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Eljárás : 2017/2274(INI)
A dokumentum állapota a plenáris ülésen
Válasszon egy dokumentumot : A8-0252/2018

Előterjesztett szövegek :

A8-0252/2018

Viták :

PV 11/09/2018 - 20
CRE 11/09/2018 - 20

Szavazatok :

PV 12/09/2018 - 6.10

Elfogadott szövegek :

P8_TA(2018)0343

Viták
2018. szeptember 11., Kedd - Strasbourg Ideiglenes kiadás

20. Az EU–Kína kapcsolatok helyzete (vita)
A felszólalásokról készült videofelvételek
PV
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  Elnök asszony. – A következő napirendi pont a Bas Belder által a Külügyi Bizottság nevében készített, az EU–Kína kapcsolatok helyzetéről szóló jelentésről folytatott vita (2017/2274(INI) (A8-0252/2018).

 
  
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  Bas Belder, Rapporteur. – Dankuwel, Voorzitter. Onder het absolute leiderschap van president Xi Jinping ontwikkelt de Volksrepubliek China zich intern en extern bijzonder dynamisch en ambitieus.

Nauwkeurige tracering en interpretatie van dit complexe proces is noodzakelijk voor een realistische Europese benadering van de nauwe betrekkingen met Peking. Dit verslag wil daartoe een verantwoorde bijdrage leveren. Met dank, veel dank zelfs, aan de substantiële inbreng van de schaduwrapporteurs.

Een cruciaal beginsel voor solide betrekkingen tussen de EU en China is wederkerigheid. Maar dan graag op alle terreinen! Qua marktoegang bijvoorbeeld, maar evengoed qua persvrijheid. Wederkerigheid kweekt onderling vertrouwen en vormt een vast fundament onder een strategisch partnerschap tussen de EU en China dat deze veelbelovende naam ook eerlijk verdient.

Wederkerigheid is echter een ideaalbeeld, en daar wordt in dit verslag ook duidelijk op gewezen. Het verslag laat er in concreto geen misverstand over bestaan dat vanuit Europees perspectief de zorgen over het beleid van de alleenheersende Chinese Communistische Partij toenemen. Als we bijvoorbeeld spreken over Tibet, Xinjiang, de sinificatie van alle religies, het sociaal kredietsysteem, de militarisering van de Zuid-Chinese Zee, de wet op internationale ngo’s en de opvoering van de spanningen in de betrekkingen met Taiwan, dan zijn juist dit de gevoelige onderwerpen bij uitstek voor de Chinese censuur.

Bij deze open blik vanuit het Europees Parlement op de betrekkingen tussen de EU en China past de intentie om, naast het behartigen van de Europese belangen, ook het algehele welzijn van de burgers van de Volksrepubliek te bevorderen. Om een gevleugelde officiële Chinese uitdrukking te gebruiken: een win-winsituatie op het grondvlak van de burgers!

Ondertussen zet dit verslag ook aan tot Europese zelfkritiek. China’s ambitieuze dynamiek wereldwijd en dus ook tegenover Europa (sleutelwoord Gordel- en Weginitiatief) vraagt urgent om een doordachte Europese strategie. Om slechts één grote uitdaging te noemen: Peking denkt inmiddels aan noordelijke en zuidelijke varianten op ons continent, in navolging van het controversiële 16+1-formaat, met maar liefst elf EU-lidstaten uit Centraal- en Oost-Europa en vijf Balkanlanden.

Tot slot, mevrouw de hoge vertegenwoordiger, geachte collega’s, wil ik graag de laatste zinsnede van paragraaf 14 in het verslag onderstrepen: de krachtige bevordering van onze kennis over China door substantiële Europese steun aan onafhankelijke denktanks van hoog wetenschappelijk niveau! Van zulke Europese expertise heb ik mogen proeven en profiteren bij de werkzaamheden aan dit verslag. Van Berlijn tot Beijing! Met adequate politieke toepassing door de EU van diepgaande kennis van China en zijn bevolking zal, naar ik van harte wens, een Europese dynamiek zich aan de Chinese dynamiek gaan paren en gebalanceerde betrekkingen tussen de EU en China stimuleren.

Ik dank u zeer. Ik heb met erg veel plezier aan dit verslag gewerkt. Het is mijn laatste mandaatsjaar. Maar zolang ik de gezondheid heb, zal mijn belangstelling zeker naar de relatie tussen de EU en China blijven uitgaan, omdat we hier te maken hebben met een buitengewoon belangrijke handelspartner en een opkomende macht op het wereldtoneel. Ik was geroerd en ben nog steeds onder de indruk van de enorme expertise in de Europese delegatie in Peking. De deelnemers keken werkelijk naar de algemene Europese belangen, maar hadden tegelijkertijd ook oog voor het algehele, materiële en immateriële welzijn van de Chinese bevolking. Dat versta ik onder wederzijdse betrekkingen met wederzijds oog voor elkaar.

 
  
  

IN THE CHAIR: MAIREAD McGUINNESS
Vice-President

 
  
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  Iuliu Winkler, rapporteur for the opinion of the Committee on International Trade. – Madam President, the Committee on International Trade also worked on the EU-China report, together with the Committee on Foreign Affairs, and my thanks for the excellent cooperation go to rapporteur Bas Belder and Foreign Affairs Committee colleagues.

The International Trade Committee appreciates the increasing role of China on the global stage. We call for responsible engagement on key issues such as WTO reform and climate change, to name but two. China has been very active lately in communicating new internal reforms and opening up various economic sectors. However, EU businesses in China do not report real progress on the ground. So China should complement its rhetoric with concrete measures to actually create the level playing field for European companies and investors, and especially for European SMEs.

To sum up my approach on EU-China trade relations, cooperation is needed rather than confrontation, but without compromises on any of the EU core interests.

 
  
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  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Madam President, I might take a few minutes more at the beginning but I promise I’ll be brief in my concluding remarks. First of all, I would like to thank the rapporteur, Mr Belder, for a very balanced report which accurately reflects the state of EU-China relations and the key issues at stake. And thank you too, Mr Belder, for your work to find a broad consensus on such a strategic issue for Europe – one which in the past has been more divisive. This is a major achievement. I’m also glad to see that the report echoes the EU strategy for relations with China that we adopted two years ago and I am very satisfied with the work you’ve been doing with our delegation in Beijing and with all our teams working in China and with China.

The European Union and China are two of the great powers of the world of today and we don’t always see eye to eye. On the contrary, we have some fundamental disagreements. They are very evident. But, as two global powers, we both understand that our cooperation is essential to address the main challenges we face. If we want to preserve the multilateral system and make it more effective, engagement with China is an absolute must. And I have to say I’ve seen, in the past six or seven months, very strong engagement from the Chinese side, and also from the European side, which I have been able to channel, working increasingly in the multilateral framework on global issues in general terms.

In recent years, China has become much more active on the global stage and China looks to the European Union as a partner on many issues where our interests converge. Our cooperation is already intense on most foreign policy matters: we’re working together to preserve the nuclear deal with Iran; we both support the ongoing negotiations towards a reconciled and denuclearised Korean peninsula; we both want to see peace in Afghanistan and we are both actively supporting the Afghan Government’s efforts to bring forward the peace process.

As you can tell from these examples, China sees the European Union now not just as a huge market and an investor, not just an economic player – the traditional view – but also increasingly as a global political player and a global security provider. Our security cooperation is getting stronger in various parts of the world. For instance, we cooperate on the ground in Mali and in Somalia, where we are both present with our security personnel. We work together in various parts of the world global issues, particularly in the UN framework.

This summer, at the EU-China summit, we agreed a very substantial and ambitious statement on climate change, for instance. We have agreed to step up our cooperation to reduce emissions and implement the Paris Agreement. But even when our starting point is not the same, there is still room for working together and building win-win solutions.

Take investment in Africa as an example. As you know, whenever we Europeans bring new investment to Africa we always bear in mind the Sustainable Development Goals. We want European investment to create quality jobs, to increase peace, stability and good governance in human rights, and to focus in particular on opportunities for women and youth. Everybody knows that China is already a major player in Africa. Our approach is not the same, but if we want to promote sustainable development and sustainable security in Africa, engagement with China is key to achieving results on the ground. Even if we come from different starting points we can explore the possibilities for trilateral cooperation among Europe, China and Africa and find common fields of work that are beneficial for all.

Another good example is the ‘One Belt, One Road’ initiative. I believe we must not be afraid to engage with China, creating synergies between their initiative and our projects on connectivity. We believe that big infrastructure projects should, first of all, create opportunities and jobs in all the countries along the New Silk Road, and that these projects should be about sustainable development for local communities and not about crafting new spheres of influence. Only if we engage together with China can we make our interests, our goals, our vision and our connectivity converge.

Both the European Union and China are part of the world’s economic G3, together with the USA. The choice ahead of us is straightforward. We could choose a conflictual approach, going for trade wars that would hurt everyone, or we can work together with China to make the global economic system more just and fair. We have a number of disagreements with China when it comes to trade – and I believe you have had the chance to discuss them at length, not only with me but also with Commissioner Malmström – ranging from the issue of over-capacity to intellectual property. Our choice is clear. We want to deal with these issues within the framework of a rules-based international system. We want our trade with China to be based on reciprocity and to be free and fair. This is the only way to achieve a solution that benefits both Europe and China, instead of going for a lose—lose trade conflict.

Definitely we should go for the win—win solution, avoiding any scenario of a lose—lose confrontation. I believe we share the same approach here with China now on the need to find, or to build, cooperative win—win solutions and approaches, rather than entering on, or fuelling, the conflictual trends we are seeing. Dialogue and engagement are the best way forward for us, not just on trade but on all issues, when we disagree with China. I could mention – as you yourself – the situation in the South China Sea, or restrictions to freedom of expression in Hong Kong, and we regret that the dialogue with Taiwan has been frozen for the past three years.

Of course, the most outstanding disagreement we have with China concerns the human rights situation in China as underlined in your report. During the last EU-China human rights dialogue we spoke up against the recent restrictions on freedom of religion, on minorities’ rights and on freedom of association and expression. We raised our position against the death penalty, as we always do with all countries that still have that penalty, and we discussed the impartiality of the justice system. We also focused on the situation in Xinjiang, especially the expansion of political re-education camps, and we discussed the detention of human rights defenders, including particular cases. We know that the Chinese Government does not share all our principles and values and they know that we are in different places in some issues.

It is also very clear that we will not sacrifice our values in the name of ‘real politics’: we are always very clear on that. On the contrary, we will continue to engage with China precisely to advance our values and our interests, because Europe and China recognise and understand each other’s importance in shaping a more cooperative global order. I would say that this, in a nutshell, describes the state of play of our relations with China today. We recognise each other as fundamental key players on the global stage of today’s world. We know that, at this moment in world history, cooperation and engagement are simply the smartest choice and that, on some global and also some regional issues, if the European Union and China work together, this makes the difference in the world.

Your report, Mr Belder, rightly points out that China is a complex partner, and our engagement takes different forms on different issues, but we should not be afraid of a more proactive and a more confident China. The Chinese look at Europe as a global power, and our dialogue can help the world to move beyond the current chaos towards a better global order. It is a dialogue based on clarity, on respect, and on our interests and values, and it can be one that benefits both Europe and China, as well as the rest of the world.

I am glad this is also the spirit of your report, Mr Belder, and I’m glad that you built such consensus on what is a crucial issue for the present and the future of our continent.

 
  
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  Stefan Eck, Verfasser der Stellungnahme des mitberatenden Ausschusses für Umweltfragen, öffentliche Gesundheit und Lebensmittelsicherheit. – Frau Präsidentin, Hohe Vertreterin Mogherini, meine Damen und Herren! Ich bin davon überzeugt, dass eine strategische Partnerschaft mit China notwendig, ja geradezu die Voraussetzung dafür ist, dass wir die Ziele des Pariser Klimaschutzübereinkommens erreichen, nachdem Präsident Trump das Abkommen aus Dummheit und reinem Profitdenken aufgekündigt hat.

China und Europa müssen jetzt noch mehr zusammenarbeiten, um die klimaschädlichen Treibhausgasemissionen einzudämmen, aber auch, um den internationalen Handel und die internationale Forschung zu stimulieren. Es gibt auch eine gemeinsame Verantwortung bei der Umsetzung der Agenda 2030 für nachhaltige Entwicklung und der Erhaltung der natürlichen Ressourcen. Dass China dieser Verantwortung gerecht wird, zeigt das Konzept der ökologischen Zivilisation, das kürzlich vom nationalen Volkskongress angenommen wurde.

Ich gehe davon aus, dass sich Europa und China trotz aller Unterschiede in Bezug auf die politischen Systeme gemeinsam auf den Weg machen, um die großen Probleme auf unserem Planeten anzugehen. Europa wird von China profitieren und China von Europa. China ist vielleicht ein roter Drache, aber ein friedlicher. Es ist sicherlich nicht die sogenannte gelbe Gefahr. Und Präsident Xi Jinping dürfte auch zuverlässiger sein als der infantile Klimaleugner Trump.

 
  
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  Julia Pitera, w imieniu grupy PPE. – Pani Przewodnicząca! Chiny są drugim co do wielkości partnerem handlowym Unii Europejskiej, a Unia jest największym partnerem handlowym Chin. Ambitna inicjatywa „Jeden pas i jeden szlak” wymaga współpracy przy założeniu, że Chiny będą tworzyć otwartą platformę stosującą się do zasad rynkowych, norm unijnych i międzynarodowych. Ważne jest też, by współpraca państw Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej z Chinami w ramach formatu „16+1” była przejrzysta i nie wpływała negatywnie na spójność Unii.

W kontekście budowania relacji Unia Europejska–Chiny niepokój budzi tegoroczna decyzja Ogólnochińskiego Zgromadzenia Przedstawicieli Ludowych. Zniesienie konstytucyjnej dwukadencyjności przewodniczącego Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej zacementowało jego władzę i zwiększyło kontrolę organów partii nad aparatem państwowym, odwróciło proces przemian strukturalnych i może mieć negatywny wpływ na stan praw człowieka i praworządności.

 
  
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  Jo Leinen, im Namen der S&D-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin! Frau Mogherini, das ist der zweite Bericht des Parlaments über EU-China-Beziehungen. Das zeigt, dass wir diesem Thema größere Bedeutung beimessen, und ich möchte mich bedanken bei Herrn Belder und den anderen Schattenberichterstattern. In der Tat haben wir 27 Kompromisse erzielt, und es gibt ja auch keine Änderungsanträge im Plenum. Also, dieses Haus hat weitgehende Einigkeit, wie wir China sehen und wie wir unsere Beziehung zu China auch weiterentwickeln.

Wir haben eine strategische Partnerschaft mit China, und man muss natürlich definieren, was das heißt. Sind das nur Worte oder hat das einen praktischen Nutzen? Und die EU muss sich fragen: Was sind die Felder, in denen wir diese Strategie mit China auch exerzieren können? Das ist ja hier schon gesagt worden: Beim Klimaschutz geht es sehr gut, bei gewissen Friedensinitiativen geht es auch recht gut voran.

China hat eine Reihe von Initiativen gestartet, wo die EU eher hinterherläuft. Frau Mogherini, Sie haben die Seidenstraße genannt oder das gigantische Investitionsprogramm in Afrika. Da haben wir noch nicht so richtig eine Antwort. Da würde ich Sie auch fragen, wie wir damit umgehen. Wir beklagen bei der Seidenstraße, dass es ein einseitiges chinesisches Projekt ist. Wie kommen wir da als Europa hin? Und bei Afrika las ich in der Global Times, der englischen Ausgabe der offiziellen chinesischen Zeitung, dass die Europäer die Erziehung und die Ausbildung der Afrikaner machen und China die Infrastrukturprojekte macht. Also so eine Arbeitsteilung möchten wir dann auch nicht. Und wir müssen China auf internationale Standards, auch auf die Ziele für eine nachhaltige Entwicklung verpflichten, die sie ja auch unterschrieben haben. Und da wäre die Frage, ob wir da Dialoge haben und ob es Signale gibt, dass China da mitmacht. Nun, die Wirtschaft ist nach wie vor das Herzstück unserer Zusammenarbeit. In der Tat müssen wir uns auch schützen, wo notwendig, weil es unfaire Bedingungen gibt.

Ich will noch Internet und Innovation nennen. Wir sehen da allerhand Diskriminierungen. Das können wir auch nicht akzeptieren, da muss man eine harte Sprache sprechen. Zu guter Letzt: Der 19. Parteitag hat ein Modell entwickelt, das in Konkurrenz steht zu unserem liberalen Demokratiemodell. Und die Demokratien müssen sich wirklich wappnen gegen diesen Exportartikel autoritärer Strukturen aus China.

 
  
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  Mirosław Piotrowski, w imieniu grupy ECR. – Pani Przewodnicząca! Dobrze, że w projekcie rezolucji w sprawie stosunków między Unią a Chinami zwraca się uwagę na prześladowania chrześcijan w tym kraju. W ustępie R bowiem mowa jest o restrykcjach w stosunku do działalności religijnej i grup religijnych, które są narażone na coraz większe represje w Chinach, a chrześcijanie zarówno w kościołach podziemnych, jak i zatwierdzonych przez państwo są celem ataków polegających na prześladowaniu. To niestety prawda ujęta w oględne dyplomatyczne słowa.

Jeśli przyjrzymy się wielu innym ustępom naszej rezolucji – a jest ich 92 – to zauważymy, jak często rozpoczynają się one od podkreślenia kompleksowego partnerstwa strategicznego UE–Chiny (chociażby ustępy 1 i 2) i że Chiny są drugim co do wielkości partnerem handlowym UE, a UE jest największym partnerem handlowym Chin. A jeśli tak, to znaczy, że możemy realnie wpłynąć nie tylko poprzez zapisy w rezolucji, pani Mogherini, na chińskiego partnera, aby w ogóle zaprzestał haniebnego prześladowania chrześcijan.

 
  
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  Ilhan Kyuchyuk, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Madam President, I would like to thank Mr Belder for his comprehensive report. Undoubtedly China is one of the most important and valuable strategic partners of the EU. I warmly welcome the good progress which has been made by deepening the EU-China Comprehensive Strategic Partnership. I believe that the strengthening of this partnership will create many opportunities, and will have a significant global impact when it comes to addressing global challenges, common security threats, climate change, global economic growth and the promotion of multilateralism.

On the other hand, the EU has pledged that human rights, democracy and the rule of law are at the centre of its relations with all third countries, including strategic partners like China. Unfortunately, China continues to have a bad human rights record. The authorities must stop their repression of human rights defenders, activists, ethnic and religious minorities. I strongly believe that strict restrictions on Muslim and Christian practices, including a complete ban of ethnic language and culture in the case of the Uighur language and minority, do not fit with China’s ambitions for leadership in a democratic and liberal world order and have been a real obstacle in our growing partnership.

 
  
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  Reinhard Bütikofer, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Madam President, I am disappointed by what Ms Mogherini said. The language that the report speaks is completely different from the language you spoke, Ms Mogherini. You are sweet-talking China. You say there is a confident China. I see an overbearing China. You say the Taiwan dialogue has been frozen. I see the efforts from the Chinese side to strangle Taiwan. You say China does not share all our principles. In reality, China rejects completely all of our sacred principles.

You say we share the same approach and China is not fuelling conflictual trends. I see China fuelling so many conflictual trends. I do not know which China you are talking about. I think we should be speaking clearly and it would be nice to do so by starting to demand from China that they start pursuing a ‘One EU’ policy.

 
  
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  Helmut Scholz, im Namen der GUE/NGL-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin, Frau Mogherini! Vor knapp 47 Jahren staunte die Welt, als nach Jahren ohne Beziehungen und Kommunikation Richard Nixon plötzlich nach Peking reiste. Die USA wollten China als Partner für den Kampf gegen Russland. Dafür war man bereit, wirtschaftliche Zugeständnisse zu machen. Nichts von dieser Konstellation hat heute Bestand. Wenn China prosperiert und gewichtig auf alle weltwirtschaftlichen Prozesse Einfluss hat, ist dies nach der gesellschaftlichen Katastrophe der Kulturrevolution vor allem der selbstbestimmte Weg, seiner fast ein Fünftel der Weltbevölkerung umfassenden Bevölkerung sozialen und wirtschaftlichen Fortschritt zu garantieren. Das aber hat Auswirkungen auf die gesamte Welt – für Wirtschaft, Umwelt, Frieden, Ressourcenverbrauch, internationales Zusammenleben und demokratische Verfasstheit nach innen und nach außen – und erfordert auch politische Positionen aller anderen Partner.

Vieles an den Entwicklungen in China, an der Unteilbarkeit von politischen und sozialen Menschenrechten, an den persönlichen Freiheiten bedarf der berechtigten Kritik und des offenen Dialogs zur Lösung von Widersprüchen. Für die Europäische Union – und das habe ich Ihren Worten entnommen, Frau Mogherini – muss entscheidend bleiben, an dem bisherigen Ansatz festzuhalten, mit China partnerschaftlich an regelbasierten Lösungen für die gemeinsamen Herausforderungen zu arbeiten. Daran wird mittel- und langfristig kein Weg vorbeiführen, auch wenn kurzfristige Meinungsverschiedenheiten bestehen. Die EU sollte nicht der Versuchung erliegen, zum Beispiel in der Handelsfrage Tauschgeschäfte zulasten Dritter einzugehen. Das widerspricht zutiefst den Interessen der Bürgerinnen und Bürger.

 
  
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  Jean-Luc Schaffhauser, au nom du groupe ENF. – Madame la Présidente, je vais faire un peu de pédagogie.

Pourquoi est-ce que je parle toujours de la charte de La Havane? Parce que mes collègues ne le savent peut-être pas, mais elle est antérieure au GATT (Accord général sur les tarifs douaniers et le commerce) et à l’OMC (Organisation mondiale du commerce). La charte de La Havane, c’était la première régulation des commerces après la guerre, en 1948, 53 pays s’entendent.

Les faits: les États-Unis ont 375 milliards de déficit par rapport à la Chine, ils veulent le ramener à 200. L’Europe en a 170 depuis dix ans, près de 1 500 milliards. Pourquoi faut-il réguler les échanges? Parce que cela signifie perte de savoir-faire, chômage, délocalisation et perte de souveraineté.

Au sujet de l’OMC, la Chine n’aurait pas dû en devenir membre, mais Paulson, président de Goldman Sachs à l’époque, avait négocié en contrepartie de l’achat de bons, émis justement par Goldman Sachs. Elle n’applique pas la réciprocité, elle n’a pas levé les droits de douane, treize en moyenne: trois pour l’Europe, treize pour l’Europe, trois dans l’autre sens. Elle a plus de 50 domaines réservés, nous n’en avons pas. Elle refuse l’accès aux marchés publics, nous pas.

Donc, retrouvons un équilibre, cela est nécessaire pour le commerce mondial.

 
  
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  Cristian Dan Preda (PPE). – Madame la Présidente, je souhaite tout d’abord saluer le fait que le rapport dont on discute aujourd’hui n’hésite pas à critiquer la situation désolante des droits de l’homme que l’on observe en Chine depuis des années. En effet, depuis notre dernier rapport il y a trois ans, on constate de graves violations des droits de l’homme et des libertés fondamentales. Je veux surtout attirer l’attention sur la répression massive de la religion et de la culture locales dans les régions où vivent les minorités. Les autorités chinoises continuent à empêcher les Tibétains d’exercer leurs droits fondamentaux et on ne peut même pas dire combien d’emprisonnements pour des opinions dissidentes ont eu lieu ces dernières années.

Pour ce qui est de la situation à Xinjiang, le dernier rapport montre que jusqu’à un million de Ouïgours seraient détenus dans des camps d’internement. Dans ce contexte, je crois qu’il faut envoyer un message clair à la Chine: l’approfondissement du partenariat stratégique dépendra aussi des résultats concrets dans le domaine des droits de l’homme.

Je veux vous rappeler combien il est important de nous exprimer d’une seule voix sur la scène internationale concernant la Chine, afin d’éviter de se retrouver dans une situation comme celle de la réunion du Conseil des droits de l’homme des Nations unies qui s’est tenue à Genève, en juin 2017.

 
  
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  Ana Gomes (S&D). – A União Europeia tem um interesse estratégico nas relações com a China e para isso tem que dialogar com Pequim em todos os azimutes, da segurança global à reciprocidade nas relações comerciais, dos acordos sobre o clima às políticas de desenvolvimento sustentável, proteção de dados, cibersegurança, drogas sintéticas e outras formas de criminalidade organizada que vêm da China ou passam pela China.

Uma relação estratégica que ainda é mais crucial quando os Estados Unidos, de Trump, são um fator de perigoso questionamento do multilateralismo e de desestabilização internacional. Mas esta relação estratégica tem que procurar construir sinergias, nas quais não esperamos que a China atue em consistência com as suas obrigações desde logo como membro do permanente do Conselho de Segurança, membro da OMC e na base dos acordos com a União. E para isso nós, União Europeia, não podemos eximir-nos, de maneira nenhuma, de falarmos nos direitos humanos, de fazer ver a Pequim que é um tiro no pé, contraproducente, é inaceitável a repressão interna dos ativistas de direitos humanos, sindicalistas, às minorias uigur, tibetanas, cristãs, falun gong, o que seja.

A credibilidade da potência global que é a China depende, mede-se, pela sua influência ou pelos receios que inspira, desde logo na sua própria região, portanto na península coreana, Taiwan e nos mares do Sul e que se projeta globalmente. Mas, para termos esta relação win, como diz a Sr.ª Mogherini, nós temos que saber quais são os nossos interesses estratégicos como União Europeia, temos de saber afirmar a nossa autonomia estratégica. Ora, ela não se acautelou quando estes últimos anos de políticas neoliberais levaram várias empresas e setores críticos da própria União Europeia e dos Estados-Membros a ficarem controladas pelo Partido Comunista Chinês.

Nos últimos dez anos a China investiu em ativos na Europa um valor superior a 318 mil milhões de dólares e controla hoje infraestruturas críticas, portos, redes de energia, telecomunicações, até empresas tecnológicas de defesa e de segurança, na Grécia, no meu país, Portugal, e noutros Estados-Membros.

Portanto, enquanto, de facto, não assumimos que isto tem que parar e a Comissão acordou, acordou tarde, mas acordou, o que vejo é que os Estados-Membros ainda não acordaram e há muitos que continuam a viver numa ilusão mercantilista relativamente à China.

 
  
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  László Tőkés (PPE). – Elnök Asszony! A 2018 júliusi EU–Kína csúcstalálkozó a kétoldalú stratégiai partnerséget szorgalmazta. A tizenhat plusz egy együttműködés tagjaként Magyarország szintén a közös értékeken és érdekeken alapuló partnerséget támogatja. Mindazáltal viszonyaink kedvező alakulása mellett sem kerülhető meg a demokrácia és a jogállamiság, a politikai és az emberi jogok biztosításának kérdése.

Ezen a téren az utóbbi öt évben Kínában folyamatos visszaesés tapasztalható. Az európai demokrácia nem alkudhat meg a kommunista diktatúrával. Továbbra is ki kell állnunk a Hszincsiang tartománybeli muszlim ujgurok mellett, akiket milliószámra politikai tudati átnevelésnek vet alá és szülőföldjükről deportál az ateista kínai rezsim. Ilham Tohti ujgur egyetemi tanárt éppen négy esztendeje ítélték életfogytiglani börtönre. A tibeti nép brutális jogfosztását sem nézhetjük tétlenül. A fölötte kívánatos kínai partnerségnek elengedhetetlen feltétele az emberi méltóság, az emberi és a közösségi jogok tiszteletben tartása.

 
  
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  Boris Zala (S&D). – Madam President, I think three steps are necessary. Firstly, China shoud be pulled into the complete system of international order, especially at a time when the Trump Administration is going to destroy it. Secondly, a structure of EU strategic interests should be created, especially in the areas of technology, trade, financial services and militarily sensitive issues. In this context, we need a clear strategy on how to support European values and the European political model. Thirdly, cooperation should be enhanced with China, especially in Africa, in the areas of investment, infrastructure projects, peacekeeping and conflict resolutions, but based on our social and environmental standards. This report is a welcome step towards those three strategic intentions of the European Union.

 
  
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  Francisco José Millán Mon (PPE). – Señora presidenta, el ascenso de China en el mundo es uno de los acontecimientos más importantes de los últimos treinta años. Ha cambiado el escenario mundial. Los europeos tenemos que mantener una relación constructiva con China, y eso no significa abdicar de nuestros valores ni de nuestros intereses, ni ocultar nuestras diferencias.

La colaboración de China, obviamente, es muy relevante para afrontar con éxito los retos globales, por ejemplo, el cambio climático. Sobre esa posibilidad de acuerdos bilaterales para solucionar problemas en África o en países africanos, esos acuerdos triangulares que usted mencionó, señora Mogherini, yo soy un tanto escéptico. Pero, en fin, estamos en un mundo en el que las relaciones económicas y comerciales se han globalizado, y esa apertura económica y el impulso del comercio han permitido el gran desarrollo económico y social de China; pero también nosotros somos una gran potencia exportadora, y muchos puestos de trabajo en Europa —siempre lo digo— dependen de nuestra capacidad de penetración comercial, incluso en el espacio chino. Por eso debiéramos intentar llegar a soluciones en nuestras discrepancias comerciales, al tiempo que evitamos los dumpings.

Y destaco —y termino— la necesidad de concluir el acuerdo bilateral de inversiones. Me parece imprescindible para buscar ese terreno de juego equilibrado para las inversiones recíprocas, y espero que el impulso dado por la cumbre reciente del 16 de julio permita una pronta conclusión.

 
  
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  Eduard Kukan (PPE). – Thank you, Madam President. My appreciation goes to Mr Belder for his competent engagement on this file. We need to fully acknowledge the role that China plays currently on the global scene. We could build a strategic partnership with that country only if we are united in our policy towards it. We can further develop our trade relations, work on issues such as climate change, and also talk seriously about security issues. I am sure that we can benefit from such relations, but we cannot afford to be divided by a particular interest.

We need to be realistic about relations with China. China is already inside the EU. Its soft power has impact on many countries in the EU in our close neighbourhood. We should be cautious, especially when it comes to its growing acquisition of critical technologies, investments and political influence in Europe. Finally, I would like to stress the importance of relations with Taiwan. We have a responsibility to call for peace and stability in cross-trade relations. Therefore, it is important to support all initiatives to resume the official dialogue between Beijing and Taipei. Thank you very much.

 
  
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  Tunne Kelam (PPE). – Madam President, thanks to Mr Belder, our approach to China is clear, critical and broad-based, but in general our relations with third countries must proceed from the balance between political and economic interests, on the one hand, and human rights, on the other hand. I am a bit worried that individual EU countries are conducting very different policies, often avoiding sensitive political and humanitarian issues. As a result, the EU’s fragmented approach to China risks giving the appearance of EU complacency regarding human rights there.

Second, we need to support actively the continuation of stability and peaceful relations between China and its neighbours, especially Taiwan. Therefore, we urge Beijing to refrain from taking any unilateral action to change the existing status quo and to stop military provocations in the Taiwan Strait.

 
  
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  Laima Liucija Andrikienė (PPE). – Gerb. Pirmininke, pirmiausia dėkoju kolegai Bas Belder už pranešim ą.

Nors OBOR strategiją Kinija pristato kaip ekonominio bendradarbiavimo strategiją, ji gimė Kinijos nacionalinio saugumo ir gynybos žinybose. OBOR – ekonominės ekspansijos strategija, kurios tikslas – Kinijos dominavimas pasaulyje, nauja pasaulio tvarka, JAV ekonominės galios ir įtakos pasaulyje mažinimas. Negana to, siekiama supriešinti Europos Sąjungą ir JAV.

Kad kinai nejuokauja, matyti iš Graikijos pavyzdžio: Pirėjo jūrų uostas – jau kinų valstybinės kompanijos rankose. Turime ir daugiau pavyzdžių: Portugalijos elektros energijos gamyba ir perdavimas – taip pat kinų rankose. Formato „16+1“ taikinys – Rytų ir Vidurio Europos valstybės – Europos Sąjungos narės.

Kinija virsta Europos Sąjungos vidaus jėga, sustabdykime tai. Kinija – ir gerbtina ir laukiama partnerė, bet abipusiškumas ir taisyklių laikymasis yra būtini sėkmingai partnerystei.

 
  
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  Federica Mogherini, Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. – Madam President, I promise to be brief. I will do so also because I want to stress once again what I said in the beginning – my full appreciation for an excellent, very balanced report which, as I said, reflects perfectly well the state of play, the strategy and the policy we have with China, regardless of some interpretations of something I did or did not say in this Chamber.

It is obviously a complex partnership, a complex relationship, where neither of the two sides hides, or intends to hide, the differences and the disagreements – even the profound disagreements – we have. We have two completely different institutional and political systems, based on two completely different sets of priorities and values. That is clear, but it is not a mystery either for us or for the Chinese.

The point is that in the current geopolitical context of today, we are finding out more and more that on some issues that are of strategic relevance and priority for us, the European Union, autonomously determined, and for China, we have convergent views on some issues or possibly a convergence of interests that we can explore together, obviously in a very realistic way.

We know very well how China approaches the rest of the world and the region. We are not shy in pointing out not only the differences, but also the problems when we see them, starting with the regional ones, from the South China Sea to others, but we also see the potential for cooperation in some other areas. Let me tell you, for instance, that the work that we do with China on Afghanistan has an added value that is real. The same goes for the work we are trying to do with North Korea. Obviously we have different viewpoints, but there is common ground and a common interest in trying to move forward a policy that is compatible.

Let me stress two things that were raised here, namely our approach to two issues that are top priorities in China’s strategy and policy and where I see, finally – I think Ana Gomes was saying – an awakening on the Commission’s side and hopefully for the Member States as well.

One is the work we are doing with Africa on economic, infrastructure, energy and digital issues – on the non—traditional fields of EU-Africa cooperation. I think you will hear a bit about this from President Juncker tomorrow in the State of the Union speech. I will present, together with other colleagues in the Commission, the package we have adopted today in the College and about which President Juncker will speak tomorrow regarding our sustainable economic partnership with Africa. We are not doing it for China, but I think this response mirrors well the need we have to find potentially common ground or balancing ground when it comes to economic development in Africa.

The same goes for connectivity. I do not know if I can announce this, but I think that I can. Next week we will present a communication in the Commission on connectivity between Europe and Asia, based on our European approach, where we will see very clearly the differences we have, and I mentioned some of them. One is to avoid investments playing into the hands of a few, or one, but ensure that they benefit the people and the communities of the countries concerned – this is especially important for Central Asia, but also for Europe – and that they respond to certain standards that are ours and not Chinese standards.

So clearly there are differences, but there is also a convergence of interests in improving the connectivity between Asia and Europe. Coming from different points of view, we can on certain issues find common ground for work. I think this is exactly the spirit of the report, which highlights the differences – clearly, with no mystery and in a very candid manner – but also the potential areas for cooperation. That is why I would really like to thank the rapporteur for the excellent work done.

 
  
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  Bas Belder, Rapporteur. – Mevrouw de voorzitter, mevrouw de hoge vertegenwoordiger, hartelijk dank voor uw waarderende woorden voor dit verslag. Dit is het resultaat van samenwerking met de collega's – in de eerste plaats de schaduwrapporteurs – maar ook allen hier die het woord hebben gevoerd. Die betrokkenheid stel ik buitengewoon op prijs. Zij was een steun in de rug voor mij als rapporteur en ik wil er ook verder aan werken, want het werk met China gaat gewoon door. Ik blijf dus rustig verder lezen en hoop in dit laatste mandaatsjaar zeker nog een keer naar Peking af te reizen.

Tot slot wil ik ook mijn grote waardering uitspreken voor mijn politiek medewerker Walter van Luik, hier links van mij. Hij was mijn rechterhand, die buitengewoon accuraat meelas, meedacht en ook de contacten met de collega's onderhield. Want, laten we eerlijk zijn, zonder een prima staf voel je je toch gauw "onthand". Ik was niet "onthand". Ik had namelijk zelfs twee handen die me hielpen.

Nogmaals hartelijk dank, collega's. Het was me een genoegen. Ik denk hierbij ook aan de vergadering met de schaduwrapporteurs. U hebt mijn geest gescherpt. Wat wil je meer als lid van het Europees Parlement? Ook tegen het thuisfront kan ik zeggen: in het Europees Parlement wordt gewerkt en nagedacht. Kortom, de verkiezingen van 2019 zijn erg belangrijk voor de lidstaten en voor het hele politieke proces waarin de Europese Unie zich bevindt.

Ik kom uit een kritisch milieu wat Europa betreft, maar wil één ding onderstrepen: bij de expertise en hulp die ik heb ontvangen van de Europese delegatie zie je wat de meerwaarde is van een uitstekend functionerende, competente Europese ambassade in een grootmacht als China. Ik wilde dat allang onderstrepen en doe het bij dezen. Hartelijk dank!

 
  
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  President. – The debate is closed.

The vote will take place on Wednesday, 12 September 2018.

Written statements (Rule 162)

 
  
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  Fabio Massimo Castaldo (EFDD), per iscritto. – L’officina mondiale del futuro: è quello che l’Africa sta diventando “grazie” agli investimenti del dragone cinese. In dieci anni, le case di fango e paglia di Mlingotini e molti piccoli villaggi di pescatori lungo la costa nord della Tanzania saranno rasi al suolo per fare spazio a un mega porto cinese da 10 miliardi di dollari. Con i suoi investimenti la Cina non sta cambiando solo il volto dell’Africa ma quello del mondo, senza chiedere condizioni politiche ma solo economiche. Non c’è dubbio: l’ex Impero di mezzo è un global player con il quale dobbiamo interloquire, a maggior ragione ora che Trump ha annunciato dazi per altri 267 miliardi di dollari sull’import cinese. Gli interessi commerciali però non devono offuscare i diritti umani, la repressione indiscriminata di giornalisti, minoranze e l’utilizzo della pena di morte. Ringrazio il relatore per aver espresso così chiaramente l’appello a una posizione europea chiara su questi temi. L’Europa deve parlare con una sola voce e far leva sul suo potere negoziale e difendere i principi democratici dall’influenza influenza cinese.

 
  
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  Danuta Jazłowiecka (PPE), na piśmie. – Szanowni Państwo, Współpraca z Chinami to zarówno szansa jak i wyzwanie dla UE. Przede wszystkim kraj ten jest drugim co do wielkości partnerem handlowym Unii. Widoczny jest stały wzrost obrotów handlowych między obydwoma partnerami, ale coraz wyraźniej bilans wymiany towarowej jest wypaczony na korzyść Chin. Istnieje jednak wiele obszarów, w których współdziałanie mogłoby przynieść obustronne korzyści. Pekin poprzez swoją obecność w Afryce, Afganistanie czy Pakistanie, mógłby pomóc ustabilizować te obszary i ograniczyć migrację do Europy. Również w obliczu coraz bardziej izolacjonistycznej polityki Waszyngtonu, współpraca unijno-chińska mogłaby przyczynić się do wypracowania rozwiązań globalnych problemów, np.klimatycznych. Istnieje jednak wiele obszarów, gdzie ta współpraca nie jest już taka bezproblemowa. Od 2008 r. Chiny nabyły w Europie aktywa o wartości przekraczającej 300 mld Euro, co pokazuje skalę ich obecności w Unii. Od 2016 r. państwo to jest w Unii inwestorem w ujęciu netto, ale aż 68% chińskich inwestycji w Europie było przeprowadzanych przez przedsiębiorstwa państwowe, które kierują się przede wszystkim wytycznymi politycznymi. Chiński rynek zamówień publicznych w dalszym ciągu jest zamknięty dla europejskich dostawców. Zgadzam się więc ze sprawozdawcą, że Komisja powinna podjąć działania na rzecz opracowania, we współpracy z państwami członkowskimi i Parlamentem Europejskim wspólnej strategii gospodarczej w stosunku do tego państwa.

 
Utolsó frissítés: 2018. szeptember 22.Jogi nyilatkozat