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Policy Departments' Monthly Highlights - November 2018

12-11-2018

The Monthly Highlights publication provides an overview, at a glance, of the on-going work of the policy departments, including a selection of the latest and forthcoming publications, and a list of future events.

The Monthly Highlights publication provides an overview, at a glance, of the on-going work of the policy departments, including a selection of the latest and forthcoming publications, and a list of future events.

EU relations with Armenia and Azerbaijan

30-10-2017

The EU is currently reshaping its relationship with Armenia and Azerbaijan through new agreements for which the negotiations ended (Armenia) or started (Azerbaijan) in February 2017. After Yerevan’s decision to join the EAEU (thereby renouncing to sign an AA/DCFTA), the initialling of the CEPA provides a new impetus to EU-Armenia relations. It highlights Armenia’s lingering interest in developing closer ties with the EU and provides a vivid illustration of the EU’s readiness to respond to EaP countries ...

The EU is currently reshaping its relationship with Armenia and Azerbaijan through new agreements for which the negotiations ended (Armenia) or started (Azerbaijan) in February 2017. After Yerevan’s decision to join the EAEU (thereby renouncing to sign an AA/DCFTA), the initialling of the CEPA provides a new impetus to EU-Armenia relations. It highlights Armenia’s lingering interest in developing closer ties with the EU and provides a vivid illustration of the EU’s readiness to respond to EaP countries’ specific needs and circumstances. The CEPA is also a clear indication that the EU has not engaged in a zero-sum game with Russia and is willing to exploit any opportunity to further its links with EaP countries. The launch of negotiations on a new EU-Azerbaijan agreement – in spite of serious political and human rights problems in the country – results from several intertwined factors, including the EU’s energy security needs and Baku’s increasing bargaining power. At this stage, Azerbaijan is interested only in forms of cooperation that are not challenging the political status quo. However, the decline in both world oil prices and domestic oil production in this country is creating bargaining opportunities for the EU in what promises to be a difficult negotiation.

Ekstern forfatter

Leila ALIEVA, Senior Common Room Member at St. Antony’s College, University of Oxford Laure DELCOUR Research Fellow, Fondation Maison des sciences de l’homme (FMSH); Hrant KOSTANYAN, Researcher, Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS)

Legal Implications of Brexit: Customs Union, Internal Market Acquis for Goods and Services, Consumer Protection Law, Public Procurement

09-08-2017

This in-depth analysis addresses the implications of several scenarios of the UK withdrawing from the EU in relation to the EU Customs Union, the Internal Market law for Goods and Services, and on Consumer Protection law, identifying the main cross-cutting challenges that have to be addressed irrespective of the policy choices that will be made in due course. The analysis takes the fully-fledged EU membership as a point of departure and compares this baseline scenario to a membership of the UK in ...

This in-depth analysis addresses the implications of several scenarios of the UK withdrawing from the EU in relation to the EU Customs Union, the Internal Market law for Goods and Services, and on Consumer Protection law, identifying the main cross-cutting challenges that have to be addressed irrespective of the policy choices that will be made in due course. The analysis takes the fully-fledged EU membership as a point of departure and compares this baseline scenario to a membership of the UK in the European Economic Area (EEA), the application of tailor-made arrangements, as well as the fall-back scenario, in which the mutual relationship is governed by WTO law. Following an analysis of the EU legal framework defining the withdrawal of a Member State from the EU the study develops an analytical framework that allows for the identification of the legal impact of different Brexit scenarios on policy fields falling within the ambit of the IMCO Committee. In this context, the general impact of the EEA model, the tailor-made model and the WTO model on key pieces of the currently existing acquis communautaire in these policy areas are highlighted.

Ekstern forfatter

Fabian AMTENBRINK, Menelaos MARKAKIS and René REPASI Erasmus School of Law, Erasmus University Rotterdam / European Research Centre for Economic and Financial Governance (EURO-CEFG) Erasmus University Rotterdam

Free trade agreements between EFTA and third countries: An overview

18-04-2016

The biggest trading partner of the European Free Trade Association (EFTA) is the EU, but third countries have made up an increasing share of EFTA's trade since it began exploring new markets through free trade agreements (FTAs) following the end of the Cold War. Since international trade accounts for a significant share of EFTA countries' national economies, boosting trade with new markets is a priority for the association. Trade between the EU and three of the four EFTA states (the EEA EFTA states ...

The biggest trading partner of the European Free Trade Association (EFTA) is the EU, but third countries have made up an increasing share of EFTA's trade since it began exploring new markets through free trade agreements (FTAs) following the end of the Cold War. Since international trade accounts for a significant share of EFTA countries' national economies, boosting trade with new markets is a priority for the association. Trade between the EU and three of the four EFTA states (the EEA EFTA states) is subject to the European Economic Area (EEA) Agreement, meaning these countries adopt EU legislation relevant to the Single Market. As the EU accounts for almost 70% of EFTA's total trade, EU rules and regulations play a major role in its trade relations. This has tended to restrict EFTA members' trade policies towards third countries. EFTA began to negotiate FTAs around the world in the 1990s. Today, EFTA's network of preferential trade relations consists of 25 FTAs covering 36 countries. Further negotiations and exploratory talks are ongoing with major emerging economies such as India, Indonesia, and Malaysia. Modernisation and extension of some existing (first generation) FTAs, to incorporate new areas such as trade in services and investment, is also under way. Because EFTA is a free trade area not requiring the harmonisation of member countries' external trade policies, EFTA members are free to decide their own trade policies towards third countries. They have therefore signed bilateral FTAs with a number of third countries. The Iceland-China FTA, China's first with a European country, is one noteworthy example. Norway has signed two bilateral FTAs (with the Faroe Islands and Greenland), while Switzerland, which has been in a customs union with Liechtenstein since 1923, has concluded bilateral FTAs with three countries – China, Japan, and the Faroe Islands. For the most part, EFTA has been able to speak with one voice whilst allowing its individual members to decide their own bilateral policies.

The second EU–CELAC Summit

10-06-2015

The second EU–CELAC Summit (eighth EU-LAC Summit) will be held in Brussels on 10 and 11 June under the theme 'Shaping our common future: working for prosperous, cohesive and sustainable societies for our citizens'. As the main mechanism of bi-regional cooperation between the EU and the region, it will seek to reinvigorate the commitment to multilateral cooperation, building on the agenda established in Santiago in 2013 and taking into account developments in both regions since then.

The second EU–CELAC Summit (eighth EU-LAC Summit) will be held in Brussels on 10 and 11 June under the theme 'Shaping our common future: working for prosperous, cohesive and sustainable societies for our citizens'. As the main mechanism of bi-regional cooperation between the EU and the region, it will seek to reinvigorate the commitment to multilateral cooperation, building on the agenda established in Santiago in 2013 and taking into account developments in both regions since then.

Environmental and Social Standards in the Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) with West Africa: A Comparison to Other EPAs

02-06-2015

Although negotiations on Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) were launched with seven regions in 2002 – with the expectation that they would be concluded within five years – only one full EPA was in force by March 2015: the agreement between the EU and the Caribbean Forum (CARIFORUM). A few interim EPAs are being implemented, including one for Eastern and Southern Africa. This briefing compares the principal provisions on social and environmental standards in the EPA with West Africa to the provisions ...

Although negotiations on Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) were launched with seven regions in 2002 – with the expectation that they would be concluded within five years – only one full EPA was in force by March 2015: the agreement between the EU and the Caribbean Forum (CARIFORUM). A few interim EPAs are being implemented, including one for Eastern and Southern Africa. This briefing compares the principal provisions on social and environmental standards in the EPA with West Africa to the provisions in the CARIFORUM EPA and the interim EPA for Eastern and Southern Africa. In general, the CARIFORUM EPA contains the widest set of environmental and socials standards, as well as the most specific provisions, including on monitoring and dispute settlement procedures. While less comprehensive, the West Africa EPA also contains references to social and environmental objectives; the West Africa text confirms provisions in the Cotonou Partnership Agreement and includes a 'non-execution clause', which allows the EU to take measures in cases of human rights violations. The divergences between EPAs may well derive from different negotiating contexts. All EPAs will face a challenge when the Cotonou Agreement expires, as their non-execution clauses are linked to Cotonou.

ASEAN: building an Economic Community

03-12-2014

In 2007 the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) decided to move towards closer integration by establishing an ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) by 2015 as one of its three pillars (the other two being the Political-Security and Socio-Cultural Communities). What will this mean and to what extent will the AEC resemble the EU's Single Market?

In 2007 the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) decided to move towards closer integration by establishing an ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) by 2015 as one of its three pillars (the other two being the Political-Security and Socio-Cultural Communities). What will this mean and to what extent will the AEC resemble the EU's Single Market?

Modernisation of Trade Defence Instruments: Initial Appraisal of the Commission's Impact Assessment

14-10-2013

This note seeks to provide an initial analysis of the strengths and weaknesses of the European Commission's Impact Assessment accompanying its Proposal for a Regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council amending Council Regulation (EC) n° 1225/2009 on protection against dumped imports from countries not members of the European Community and Council Regulation (EC) n° 597/2009 on protection against subsidised imports from countries not members of the European Community (COM (2013) 192 ...

This note seeks to provide an initial analysis of the strengths and weaknesses of the European Commission's Impact Assessment accompanying its Proposal for a Regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council amending Council Regulation (EC) n° 1225/2009 on protection against dumped imports from countries not members of the European Community and Council Regulation (EC) n° 597/2009 on protection against subsidised imports from countries not members of the European Community (COM (2013) 192 final), which was submitted on 10 April 2013 and which aims at modernising the EU’s trade defence policy in order to respond to the new challenges in the international trade environment.

Trade in critical raw materials (CRMs): Main challenges

02-09-2013

EU industry depends almost entirely on a handful of countries for imports of 14 critical raw materials (CRMs). These are of high economic significance and are at particularly high risk of supply shortages. Geographical concentration of CRM production, growing global demand and a tendency of main suppliers to apply export restrictions to reserve CRM stocks for domestic industrialisation has rendered access to CRM markets increasingly difficult.

EU industry depends almost entirely on a handful of countries for imports of 14 critical raw materials (CRMs). These are of high economic significance and are at particularly high risk of supply shortages. Geographical concentration of CRM production, growing global demand and a tendency of main suppliers to apply export restrictions to reserve CRM stocks for domestic industrialisation has rendered access to CRM markets increasingly difficult.

Proceedings of the Workshop on "Towards a Reform of the EU's Trade Defence Instruments (TDI)?"

08-08-2013

Proceedings of the workshop on "Towards a Reform of the EU's Trade Defence Instruments (TDI)?", held on 18 December 2012 in Brussels.

Proceedings of the workshop on "Towards a Reform of the EU's Trade Defence Instruments (TDI)?", held on 18 December 2012 in Brussels.

Ekstern forfatter

Edwin VERMULST (World Trade Institute, Bern, Switzerland , IELPO, Barcelona, Spain) and Jacques BOURGEOIS (College of Europe, Bruges, Belgium)

Kommende begivenheder

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The Dilemma of Disinformation: How should democracies respond?
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