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Politica di sicurezza e di difesa comune

01-02-2018

La politica di sicurezza e di difesa comune (PSDC) stabilisce il quadro per le strutture politiche e militari dell'UE e per le missioni militari e civili e le operazioni all'estero. La strategia globale dell'UE 2016 definisce la strategia per la PSDC, mentre il trattato di Lisbona chiarisce gli aspetti istituzionali e rafforza il ruolo del Parlamento europeo. La PSDC ha subito recentemente importanti modifiche strategiche e operative per soddisfare le sfide in materia di sicurezza e la domanda diffusa ...

La politica di sicurezza e di difesa comune (PSDC) stabilisce il quadro per le strutture politiche e militari dell'UE e per le missioni militari e civili e le operazioni all'estero. La strategia globale dell'UE 2016 definisce la strategia per la PSDC, mentre il trattato di Lisbona chiarisce gli aspetti istituzionali e rafforza il ruolo del Parlamento europeo. La PSDC ha subito recentemente importanti modifiche strategiche e operative per soddisfare le sfide in materia di sicurezza e la domanda diffusa di maggiori risposte da parte dell'UE.

Tre vicini del partenariato orientale: Ucraina, Moldova e Bielorussia

01-01-2018

La politica di partenariato orientale dell'UE, istituita nel 2009, include sei Stati dell'ex Unione sovietica: Armenia, Azerbaigian, Bielorussia, Georgia, Moldova e Ucraina. Il partenariato è stato istituito per promuovere l'impegno riformista in questi paesi in ambito politico, sociale ed economico, allo scopo di rafforzare la democratizzazione e il buon governo, la sicurezza energetica, la protezione dell'ambiente e lo sviluppo economico e sociale. Tranne la Bielorussia, tutti i membri del partenariato ...

La politica di partenariato orientale dell'UE, istituita nel 2009, include sei Stati dell'ex Unione sovietica: Armenia, Azerbaigian, Bielorussia, Georgia, Moldova e Ucraina. Il partenariato è stato istituito per promuovere l'impegno riformista in questi paesi in ambito politico, sociale ed economico, allo scopo di rafforzare la democratizzazione e il buon governo, la sicurezza energetica, la protezione dell'ambiente e lo sviluppo economico e sociale. Tranne la Bielorussia, tutti i membri del partenariato partecipano all'Assemblea parlamentare Euronest.

Working with national parliaments on EU affairs

03-10-2017

National parliaments possess certain democratic qualities and responsibilities, such as popular legitimacy or scrutiny of the executive power. However, for decades the European Treaties have neither regulated nor envisaged any substantive relations between national parliaments and the European institutions – the role of national parliaments was marginal or overlooked. The situation began to change slowly with the adoption of the Treaty of Maastricht (1992). However, the real change in national parliaments ...

National parliaments possess certain democratic qualities and responsibilities, such as popular legitimacy or scrutiny of the executive power. However, for decades the European Treaties have neither regulated nor envisaged any substantive relations between national parliaments and the European institutions – the role of national parliaments was marginal or overlooked. The situation began to change slowly with the adoption of the Treaty of Maastricht (1992). However, the real change in national parliaments' status in the EU is connected with the adoption of the Treaty of Lisbon (2007), which has enabled national parliaments' active involvement in EU affairs and enhanced the dialogue between national parliaments and the EU institutions. Today, national parliaments actively participate in the scrutiny of subsidiarity principles in draft EU legislative acts; they are engaged in a political dialogue with the European Commission; and they are involved in interparliamentary cooperation with the European Parliament. National parliaments strive to become an active and appreciated player at EU level. Against this background, this European Implementation Assessment seeks to provide an overview and analysis of the body of research carried out with regard to the position of national parliaments in the EU.

The future of EU - ASEAN relations

20-04-2017

Marking the 40th anniversary of the start of their dialogue ASEAN and the EU have agreed to work towards establishing a strategic partnership. While trade has always been the cornerstone of the relationship - ASEAN is the EU’s third largest trade partner - the EU’s ambition to expand its role as a global actor demand increased engagement. Both sides face common challenges that can only be addressed through joint responses that involve all stakeholders. To be strategic the partnership must embrace ...

Marking the 40th anniversary of the start of their dialogue ASEAN and the EU have agreed to work towards establishing a strategic partnership. While trade has always been the cornerstone of the relationship - ASEAN is the EU’s third largest trade partner - the EU’s ambition to expand its role as a global actor demand increased engagement. Both sides face common challenges that can only be addressed through joint responses that involve all stakeholders. To be strategic the partnership must embrace all aspects, from trade to energy, from climate change to security issues, from human rights to sustainable development. Deepening and enhancing relations between one of the most dynamic region in the world and the largest and most affluent market will bring important benefits to both European and ASEAN citizens. The last years have seen an increase in contacts but the many challenges faced today by the EU, internally and in its close neighbourhood, risk to require all attention and put the EU-ASEAN relations at risk. Finally the study argues that strengthening the parliamentary dimension of the relationship would, besides supporting representative democracy in Southeast Asia, contribute to maintaining the momentum launched in 2012.

Subsidiarity as a Means to Enhance Cooperation between EU Institutions and National Parliaments

08-03-2017

The Treaty of Lisbon has entrusted national parliaments with the responsibility to monitor the respect of the principle of subsidiarity in new EU legislative proposals adopted in areas of non-exclusive EU competence (so-called Early Warning System). The Commission has been the primary interlocutor of parliaments in this framework, although Parliament also receives and follows-up on national parliaments’ reasoned opinions. Despite positive developments visible both at EU and national level, important ...

The Treaty of Lisbon has entrusted national parliaments with the responsibility to monitor the respect of the principle of subsidiarity in new EU legislative proposals adopted in areas of non-exclusive EU competence (so-called Early Warning System). The Commission has been the primary interlocutor of parliaments in this framework, although Parliament also receives and follows-up on national parliaments’ reasoned opinions. Despite positive developments visible both at EU and national level, important challenges remain, in particular in relation to the limited scope offered by the Early Warning System for more political engagement.

The ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Assembly (AIPA): A Privileged Interlocutor for the European Parliament in South East Asia

20-08-2015

The mains aims of the ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Assembly (AIPA) are the promotion of closer cooperation among parliaments of the association of South East Asian nations (ASEAN) member countries and the facilitation of the attainment of the objectives of ASEAN. AIPA is not the Parliament of ASEAN: it has no legislative powers, its resolutions are non-binding, and it does not vote on the budget of ASEAN. However, AIPA is significant in relation to the development of the political context in Southeast ...

The mains aims of the ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Assembly (AIPA) are the promotion of closer cooperation among parliaments of the association of South East Asian nations (ASEAN) member countries and the facilitation of the attainment of the objectives of ASEAN. AIPA is not the Parliament of ASEAN: it has no legislative powers, its resolutions are non-binding, and it does not vote on the budget of ASEAN. However, AIPA is significant in relation to the development of the political context in Southeast Asia, as the ASEAN Economic Community is about to enter into force: it provides a parliamentary forum where members from national parliaments can interact and exchange information on issues of common interest. The European Parliament's participation in the General Assembly of AIPA provides a unique opportunity for regional dialogue In South East Asia, both with the member countries and with the observer countries of ASEAN.

The right to petition the European Parliament

19-06-2015

The right to petition the European Parliament (EP) was formally set out in the Maastricht Treaty as one of the rights of European Union citizenship. Parliament's predecessors, from the beginnings of the Communities in the 1950s, had already recognised the importance of receiving petitions from citizens, and this has become a major expression of the Parliament's role as direct representative of EU citizens. The EP's practice is based on those of national parliaments, though is more extensive compared ...

The right to petition the European Parliament (EP) was formally set out in the Maastricht Treaty as one of the rights of European Union citizenship. Parliament's predecessors, from the beginnings of the Communities in the 1950s, had already recognised the importance of receiving petitions from citizens, and this has become a major expression of the Parliament's role as direct representative of EU citizens. The EP's practice is based on those of national parliaments, though is more extensive compared to many national parliaments in terms of scope. The right of petition has developed substantially over time. In particular petitions addressed to the EP's Committee on Petitions (PETI Committee) and then transferred to the Commission can potentially lead to infringement procedures against Member States. There are, however, still some issues over effectively ensuring the exercise of the right – in particular concerning the responsiveness of the Commission and involving national parliaments more effectively. These have led to a number of suggestions regarding the deadlines for the Commission to respond to PETI Committee requests for information and follow-up, and on ensuring regular information flow between the EP and the Commission. Other practical proposals deal with cooperation with national parliaments, in particular through a network involving the EP and national parliaments, and the closer involvement of Member States' representatives in the PETI Committee's meetings. Suggestions also concern achieving greater visibility and effectiveness of the PETI Committee within the European Parliament itself, including developments of its own procedure.

Shaping and Controlling Foreign Policy - Parliamentary Diplomacy and Oversight, and the Role of the European Parliament

04-06-2015

In the post-Cold War international system, new actors, including parliaments, emerge and they challenge the traditional dominance by governments of international relations and foreign policy. In democratic societies it is increasingly difficult to sustain the traditional notion that foreign policy is incompatible with democratic decision-making and scrutiny and that state sovereignty in this domain is the exclusive, unquestionable competence of governments, as the perceived sole representative of ...

In the post-Cold War international system, new actors, including parliaments, emerge and they challenge the traditional dominance by governments of international relations and foreign policy. In democratic societies it is increasingly difficult to sustain the traditional notion that foreign policy is incompatible with democratic decision-making and scrutiny and that state sovereignty in this domain is the exclusive, unquestionable competence of governments, as the perceived sole representative of the state. As the core institution of democracy and elected representatives, parliaments are increasingly expected to contribute to resolving complex foreign policy and international issues which are impacting more and more directly on citizens’ lives by discussing diverse views on strategic direction and policy priorities, by legitimising complex policies and initiatives and by building up public trust (and support) on complex issues in a way that is comprehensible to citizens. The paper examines the role and functions of parliaments in shaping and controlling foreign policy, also by discussing some case studies (US, German, British and French). It reflects particularly on the gradual parliamentarisation of Member State-dominated EU foreign policy. It analyses the nature of the European Parliament’s actorhood in international relations, the EP’s emerging role in EU foreign policy as well as the tools and powers available to exert influence on the Union’s decisions and relations. It finally concludes that EU foreign policy can become efficient and democratic at the same time in the process of building an EU 'representative democracy'.

Enhancing the Legitimacy of EMU Governance

15-12-2014

This study investigates ways to enhance the legitimacy of economic governance in the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) without introducing Treaty changes. It suggests changes in the governance framework at both the institutional and economic level. Input-oriented legitimacy can be improved by increasing parliamentary oversight on decisions related to EMU and increasing the accountability of the Eurogroup. Output-oriented legitimacy can be improved by strengthening the ability of EMU to reduce the ...

This study investigates ways to enhance the legitimacy of economic governance in the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) without introducing Treaty changes. It suggests changes in the governance framework at both the institutional and economic level. Input-oriented legitimacy can be improved by increasing parliamentary oversight on decisions related to EMU and increasing the accountability of the Eurogroup. Output-oriented legitimacy can be improved by strengthening the ability of EMU to reduce the emergence of negative externalities and to mitigate their impact, through market and fiscal risk-sharing mechanisms. This study was requested by the EP's Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs (ECON).

The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership and the Parliamentary Dimension of Regulatory Cooperation

09-04-2014

The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) presents a historic opportunity for the EU and the US to remove regulatory divergence thereby increasing economic growth. Yet, with great promises come challenges too. The EU and the US have been attempting to reduce trade barriers since the 1970s, and parliamentarians from both sides of the Atlantic have since the 1990s been working to institutionalise these efforts through dialogues and committees, as epitomised by the Transatlantic Legislators ...

The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) presents a historic opportunity for the EU and the US to remove regulatory divergence thereby increasing economic growth. Yet, with great promises come challenges too. The EU and the US have been attempting to reduce trade barriers since the 1970s, and parliamentarians from both sides of the Atlantic have since the 1990s been working to institutionalise these efforts through dialogues and committees, as epitomised by the Transatlantic Legislators’ Dialogue. While this report reviews these efforts, the general conclusion is an overall lack of success: regulatory differences remain as neither side has the incentives to consider the extraterritorial effects of its regulations. As an international agreement predicted to contain a Horizontal Chapter, TTIP has the potential to transform this impasse, if approached correctly. The Horizontal Chapter would provide a ‘gateway’ for handling sectoral regulatory issues between the EU and the US, including by addressing both legislation and non-legislative acts. The development of such a framework for transatlantic regulatory cooperation raises questions in relation to its interactions with the parties’ respective legislatures, the EP and the US Congress. This report examines the potential parliamentary roles, and their implications for the EU legal order. It concludes with recommendations designed to identify the most appropriate avenues to ensure parliamentarian involvement and connect transatlantic parliamentary cooperation with the institutional operation of TTIP.

Autore esterno

Alberto ALEMANNO (HEC Paris, France)

Partner

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