciale.

Ca membru al Parlamentului European, din partea României, țară vecină cu Ucraina, doresc să subliniez importanța acestui acord, care este un semn clar de solidaritate și de apreciere din partea UE față de poporul ucrainean în lupta sa pentru democrație, pentru un viitor prosper într-o țară în care principiile democrației să fie respectate. Ucraina are nevoie de bune relații de vecinătate atât cu Vestul, cat și cu Estul Europei. Ca urmare a votului din Parlamentul European și Ucrainean, acordul va fi aplicat provizoriu, dar data exactă va fi confirmată de Consiliu. Pentru a intra pe deplin în vigoare, acordul trebuie să fie ratificat de cele 28 de State Membre.

  Владимир Уручев (PPE), в писмена форма.– Г-н Председател, колеги, сред засегнатите държави от руското продоволствено ембарго е и България. До момента изчисленията са за 10,5 милиона лева от общия ни аграрен износ. Забраната за внос на селскостопански продукти лиши всички производители отдостъп до втория по големина пазар за европейските стоки. Днес те очакват от Брюксел солидарност под формата на спешни и адекватни мерки, които да компенсират загубите им и да ги защитят от нови.

За съжаление вторичният ефект от ембаргото може да се окаже дори по-дълбок и опустошителен за някои отрасли, като включително доведе до загуба на работни места там, където земеделието е единствен поминък на населението. Земеделските стопани са сред най-засегнатите от политическата криза между ЕС и Русия, но не е редно те да плащат сами тази висока цена.

В тази връзка намирам предвидените компенсации в размер на 125 милиона евро за крайно недостатъчни и призовавам към тяхното увеличение. Това обаче не бива да става единствено със средства от кризисния фонд на ОСП, който бе предвиден за кризи на вътрешния пазар, породени от суша, наводнения, слаба реколта или болести, а настоящата не е такава. Затова трябва да компенсираме загубите от руските ограничения от други пера, както и да настояваме за повече средства за ОСП през 2015 г.

  Iuliu Winkler (PPE), în scris. – Parlamentul European și Rada Supremă de la Kiev aprobă, azi, simultan Acordul de asociere UE - Ucraina. Dacă la începutul săptămânii trecute, acest gest politic era privit cu încredere, azi este umbrit de decizia de amânare a implementării Acordului de liber-schimb dintre Kiev și UE. Trebuie să evităm festivismul referitor la ratificarea simultană a acordului deoarece presiunile interne din Ucraina, dar și cele externe, riscă să transforme Acordul de asociere într-un document de sertar, neaplicat sau neaplicabil. PE și instituțiile UE trebuie să urmărească prioritar aplicarea Acordului de asociere, îndeosebi a componentei sale comerciale.

La 25 de ani de la căderea Cortinei de fier, am putea crede că Europa a lăsat definitiv în urmă experiența regimurilor totalitare, lipsa democrației și a respectului față de tratatele internaționale, însă realitățile din estul continentului ne demonstrează contrariul. De aceea, cred că este nevoie de mai multă consecvență și coerență în politica UE și a statelor membre în relația cu Ucraina în privința politicilor de sancțiuni aplicate Federației Ruse, în consolidarea relației UE - NATO și pentru o mai bună coordonare cu măsurile recentului summit nord-atlantic. Țelul nostru este pacea și stabilitatea în regiune și menținerea nivelului de ambiție a obiectivului Parteneriatului Estic.

  Milan Zver (PPE), pisno.– Pred meseci sem že pisal in govoril o geostrateških načrtih Kremlja, ki segajo precej dlje od Krima. Putin ne spoštuje svetovne ureditve, ozemeljske suverenosti, mednarodnega prava in temeljnih človekovih pravic. Veselil sem se implementacije trgovinskega sporazuma z Ukrajino. Z odložitvijo njegove uveljavitve smo na nek način ponovno klonili pred Putinom. Tudi sami smo krivi za rusko vojaško posredovanje v Ukrajini in širjenje njenega ozemlja, saj ji leta 2008 nismo zagotovili varne prihodnost v Severnoatlantski zvezi. Prepričan sem, da Putin na dolgi rok te vojne ne more dobiti. Če bo nadaljeval po začrtani poti, bo Rusija v nekaj letih osamljena država in velika ekonomska in socialna katastrofa. A posledice bodo tudi za nas hude, in še hujše bodo, če bomo oklevali z bolj odločnimi sankcijami in vsestransko pomočjo Ukrajini.

VORSITZ: MARTIN SCHULZ
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