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Procedure : 2017/2683(RSP)
Document stages in plenary
Select a document: :

Texts tabled :

B8-0362/2017

Debates :

PV 18/05/2017 - 9.3
CRE 18/05/2017 - 9.3

Votes :

PV 18/05/2017 - 11.3

Texts adopted :

P8_TA(2017)0220

Debates
Thursday, 18 May 2017 - Strasbourg Revised edition

9.3. South Sudan
Video of the speeches
PV
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  President. – The next item is the debate on seven motions for resolutions on South Sudan.

 
  
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  Ignazio Corrao, author. – Mr President, South Sudan is collapsing. The civil war has brought the country to its knees and now there is a serious risk that the conflict will take on a full ethnic dimension and could lead to genocide. Almost half of the population do not have enough food. If not bullets, then malnutrition and starvation will kill them. Humanitarian workers are blocked because the danger is great and there are too many difficulties, which means that they cannot assist the population affected and anyone who urgently needs help.

The conflict cannot be solved militarily. We must immediately declare a ceasefire that brings together all the actors, and not just the parties in conflict, in order to recognise that the country has suffered enough and that the next steps are those of reconciliation and reconstruction.

 
  
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  Bas Belder, Auteur. – Precies een week geleden verscheen in mijn land, Nederland, een opmerkelijk opinieartikel over Zuid-Sudan, want deze bijdrage droeg de titel: "Wanhoop en hoop in Zuid-Sudan". Wat een contradictie! Wanhoop, menselijke wanhoop bij de bevolking van Zuid-Sudan is volstrekt voorstelbaar. Onze gezamenlijke resolutie benoemt de oorlogsgruwelen waaraan Zuid-Sudanezen sinds jaar en dag zijn blootgesteld.

Echter, is er in deze bijna uitzichtloze situatie toch nog sprake van hoop in en voor Zuid—Sudan? Jazeker! Weldoordachte lokale initiatieven werpen thans vruchten af – dat mogen we niet vergeten –, geven hoop. Ik citeer: Als een meisje naar school kan – en dat gebeurt in Zuid—Sudan –, niet wordt uitgehuwelijkt – en dat gebeurt ook –, en met meer respect wordt behandeld, is dat grote winst voor haar, nu en later. Het geeft haarzelf hoop voor eigen toekomst en hoop voor haar eigen land Zuid-Sudan.

Ik hoop van harte dat dankzij Europese steun nog vele tekenen van zulke hoop in het verscheurde, verdroogde, hongerende Zuid-Sudan worden gerealiseerd met onze hulp.

 
  
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  Jordi Solé, author. – Mr President, the situation in South Sudan is a nightmare. Civil war, appalling human rights violations and under-development have caused huge suffering to the population and have forced millions of its citizens to flee. Famine has been declared in some regions, and particularly worrying is the situation for the children. They make up 62% of the refugees and 17 000 have been used as child soldiers.

Arms trafficking is fuelling the tragedy, and the UN report gives details about arms trafficking networks within the European Union. This is a clear violation of the EU common position on exports of arms and dual use goods. This is outrageous, and I appeal to the Member States concerned to fully take their responsibilities. The EU is a major humanitarian and aid contribution to South Sudan, but the laxness of at least one of our Member States when it comes to arms exports counteracts all these efforts.

 
  
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  Soraya Post, author. – Mr President, the women and children of South Sudan cannot stand here today to express their desperation, so we must speak up for them. Women and girls are systematically raped and abducted as a weapon of war. A UN survey has found that 70% of women living in IDP camps in Juba have been raped, the vast majority by police or soldiers. Tens of thousands of children are believed to have been recruited by armed groups.

By the end of 2017, half of the country’s population will have been displaced or perished. The country is facing famine and economic collapse. President Salva Kiir and former Vice—President Riek Machar must respect their obligations. President Kiir has committed to unilateral ceasefire; he must implement it and must immediately bring the rapists and murderers among the police and military to justice.

 
  
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  Lola Sánchez Caldentey, autora. – Señor presidente, desde 2013 Sudán del Sur se ha precipitado hacia una guerra civil de carácter étnico, y, según la ONU, el conflicto ha generado tres millones y medio de desplazados, de los cuales dos millones son niños. Además, la peor sequía en la historia del país ha dejado a dos de cada tres sudaneses en grave peligro de hambruna. Pero el terrible escenario labrado por la represión, la violencia étnica y los recortes de libertades, así como los efectos del cambio climático, es de origen humano.

Es inaceptable que nuestra acción exterior no haga más que contribuir al problema. Es vergonzoso que nuestra política de ayuda responda únicamente a nuestros desacertados intereses geoestratégicos, obviando por completo las necesidades de los sudaneses y reforzando la legitimidad de un Gobierno criminal. El proceso de Jartum es un ejemplo de ello, pues destina ayuda al desarrollo para externalizar el control de fronteras, adornándola con una bonita retórica pro derechos humanos.

Por eso, el papel de la Unión Europea debería pasar por establecer canales de ayuda guiados por criterios de eficacia y no una condicionalidad ligada a la colaboración en política migratoria, como el control de flujos de frontera.

 
  
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  Tomáš Zdechovský, Autor. – Já bych na začátku chtěl poděkovat všem politickým skupinám. Nestává se v této místnosti velmi často, že politické skupiny se opravdu shodnou jednotně na tomto poměrně závažném a poměrně důležitém textu.

Já si myslím, že je důležité hledat jednotu. Je důležité najít důslednost vůči režimu v Jižním Súdánu. To, co se děje v Súdánu, je samozřejmě naprostá katastrofa, 40 % lidí nemá denně přístup k jídlu. Řada žen, jak zde již bylo mými předřečníky zmíněno, byla znásilněna. Řada dětí je užívána jako dětští vojáci.

My se tady nemůžeme jen tak beztrestně dívat na to, co se v Jižním Súdánu děje. My právě proto chceme vyzvat všechny vlády EU a především ty vlády států, které tam v minulosti měly své zájmy, aby skutečně začaly s touto situací něco dělat. Není možné, abychom jen přihlíželi humanitární katastrofě a utrpení řadě lidí.

Je naprosto skandální, že vlastně nemůžeme zaručit bezpečnost humanitárních pracovníků. Řada humanitárních pracovníků v minulých měsících byla zabita nebo byla unesena. Je proto znovu potřeba vyzvat členské státy i další státy demokratického společenství, aby se zasadily o to, abychom v Súdánu znovu nastolili pořádek a právo. Aby se zde respektovaly alespoň některé prvky Mezinárodní úmluvy OSN o lidských právech. Jinak ty generace, které ponesou následky, budou mít hrůzný zážitek a bude hrůzný zážitek vědět, že za to můžeme i my.

 
  
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  Javier Nart, autor. – Señor presidente, uno está bastante aburrido de las retóricas condenas en las que todos estamos de acuerdo para no llegar a otra cosa que tranquilizar nuestra propia conciencia, en ocasiones nuestra propia hipocresía. Sudán es una tragedia que está realizada por los hombres. Es un etnocidio creado por el género humano, concretamente por los dos líderes (el nuer y el dinka) que son Salva Kiir y Riek Machar.

Tenemos primero que establecer un cese el fuego. En segundo lugar, la presencia de tropas verdaderas de interposición. Tropas activas, no el escándalo de la MONUSCO en el Congo, esto es, «soldados turistas». Verdaderamente fuerzas de interposición ante la tragedia del pueblo del Congo.

En tercer lugar, gracias a ello podrá llegar la ayuda humanitaria. Y por último, establecer un tribunal penal que lleve a ese tribunal a los criminales, a los etnocidas, que son los líderes de Sudán del Sur. El líder que gobierna y la oposición. Y, desde luego, congelar sus activos en el exterior —¡en bancos europeos!—, que son consecuencia de la corrupción.

 
  
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  Seán Kelly, thar ceann an Ghrúpa PPE. – A Uachtaráin, is dóigh liom gurb é seo an tríú nó an ceathrú huair go bhfuilimid ag déanamh díospóireachta anseo faoin tSúdáin Theas ó bunaíodh an tír thall ansin. Ach in ionad rudaí a bheith ag éirí níos fearr, tá siad ag éirí níos measa agus an chúis ná an cogadh cathartha – an cogadh is measa. Mar i gcogadh cathartha déanann daoine scrios ar a dtír féin agus tá scrios déanta acu sa tSúdáin Theas.

Tá na daoine ag fulaingt go huafásach dá bharr; 2 mhilliún duine ídithe as a mbailte, 1.6 milliún duine tar éis teitheadh trasna na teorann agus 7.5 milliún duine i mbaol ocrais. Meastar go mbeidh ar a laghad EUR 1.4 billiún ag teastáil chun cuidiú leis na bochtáin agus, chun creidiúint a thabhairt don Aontas, táimid ag tabhairt EUR 381 mhilliún. Ach i ndeireadh na dála, níl ach freagra amháin ann: deireadh a chur leis an gcogadh cathartha uafásach seo.

 
  
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  Jytte Guteland, för S&D-gruppen. – Herr talman! Tack till alla politiska grupper för den breda samstämmighet som har visats med den här resolutionen.

Först en ögonblicksbild: Jag såg min son, min lilla bebis med knubbiga kinder, jollrande på golvet hemma, och samtidigt får man rapporter från tv-nyheter med barn med stora ögon, matta ögon, liten kropp.

Sedan en debatt om matsvinn i Europa, om 90 miljoner ton i matsvinn. Och därtill insikten om att människor flyr från hungersnöd, konflikter, sexuellt våld; 3,6 miljoner människor på flykt. Nära två miljoner av dem är barn.

Ett fåtals makthunger leder till ett flertals – människornas, folkens, barnens – desperation, flykt och sorg. De här stridigheterna måste få ett slut – brotten mot mänskliga rättigheter kan inte tillåtas fortgå.

Tack för den här resolutionen, men låt det här vara starten på ett arbete inom EU. Inte minst kommissionen och medlemsländerna måste agera.

 
  
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  Charles Tannock, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, it is just five months since our last resolution concerning South Sudan, and the situation there has actually worsened. The country is verging on becoming a failed state. Famine was declared in parts of the country in February, in part due to the chaotic political and economic situation; increasingly, voices are being raised with concerns that the conflict is escalating towards genocide; and such grave war-crime concerns must now be taken extremely seriously and all options considered. Not only is there a humanitarian obligation to act but the impact of further escalation, in an already destabilising region of the Horn of Africa, would be detrimental to EU Member State interests.

Nearly a year after the UN Security Council voted to send a regional military protection force of 4 000 troops to supplement the existing UNMISS peacekeeping forces, I am pleased to note at last that the South Sudanese authorities have finally, and for the first time, allowed these troops to arrive and be stationed on their territory. This is a welcome step but the EU must now go on to pressure South Sudan fully to honour all its obligations and to bring all the war criminals to justice.

 
  
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  Frédérique Ries, au nom du groupe ALDE. – Monsieur le Président, mardi dernier, dans cet hémicycle, le président de la Commission de l’Union africaine nous appelait: «à renforcer le partenariat Afrique-Europe et à construire des ponts». Je crains que le régime sanguinaire de Djouba ait choisit l’isolement.

Les chiffres sont tragiques: des dizaines de milliers de morts depuis le début de la guerre civile il y a trois ans, plus de 3 millions d’habitants déplacés, le viol comme arme de guerre, les enfants soldats et puis cette famine, qui laisse un million de personnes gravement sous-alimentées, dont 600 000 enfants.

Et pourtant, parce que l’espérance est un risque à courir – comme l’écrit Bernanos –l’Union européenne doit peser de tout son poids dans la recherche d’une issue. À ce titre, je salue l’ouverture toute récente par le Soudan de corridors humanitaires et le rôle de médiateur que souhaite prendre la République démocratique du Congo pour mettre en place un dialogue de réconciliation.

Les Nations unies aussi ont, bien évidemment, un rôle de premier plan à jouer; le déploiement d’une force régionale sous commandement de l’ONU pour assurer la sécurité, qui viendrait en renfort du contingent des 13 000 casques bleus déjà sur place, sonne aujourd’hui comme une évidence.

 
  
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  Jean-Luc Schaffhauser, au nom du groupe ENF. – Monsieur le Président, je me rappelle d’une réunion sur le Soudan où il y avait le conseiller spécial de notre Président, l’ambassadeur et l’Église en détresse. Nous étions contre la partition du Soudan car nous imaginions les conséquences de cette partition.

La communauté internationale, à savoir l’Occident, a soutenu cette partition pour des raisons énergétiques et économiques. Depuis, les oppositions interethniques ont pris leurs droits avec le soutien bienveillant de puissances régionales, comme l’Ouganda, et des pays occidentaux, qui ont déjà parrainé la sécession, comme les États-Unis, provoquant la guerre civile.

Le Soudan est un cas d’école de ce que l’Occident fait subir à l’Afrique. D’ailleurs, c’est ce que nous voyons aussi en République démocratique du Congo. Nous avons joué sur les partitions ethniques pour obtenir des partitions territoriales et servir nos intérêts derrière tout cela.

La seule voie possible, c’est de laisser les communautés africaines redessiner leur mode d’organisation au sein d’États viables et souverains.

 
  
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  Maria Grapini (S&D). – Domnule președinte, doamnă comisar, conflictul politic și foametea au creat o criză umanitară fără precedent în Sudanul de Sud. Peste cinci milioane de persoane din țară au nevoie de ajutor, milioane de oameni se confruntă cu foametea, peste 3,6 milioane de persoane sunt strămutate, inclusiv un milion de copii. Conflictul din Sudan ar trebui să ne îngrijoreze pe toți. Este vital pentru Uniunea Europeană să se asigure că părțile aflate în conflict doresc să se angajeze la un acord de încetare a focului. Fluxul de arme încurajează în continuare conflictul. Uniunea Europeană trebuie să impună embargou asupra armelor. Rapoartele potrivit cărora mai multe țări, inclusiv Ucraina și Israel continuă să transfere arme în Sudanul de Sud, acestea fiind facilitate de brokeri din statele membre exprimă o profundă îngrijorare. În ianuarie 2016, anchetatorii ONU au descoperit că în afară de sute de mitraliere ușoare și grele o companie privată ucrainiană numită Motors Sich a vândut în sudul Sudanului un elicopter de atac în valoare de 42 de milioane de dolari într-un contract autorizat de către autoritatea de export a statului ucrainian. Să nu uităm că aceasta a fost în 2014, după ce Ucraina a semnat cu Uniunea Europeană embargo-ul pentru arme. În plus, este suspectat că mercenari ucrainieni se află în țară pentru a se asigura că aceste elicoptere funcționează. Este nevoie de control.

 
  
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  Marek Jurek (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Panie i panowie posłowie! Kiedy sześć lat temu powstawał Sudan Południowy, patrzyliśmy z nadzieją, że społeczności chrześcijańskie żyjące na południu będą mogły uwolnić się spod kontroli upadłego państwa, jakim był Sudan w całości. Jednakże, Wysoka Izbo, w nowo powstałych państwach wojny domowe się zdarzają. Są one przewidywalne, można było to przewidzieć. Zdarzało się to również w Europie.

Wzięliśmy za małą odpowiedzialność za to państwo, które w swoim otoczeniu geopolitycznym potrzebowało naszej pomocy, i dzisiaj te uwagi, które poczynili na tej sali moi koledzy – Charles Tannock, Javier Nart – są bardzo trafne. Sudan potrzebuje większej solidarności ze strony Zachodu, bo świat w ogóle potrzebuje nie nowej eurocywilizacji, ale odpowiedzialności ze strony Europy i wartości cywilizacji europejskiej. Potrzebuje sprawdzonych wartości i naszego konkretnego zaangażowania, a nie ogólnych pouczeń.

 
  
 

Catch-the-eye procedure

 
  
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  José Inácio Faria (PPE). – Senhor Presidente, ontem tivemos aqui o Secretário-Geral da ONU, António Guterres, que alertou para o crescente número de conflitos mundiais que, atualmente, afetam milhares de pessoas em todo o mundo e que, em estreita cooperação entre a ONU e a União Europeia, urge dirimir. E precisamente um dos conflitos que aqui foi relembrado foi aquele que perdura, há já três anos, no Sudão do Sul e que se transformou numa verdadeira guerra civil de dimensões dantescas, onde o Governo é um dos principais responsáveis pela violação dos direitos humanos, através de operações militares de grande envergadura.

Caros colegas, sem questionar a boa vontade da ONU, a verdade é que, em 2016, o Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas, que poderia ter intervindo para impor ao Governo sudanês um termo imediato de todas as operações militares, não quis adotar uma resolução que teria imposto ao Sudão do Sul um embargo ao armamento.

Entendo, pois, que, independentemente da prontidão ou da inércia da ONU, a União Europeia deve agir já e aumentar a ajuda humanitária ao Sudão do Sul, ao mesmo tempo que deve impor um embargo total à venda de armas ao Sudão do Sul, com cumprimento rigoroso do controlo de exportação de armas da União Europeia àquele país. Essa é a nossa obrigação enquanto europeus.

 
  
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  Pavel Svoboda (PPE). – Situace v Jižním Súdánu je skutečnou výzvou pro EU. Obyvatelé Jižního Súdánu bojují spíše o samotné přežití, i když uplatňování základních lidských práv nesmí být pominuto.

Čísla se různí, ale jde o miliony a z toho většina je dětí. Tito lidé hledají útočiště v 6 sousedních zemích, kde jsme svědky nejrychleji se zvětšující uprchlické krize na světě. Podle UNHCR je třeba k zajištění základní pomoci těmto uprchlíkům do konce roku 2017 poskytnout 1,4 miliardy dolarů. EU proto musí uplatnit svůj vliv a pokusit se na poli mezinárodní diplomacie dosáhnout politického řešení konfliktu v Jižním Súdánu a poskytnout podporu sousedním zemím, aby se situace v regionu nezhoršovala.

 
  
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  Νότης Μαριάς ( ECR). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η απελπιστική κατάσταση που επικρατεί στο Σουδάν περιγράφεται στο ψήφισμα το οποίο και εγώ έχω υπογράψει και υποστηρίζω. Αυτή τη στιγμή μαίνεται ο εμφύλιος πόλεμος. Έχουμε χιλιάδες πρόσφυγες, εκατομμύρια θα έλεγα, οι οποίοι προσπαθούν να σωθούν. Οι περισσότεροι απ’ αυτούς είναι παιδιά. Ο υπόλοιπος πληθυσμός αντιμετωπίζει τεράστιο πρόβλημα πείνας. Αυτό που με ανησυχεί περισσότερο είναι ότι γίνεται στρατολόγηση παιδιών μέσα στις ομάδες οι οποίες συγκρούονται, γεγονός το οποίο από αποδεικνύει αποτελεί βεβαίως και έγκλημα πολέμου. Έχουμε συνεχείς βιασμούς γυναικών και κοριτσιών, έχουμε αφανισμό των χριστιανικών κοινοτήτων, κι όλα αυτά βέβαια εντάσσονται στη διαμάχη των διαφόρων φυλών, αλλά και σ’ αυτούς που υποδαυλίζουν αυτές τις συγκρούσεις, προκειμένου να αρπάξουν τον πλούτο που υπάρχει στη χώρα αυτή. Επομένως, πρέπει να υπάρξει άμεση παρέμβαση της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης και σε οικονομικό επίπεδο και κυρίως εμπάργκο για την πώληση όπλων στην περιοχή αυτή.

 
  
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  Fabio Massimo Castaldo (EFDD). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, in Sud Sudan la guerra civile iniziata nel 2013 sta ormai largamente degenerando in direzione di un probabile genocidio.

Ormai gli omicidi etnici e i discorsi sulla retorica etnica dei leader politici sono all'ordine del giorno, violenza sessuale, stupro, stupro di gruppo, rapimento di donne e ragazze e schiavitù sessuale sono tecniche largamente utilizzate come armi di guerra. Gli scontri ormai quotidiani tra l'opposizione e il governo sul campo stanno portando a un flusso di oltre 100 000 persone, solo la settimana scorsa, il 42 per cento della popolazione vive in condizioni di insicurezza e più di 7 milioni di persone hanno bisogno di assistenza umanitaria urgente, mentre l'impunità dilaga.

Noi condanniamo in questa risoluzione l'attuale stato della situazione e chiediamo fermamente che si arrivi a un cessate il fuoco, che l'Unione europea e tutti i suoi Stati membri si impegnino fortemente per fermare i massacri da parte di entrambe le fazioni, riaprire i corridoi umanitari e arrivare a una vera cooperazione pacifica.

In questo momento poi è fondamentale che le forze di interposizione abbiano un ruolo centrale perché tali violenze potrebbero effettivamente degenerare in un genocidio, del quale potremmo anche essere responsabili per la nostra inerzia.

 
  
 

(End of catch-the-eye procedure)

 
  
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  Corina Crețu, on behalf of the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Mr President, I will start with a personal remark because, during the last parliamentary term, I discussed the situation in South Sudan on many occasions with a number of you from the Committee on Development and the Committee on Foreign Affairs.

Now, on behalf of Vice-President / High Representative Mogherini, I would like to tell you how sorry I am to see that, after our many years of discussing this same issue here, the situation is getting worse instead of improving. The situation is on the verge of catastrophe. The country is consumed by anarchy and disorder, with atrocious acts of violence commonplace. Civilians are being deliberately and systematically attacked, often with an ethnic intent, by a range of armed opposition groups, and notably in large offensives by the Sudan People’s Liberation Army. A hundred people are dying each month and some 1.8 million refugees have fled to neighbouring countries, while almost 2 million persons are internally displaced. Famine has been declared in parts of the country.

The European Union is doing everything possible to encourage peace. It undertakes ongoing political dialogue with the transitional government to urge implementation of the 2015 Peace Agreement. We are fully engaged with regional efforts, through the African Union and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development, to end the conflict. The European Union has provided almost EUR 0.5 billion in humanitarian assistance to South Sudan since the conflict started in December 2013. Our support to the region has been increased to address a massive influx of refugees. The European Union has imposed an arms embargo against South Sudan and is lobbying for the UN Security Council to follow it.

The European Union is appalled at the gross violation of human rights and international humanitarian law perpetrated by all parties with complete impunity. It has encouraged the African Union to establish a ‘hybrid court’ for South Sudan, as envisaged in the Peace Agreement, as soon as possible.

Let me reiterate today our messages to all parties. There can be no military solution. All parties must observe the ceasefire in full. The United Nations peacekeeping mission in South Sudan must be allowed to exercise its mandate without restriction, so all parties must allow unfettered humanitarian access to those in need, and attacks on aid workers must stop. The national dialogue launched by President Kiir must be transformed into an inclusive political process, truly open to all parties, which is deemed credible by the South Sudanese people. People’s lives – mainly the lives of South Sudanese people – hang in the balance, threatened by violence, famine and destitution. The European Union will continue to deploy all instruments available – political pressure, sanctions, development assistance, international justice – with a view to encouraging the parties to replace conflict with dialogue.

Thank you for your attention. I look forward to good news.

 
  
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  President. – The debate is closed.

The vote will take place shortly.

Written statements (Rule 162)

 
  
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  Mara Bizzotto (ENF), per iscritto. – In Sud Sudan è in corso una sanguinosa guerra civile, iniziata nel 2013. La guerra ha messo in ginocchio l'economia e la società di questo già poverissimo paese africano. Da tempo i diritti umani non vengono rispettati e la popolazione è costretta a subire ogni genere di violenze e soprusi. Omicidi, stupri e rapimenti, sono purtroppo la triste quotidianità. Come se non bastasse, questa crisi umanitaria è aggravata da una terribile carestia, che secondo le stime dell'ONU sta mettendo a rischio la vita di milioni di persone in Sud Sudan. Di fronte a questo quadro disperato che è oggi il Sud Sudan, serve un'azione decisa, immediata e congiunta dell'Unione europea con gli altri attori internazionali per salvare questo Paese africano. Vanno fermate il prima possibile la guerra e le violenze. Servono al più presto dei corridoi umanitari per alleviare le atroci sofferenze della popolazione. Dobbiamo far sentire la nostra voce per far sì che quello che sta accadendo in Sud Sudan non passi sotto silenzio!

 
  
  

(The sitting was suspended for a few minutes)

 
  
  

IN THE CHAIR: ULRIKE LUNACEK
Vice-President

 
  
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  Tunne Kelam (PPE). – Madam President, despite the fact that we are in a hurry, I think this is an opportunity to remind ourselves of the fate of a small nation, the Crimean Tatars, who were deported as an ethnic group 73 years ago, on 18 May 1944. Yesterday a Ukrainian delegation was here and they reminded us that the famous ‘never again’ does not apply, until now, to Crimean Tatars. They are under Russian occupation now and several of them have no access to their homeland. So I call on us to remember this and express our solidarity with this nation.

(Applause)

 
  
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  Σωτήριος Ζαριανόπουλος ( NI). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, η Ουκρανία έχει απαγορεύσει την είσοδο στη χώρα σε ευρωβουλευτές και σε εμένα, λόγω επίσκεψής μου στο Ντομπάς το 2014, όπως επίσης απαγορεύει και πολιτικά κόμματα και βγάζει εκτός νόμου το Κομμουνιστικό Κόμμα Ουκρανίας. Η ουκρανική προεδρία σε ανακοίνωσή της χθες αναφέρει ότι ο Ποροσένκο στη χθεσινή συνάντηση με τον Πρόεδρο του Ευρωπαϊκού Κοινοβουλίου ζήτησε να δώσει απάντηση στους ευρωβουλευτές αυτούς και να πάρει μέτρα για την πρόληψη επισκέψεων ευρωβουλευτών στο Ντομπάς και την Κριμαία. Δεν είναι προσωπικό ζήτημα, αλλά σοβαρό πολιτικό ζήτημα. Αφορά τους ευρωβουλευτές και το Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο. Πρέπει άμεσα να καταδικαστεί τόσο η απαγόρευση εισόδου όσο και το απαράδεκτο αίτημα Ποροσένκο να ελέγχει το Προεδρείο για το πού επιτρέπεται να πάνε και πού όχι οι ευρωβουλευτές. Μήπως το επόμενο βήμα είναι να ελέγχεται και το τι θα πούνε;

 
  
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  President. – This was not really a point of order, but I accepted it because there was also another statement before and so I accepted both of those. But we are not having a debate on any of these things. This is just about a point of order.

 
  
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  Eleonora Forenza (GUE/NGL). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, mi associo soltanto a quello che è stato appena detto, in dieci secondi voglio dire che ieri non solo qui è stato Poroshenko, ma anche il ministro degli Esteri ucraino, a cui ho potuto leggere le dichiarazioni sue e della sua portavoce, che parlavano di una richiesta di arresto e incriminazione per terrorismo. Io credo che sia molto grave che si possano proferire queste parole ai danni di una parlamentare europea...

(Il Presidente ritira la parola all'oratore)

 
  
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  President. – Ms Forenza, we are not having a debate. I am sorry, I will have to cut you off. We are not having a debate on what happened yesterday in this Parliament. This is on points of order, nothing else.

 
Last updated: 31 August 2017Legal notice