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China's Arctic policy: How China aligns rights and interests

24-04-2018

Unlike the Arctic states, China has no territorial sovereignty and related sovereign rights to resource extraction and fishing in the Arctic. Faced with very limited rights as a non-Arctic state, China has been eager to design strategies to bridge the widening gap between the legal and institutional constraints in the Arctic and its growing Arctic interests. It has developed a self-defined Arctic identity as a 'near-Arctic state' and sought – and in 2013 gained – observer status in the Arctic Council ...

Unlike the Arctic states, China has no territorial sovereignty and related sovereign rights to resource extraction and fishing in the Arctic. Faced with very limited rights as a non-Arctic state, China has been eager to design strategies to bridge the widening gap between the legal and institutional constraints in the Arctic and its growing Arctic interests. It has developed a self-defined Arctic identity as a 'near-Arctic state' and sought – and in 2013 gained – observer status in the Arctic Council, to prepare the ground for a future expanded foothold in the region. China's first-ever white paper on Arctic policy of 26 January 2018 seeks to justify the country's Arctic ambitions through its history of Arctic research and the challenges and opportunities that rapid climate change in the Arctic present the country. China acknowledges for the first time that its Arctic interests are no longer limited to scientific research but extend to a variety of commercial activities. These are embedded in a new China-led cooperation initiative which aims to build a 'Polar Silk Road' that connects China with Europe via the Arctic and corresponds to one of two new 'blue ocean passages' extending from China's 21st Century Maritime Silk Road, launched in 2013. The white paper stresses China's commitment to upholding the institutional and legal framework for Arctic governance and to respecting the sovereign rights of the Arctic states. On the other hand, it asserts China's right as a non-Arctic state to participate in Arctic affairs under international law. China's Arctic policy suggests a strong desire to push for the internationalisation of the Arctic's regional governance system. The white paper is not a strategy document, and is more interesting for what it omits, such as the national security dimension that is a major driver of China's Arctic ambitions.

Stosunki transatlantyckie: Stany Zjednoczone i Kanada

01-02-2018

Unia Europejska, Stany Zjednoczone i Kanada podzielają wartości demokracji, praw człowieka, wolności gospodarczych i politycznych oraz mają wspólne interesy w zakresie polityki zagranicznej i bezpieczeństwa. Kompleksowa umowa gospodarczo-handlowa oraz umowa o partnerstwie strategicznym pomiędzy UE a Kanadą weszły tymczasowo w życie w 2017 r. Negocjacje w sprawie transatlantyckiego partnerstwa handlowo-inwestycyjnego między UE a USA zostały wstrzymane w 2017 r. 15 kwietnia 2019 r. Rada przyjęła wytyczne ...

Unia Europejska, Stany Zjednoczone i Kanada podzielają wartości demokracji, praw człowieka, wolności gospodarczych i politycznych oraz mają wspólne interesy w zakresie polityki zagranicznej i bezpieczeństwa. Kompleksowa umowa gospodarczo-handlowa oraz umowa o partnerstwie strategicznym pomiędzy UE a Kanadą weszły tymczasowo w życie w 2017 r. Negocjacje w sprawie transatlantyckiego partnerstwa handlowo-inwestycyjnego między UE a USA zostały wstrzymane w 2017 r. 15 kwietnia 2019 r. Rada przyjęła wytyczne negocjacyjne w celu zniesienia ceł na towary przemysłowe.

EU security cooperation with Latin America: A priority requiring consolidation

23-11-2017

Although security cooperation is not yet a well-consolidated priority for the EU in its relations with Latin America, it has acquired increasing importance with the explicit inclusion of citizen security as a new priority area in the 2015 EU-CELAC action plan. The main current areas of EU security-related cooperation with the region are the fight against drugs; violence prevention; conflict resolution in Colombia, with an EU stake in its peace process; and the participation of some Latin American ...

Although security cooperation is not yet a well-consolidated priority for the EU in its relations with Latin America, it has acquired increasing importance with the explicit inclusion of citizen security as a new priority area in the 2015 EU-CELAC action plan. The main current areas of EU security-related cooperation with the region are the fight against drugs; violence prevention; conflict resolution in Colombia, with an EU stake in its peace process; and the participation of some Latin American countries in EU crisis-management operations in the framework of the EU's Common Security and Defence Policy. This is achieved through trans-regional, regional, sub-regional and bilateral programmes and projects, as well as through the conclusion of framework agreements with certain Latin American countries. The European Parliament is particularly involved in promoting security cooperation with the region, as evidenced by its support for a Euro-Latin American Charter for Peace and Security, in the framework of the Euro-Latin American Parliamentary Assembly, and the adoption of specific resolutions on the subject.

The EU's new approach to funding peace and security

22-11-2017

The link between security, peace and development is recognised by both security and development communities. However, the practical implications of this nexus still pose challenges – especially in the light of a rapidly evolving security environment. While the EU’s assistance for peace and security comes in different forms – for instance through budgetary support or under common security and defence policy – the existing rules of financing under the EU budget exclude activities aimed at enhancing ...

The link between security, peace and development is recognised by both security and development communities. However, the practical implications of this nexus still pose challenges – especially in the light of a rapidly evolving security environment. While the EU’s assistance for peace and security comes in different forms – for instance through budgetary support or under common security and defence policy – the existing rules of financing under the EU budget exclude activities aimed at enhancing cooperation with the defence sector and the military in third countries. The proposed amendment to Regulation (EU) No 230/2014 of 11 March 2014 establishing the Instrument contributing to Stability and Peace (IcSP) aims to remedy this situation by creating the conditions to allow EU budgetary support for capacitybuilding programmes in third countries aimed at training and mentoring, the provision of non-lethal equipment and assistance with infrastructure improvements, and help with strengthening the capacity of military actors in order to contribute to the achievement of peaceful and inclusive societies and sustainable development. Fifth edition. The ‘EU Legislation in Progress’ briefings are updated at key stages throughout the legislative procedure. Please note this document has been designed for on-line viewing.

COP 23: Climate change talks [What Think Tanks are thinking]

10-11-2017

Representatives of nearly 200 countries started 11 days of talks on 6 November in Bonn, Germany, on how to further implement the 2015 Paris Agreement on tackling climate change. The United Nations' climate meeting, COP 23, is part of global efforts to cut emissions of greenhouse gases that cause global warming. Those efforts suffered a blow earlier in 2017, when US President Donald Trump announced plans for the United States to pull out of the Paris Agreement. This note brings together commentaries ...

Representatives of nearly 200 countries started 11 days of talks on 6 November in Bonn, Germany, on how to further implement the 2015 Paris Agreement on tackling climate change. The United Nations' climate meeting, COP 23, is part of global efforts to cut emissions of greenhouse gases that cause global warming. Those efforts suffered a blow earlier in 2017, when US President Donald Trump announced plans for the United States to pull out of the Paris Agreement. This note brings together commentaries, analyses and studies by major international think tanks and research institutes on the Bonn talks and wider issues relating to climate change. Earlier publications on the Paris Agreement can be found in a previous edition of 'What Think Tanks are Thinking' published in February 2016.

The financing of the ‘Islamic State’ in Iraq and Syria (ISIS)

11-09-2017

Threatening both its caliphate project and its sources of funding, the series of military setbacks that the so-called Islamic State group (IS) as suffered for several months have called into question the group’s very existence. That is not to say that its offensive capabilities will be neutered – the organisation will remain able to employ ’low-cost‘ terrorist attacks to target civilians throughout the Middle East, Africa, Europe, America or Asia. In mobilising Member States to fight against terrorism ...

Threatening both its caliphate project and its sources of funding, the series of military setbacks that the so-called Islamic State group (IS) as suffered for several months have called into question the group’s very existence. That is not to say that its offensive capabilities will be neutered – the organisation will remain able to employ ’low-cost‘ terrorist attacks to target civilians throughout the Middle East, Africa, Europe, America or Asia. In mobilising Member States to fight against terrorism, the European Parliament’s role is crucial. Individually, Member States have an important part to play in effectively implementing common decisions. Their varying levels of engagement, as well as the progress they have made in confronting the financing of terrorism and especially IS, should be considered. An annual reporting framework should be put into place to better evaluate the measures taken by both Member States and the Commission in this area.

Autorzy zewnętrzni

Agnès LEVALLOIS, Associate researcher, FRS, France; Jean-Claude COUSSERAN, Associate researcher, FRS, France; Cartographical support: Lionel KERRELLO, Owner, Geo4I, France

Towards an EU common position on the use of armed drones

15-06-2017

Since the European Parliament (EP) passed a resolution on the use of armed drones in February 2014, it has pointed several times to the need for a common EU position on the matter. It has stressed in particular the importance of ensuring compliance with international human rights and humanitarian law when using armed drones. This publication, which was requested by the EP’s Human Rights Subcommittee, includes a briefing with specific recommendations, drawn up from a legal standpoint, on the elements ...

Since the European Parliament (EP) passed a resolution on the use of armed drones in February 2014, it has pointed several times to the need for a common EU position on the matter. It has stressed in particular the importance of ensuring compliance with international human rights and humanitarian law when using armed drones. This publication, which was requested by the EP’s Human Rights Subcommittee, includes a briefing with specific recommendations, drawn up from a legal standpoint, on the elements that a future Council decision on the use of armed drones should include. This publication also includes a report on the workshop held on 22 March 2017, at which a first draft of the briefing was presented and discussed with Members and stakeholders. The discussion at the workshop confirmed that there was broad support in Parliament for the development of common European principles governing the use of armed drones, not least in view of the emergence of new risks from non-state actors and the EU’s commitment to enhancing security and defence cooperation. While there is currently no agreement between Member States to pursue the matter at EU level, the workshop debate drew attention to the common rules on exports of armed drones and drone technology that already exist. Furthermore, progress has been made recently in agreeing a joint EU position regarding the related matter of lethal autonomous weapons.

Autorzy zewnętrzni

Jessica DORSEY, Giulia BONACQUISTI

Russia’s National Security Strategy and Military Doctrine and their Implications for the EU

01-02-2017

The European Union sees its relationship with Russia as a ‘key strategic challenge’. Its members are alarmed by Russia’s violations of international commitments and increased military activity in Europe. Russian recently updated basic strategic documents are full of indications about Moscow’s world vision and security concerns. They indirectly point to a tension between Russia’s internal (economic, demographic, societal) weaknesses and its claim to be recognized as one of the ‘centers of influence ...

The European Union sees its relationship with Russia as a ‘key strategic challenge’. Its members are alarmed by Russia’s violations of international commitments and increased military activity in Europe. Russian recently updated basic strategic documents are full of indications about Moscow’s world vision and security concerns. They indirectly point to a tension between Russia’s internal (economic, demographic, societal) weaknesses and its claim to be recognized as one of the ‘centers of influence’ in the emerging multipolar world order. The West, including the EU, is clearly perceived as the major challenger to both Russia’s great power ambition and security. At the same time, various indicators suggest that Moscow is probably not fully confident that it will obtain a gratifying role in the emerging new international landscape. All this has led Russia to rely massively on its restored military capabilities, while pursuing a very active diplomacy, in which the relative importance of the EU has declined in recent years. The EU nonetheless has an important role to play in promoting the second engine of the ‘double-track Russia strategy’ that the West (the EU, NATO, the United States) has been pursuing –– strengthening defenses on the one hand, pursuing dialogue and cooperative engagement on the other hand.

Autorzy zewnętrzni

Isabelle FACON (Fondation pour la Recherche Stratégique - FRS, Paris, France)

US President Donald Trump [What Think Tanks are thinking]

25-01-2017

Donald Trump has begun his four-year term as the US President by moving to deliver on some of his campaign promises, such on Obamacare, the Trans-Pacific Partnership Trade Agreement and the North American Free Trade Agreement. Analysts and politicians agree that the Trump presidency will have wide-ranging implications for trade, international relations and security.  This note offers links to recent commentaries and reports published by major international think tanks and other research centres on ...

Donald Trump has begun his four-year term as the US President by moving to deliver on some of his campaign promises, such on Obamacare, the Trans-Pacific Partnership Trade Agreement and the North American Free Trade Agreement. Analysts and politicians agree that the Trump presidency will have wide-ranging implications for trade, international relations and security.  This note offers links to recent commentaries and reports published by major international think tanks and other research centres on Trump's presidency. Earlier analyse can be found in a previous edition of 'What Think Tanks are thinking.'

The 2016 Elections in the United States: Effects on the EU-US Relationship

17-01-2017

Despite (or because of) Donald Trump’s various campaign statements, it is hard to predict confidently what path his administration will take in a wide range of foreign-policy areas. It is however possible to identify key issues and challenges in EU-US relations during his presidency. This briefing provides an overview of issues where US policy may change sharply during the next four years and what this may mean for the EU. Less interventionism, less commitment to NATO and a retreat from trade liberalization ...

Despite (or because of) Donald Trump’s various campaign statements, it is hard to predict confidently what path his administration will take in a wide range of foreign-policy areas. It is however possible to identify key issues and challenges in EU-US relations during his presidency. This briefing provides an overview of issues where US policy may change sharply during the next four years and what this may mean for the EU. Less interventionism, less commitment to NATO and a retreat from trade liberalization could be central to Trump’s presidency. Transatlantic relations would be affected by US actions such as rapprochement with Russia and a softer line on the Ukraine conflict, alignment with Assad and Putin in Syria, extreme counterterrorism measures, abandoning the Iran nuclear deal, and unconditional support for Israel. Confrontation with China over trade and regional security, and reversal of environmental policies will also have repercussions for the EU. In order to mitigate all these risks, the EU must at least entrench existing cooperation with the US before trying to enhance it. It can The do so by reaffirming European unity and solving threats to its integration, by becoming a better security “producer” and by “thickening” interparliamentary exchanges.

Autorzy zewnętrzni

Nicolas BOUCHET (The German Marshall Fund of the United States, USA)

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