MOTION FOR A RESOLUTION on the situation in Egypt
4.2.2014 - (2014/2532(RSP))
pursuant to Rule 110(2) of the Rules of Procedure
Judith Sargentini, Raül Romeva i Rueda, Margrete Auken, Ulrike Lunacek on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group
See also joint motion for a resolution RC-B7-0145/2014
The European Parliament,
– having regard to its previous resolutions on Egypt, in particular those of 4 July 2013[1] and 12 September 2013[2],
– having regard to the Foreign Affairs Council conclusions on Egypt of 22 July and 21 August 2013,
– having regard to the recent statements by EU High Representative Catherine Ashton on Egypt, including those of 23 and 24 December 2013 and 11,19 and 24 January 2014,
– having regard to the EU-Egypt Association Agreement and the EU-Egypt ENP Action Plan,
– having regard to the recent statements on Egypt by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights and the Spokesperson for the UN Secretary-General,
– having regard to the Egyptian interim Government’s ‘Programme to Sustain the Path to Democracy’,
– having regard to the Constitution of Egypt, adopted by referendum on 14 and 15 January 2014,
– having regard to Egyptian Law 107 of 2013 on Regulating the Right to Public Gatherings, Processions and Peaceful Protests,
– having regard to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which Egypt ratified in 1982,
– having regard to Rule 110(2) of its Rules of Procedure,
A. whereas the new Constitution of Egypt was adopted by referendum on 14-15 January 2014 with an approval rate of 98 % on a 38 % turnout; whereas the run-up to the referendum was marred by acts of violence and the harassment and arrest of activists campaigning for a ‘no’ vote;
B. whereas the new constitution is considered to have introduced some improvements, such as the provisions concerning economic and social rights, women’s rights, the fight against torture and the reference to international human rights instruments, which are given the force of law; whereas it allows, however, for the possible restriction of these rights by leaving the interpretation of several of its articles to statutory law;
C. whereas the new text also allows for the possibility for the parliament to withdraw its confidence from the President and to force early elections by a two-thirds majority; whereas the presidential mandate is limited to two four-year terms; whereas the judiciary saw its autonomy enhanced in the new Constitution;
D. whereas the new constitution enhances the powers of the military compared to the 2012 text, notably by giving the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) the right to approve the choice of the minister of defence for a transitional period of eight years, by introducing broad jurisdiction of military courts over civilians, and by placing the security services and military above public and legal accountability and scrutiny;
E. whereas the constitution bans political activity based on religion; whereas the right to worship and build places of worship is restricted to adherents of Islam, Christianity and Judaism;
F. whereas the roadmap adopted after the military coup foresaw a nine-month transition period during which the 2012 constitution would be amended and the amended text would be adopted by referendum, after which there would be parliamentary and presidential elections; whereas the interim government has stated that national reconciliation and the rule of law are the highest priorities for its action;
G. whereas on 26 January 2014 the interim President, Adly Mansour, announced that presidential elections would take place by the end of April; whereas the acting president has yet to approve an electoral law; whereas on 26 January 2014 the SCAF endorsed the presidential candidacy of the Defence Minister, Abdul Fattah Al-Sisi;
H. whereas the sweeping crackdown against the Muslim Brotherhood (MB) continues, with thousands of its perceived members and supporters, including its entire leadership and ousted president Morsi, being arrested and hundreds charged with inciting violence or murder; whereas private and public media have launched campaigns relaying the authorities’ accusations of terrorism and treason against the MB; whereas the MB and its affiliates were banned on 25 December 2013;
I. whereas Amnesty International estimates that 1 400 people have died since 30 June 2013 in political violence and in incidents where security forces used excessive force to disperse demonstrations; whereas civil-society organisations have denounced the impunity of the security forces and the complacency of the judiciary;
J. whereas on the occasion of the celebrations of the third anniversary of the uprising against President Mubarak on 25 January 2014, at least 64 civilians were killed by the security forces and 1 079 protesters were arrested; whereas the victims were mainly supporters of ousted president Morsi, who were reported to have been marching peacefully when they came under excessive use of force by the police; whereas a number of journalists observing the events were arrested and assaulted;
K. whereas the new law on assembly, adopted on 24 November 2013, has been widely criticised for imposing severe restrictions on freedom of assembly and expression; whereas concerns have been raised over a draft law on NGOs which would restrict freedom of association, including by limiting access to foreign funding and introducing burdensome registration processes;
L. whereas a large number of prominent human rights, political and youth activists have been arbitrarily arrested and sentenced in relation to their peaceful activities since July 2013; whereas human rights defenders Alaa Abdel Fatah, Mona Seif and Ahmed Abdallah were arrested while peacefully demonstrating against military trials of civilians, and were later sentenced on 5 January 2014; whereas the National Council for Human Rights visited Ahmad Maher, Mohamed Adel, Ahmad Douma and Alaa Adbel Fatah in prison and denounced their conditions of imprisonment; whereas the headquarters of the Egyptian Centre for Economic and Social Rights were raided by the police on 18 December and their staff arrested; whereas hundreds of students involved in anti-coup protests on university campuses have been arrested, at least five students from al-Azhar University have been killed, and several students have had severe sentences handed down to them;
M. whereas the Committee for the Protection of Journalists (CPJ) has concluded that the unprecedented number of anti-press violations have led to Egypt being ranked among the top ten jailers of journalists and the third deadliest country for the press in 2013; whereas the CPJ has reported that since July 2013 at least five journalists have been killed and 45 assaulted, 11 news outlets have been raided, and at least 44 journalists have been detained without charge under lengthy pre-trial procedures; whereas on 29 January 2013, 20 Al-Jazeera journalists, of whom eight are now in detention and three are Europeans, were charged with belonging to a ‘terrorist organisation’ or ‘spreading false news’;
N. whereas Egyptian women are in a particularly vulnerable situation; whereas female activists are often subject to violence, sexual assault and other forms of degrading treatment; whereas on 26 November 2013 Mona Seif and a dozen other female protesters participating in a rally against military trials for civilians were beaten and sexually assaulted before being left in a remote desert location outside Cairo;
O. whereas acts of terrorism and violent attacks on the security forces in Sinai have increased; whereas according to official statistics, at least 95 security personnel have died in violent attacks since 30 June 2013; whereas terrorist acts have spread to other parts of the country; whereas the Egyptian authorities roundly point to the responsibility of the Brotherhood for these attacks, although the Islamist group Ansar Bait al-Maqdis has claimed responsibility;
P. whereas the social, fiscal and economic environment in Egypt has continued to steadily deteriorate;
Q. whereas the EU is Egypt’s first economic partner and its main source of foreign investment; whereas the EU-Egypt Task Force agreed a major assistance package of EUR 5 billion for 2012-2013;
R. whereas in line with its revised European Neighbourhood Policy after the Arab Spring and notably the ‘more for more’ approach, the EU’s level and scope of engagement with Egypt is incentive-based and therefore dependent on progress with regard to the country’s respect of its commitments on democracy, the rule of law, human rights and gender equality; whereas on 21 August 2013 the Foreign Affairs Council tasked the High Representative with reviewing EU assistance under the ENP and the Association Agreement on the basis of Egypt’s commitment to the principles that underpin them; whereas the Council decided that assistance in the socio-economic sector and to civil society would continue, but that the EU’s cooperation with Egypt would be readjusted according to developments on the ground;
S. whereas the conditions for the deployment of an EU Election Observation Mission include the following: political parties and individual candidates must enjoy their legitimate right to take part in the elections; there must be freedom of expression, allowing possible criticism of the incumbent government, as well as freedom of movement and assembly; and all contesting parties and candidates must have reasonable access to the media;
1. Expresses its deepest concern at the consolidation of a semi-authoritarian regime in Egypt following the military intervention against President Morsi, and at the country’s further deviation from the aspirations of social justice, human rights and democracy that motivated the uprising of Egyptian society in 2011;
2. Expresses its reservations concerning the newly adopted Constitution; notes that it includes some formal improvements compared to the earlier text, notably in terms of protecting human rights; expresses, however, its particular concern over the provisions which further enshrine the predominance and impunity of the military;
3. Considers that the low turnout, the reports of voting irregularities, the mobilisation of state resources in support of the constitution and the crackdown against ‘no’ campaigners call in question the legitimacy of the process, and that it thus constitutes a missed opportunity to provide the foundations for national consensus, reconciliation and institutional and political stability of the country;
4. Condemns in the strongest possible terms the grossly disproportionate use of force by the Egyptian security forces and the tragic loss of life among peaceful protesters on numerous occasions since July 2013, including most recently on 25 January 2014; urges the Egyptian authorities to carry out thorough, independent and impartial investigations into all these events; recalls the importance of ensuring that the fact-finding commission formed by presidential decree in December 2013 is able to fulfil its mandate to investigate the post-30-June events; fears that this state-orchestrated violence risks spurring further radicalism in the country;
5. Expresses its deep concern at the multiplication of arbitrary detention and the sentencing of human-rights and youth activists over their legitimate human rights activities; is greatly concerned at the new law on assembly adopted on 24 November 2013, which severely curtails the right to demonstrate; calls on the Egyptian authorities to uphold the basic freedoms of assembly and expression in accordance with Egypt’s obligations under its own constitution and international treaties; calls on the Egyptian authorities to revise the assembly law, and encourages them to consult the Venice Commission of the Council of Europe on this process, as well as on the draft NGO legislation currently under preparation;
6. Stresses that a genuine and independent civil society is of fundamental importance in supporting peaceful and inclusive political and social transformation of the country; calls on the Egyptian authorities to allow civil society to operate freely; calls on them to release immediately all persons detained without charge and to ensure a fair judicial process for the others; calls, in particular, for the annulment of the sentences handed down to Ahmad Maher, Ahmad Douma, Mohamed Adel, Abdel Fatah, Mona Seif and Ahmed Abdallah and all other peaceful youth activists condemned to prison sentences, and for the immediate and unconditional release of all of these activists currently in detention; calls for an investigation into the allegations of ill-treatment of Abdel Fatah and his wife;
7. Deplores the deteriorating media environment, which is having a chilling effect on freedom of expression, reducing the space for public discourse and breeding self‑censorship; is deeply concerned at the reports of journalists and bloggers being subjected to arbitrary arrest or physical attacks, and of media outlets which are critical of the ruling forces or supportive of the deposed Morsi government being raided and closed; calls on the Interim Government to uphold media freedom in line with the provisions of the new Constitution, to release all journalists, including the Al-Jazeera journalists who are facing highly spurious charges, and to take urgent action to protect journalists and investigate and prosecute all acts of violence committed against them;
8. Condemns the unrelenting clampdown on the Brotherhood supporters by the Egyptian military, with the assistance of the police forces and parts of the judiciary; considers that the mass detention and repression against the Brotherhood leadership diminishes the prospects of a sustainable solution to political division within Egyptian society and further entrenches uncompromising positions on all sides;
9. Stresses the urgent need for a process of national reconciliation, including all moderate political and social forces in Egypt, without which the largest country of the Arab Spring will stray further from the popular hopes initiated in 2011; calls on the moderate components of the Brotherhood to actively support and be part of this process; calls on all sides to curb their incendiary rhetoric and to commit themselves to peaceful political expression;
10. Is greatly preoccupied by the deteriorating security situation in Egypt, including the multiplication of terrorist attacks and other acts of violence claimed by Islamist groups; is particularly concerned at the situation in Sinai, including with regard to trafficking in human beings; expresses its solidarity with the victims and acknowledges the legitimate need to combat terrorism and ensure public safety; supports all efforts of the Egyptian authorities to address this situation in a manner which is consistent with human rights standards; calls on the Egyptian authorities to address the longstanding grievances among the Bedouin population of Sinai stemming from political alienation and economic deprivation; calls for an end to restrictions on independent voices in Sinai;
11. Calls on the Interim Government to cooperate fully with UN human rights procedures, including by approving pending visit requests by several special rapporteurs, and to act on its commitment to the opening of a regional bureau of the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights; calls on the authorities to extend an open invitation to all UN Special Rapporteurs to visit Egypt, as extended by Tunisia in 2011; calls on the EEAS and the Member States to request a country resolution on Egypt and the convening of a special session on the situation in Egypt at the forthcoming UN Human Rights Council;
12. Calls for the EU institutions and the Member States to express, in a unified manner, their clear disapproval of the return to an authoritarian security regime in Egypt; stresses that while keeping open its channels of communication with the Egyptian regime, the EU should not engage in a ‘business as usual’ approach but needs, rather, to review its policy towards Egypt in accordance with the downward political spiral on the ground; calls for the EU to speak up against the clampdown on human rights activists, dissent and opposition forces, and to urge the interim government to demonstrate a credible commitment to engage in a democratic transition process, notably by delivering on its roadmap pledges to hold elections in line with international standards, upholding freedom of assembly and association, and launching a credible, independent investigation into the deadly violence since 3 July; calls on the High Representative / Vice-President and on all senior EU representatives visiting Egypt to systematically raise individual cases of detained or threatened human rights defenders and to seek direct meetings with them;
13. Calls for the continued suspension of all Commission and EU Member States’ assistance programmes to Egypt that do not directly benefit independent civil society and the most vulnerable sectors of the population; calls for a clarification on the implementation of the FAC decision of 21 August 2013 to restrict arms exports and security cooperation and, in the interim, calls for the immediate suspension of any arms export and security assistance to the Egyptian police or armed forces or any other security force;
14. Insists that the EU Election Observation Missions envisaged in relation to the forthcoming elections must be deployed strictly on condition that they are able to effectively monitor the votes in accordance with the relevant EU and international principles; considers that the current climate of severe restrictions on freedom of assembly and expression does not bode well for an open electoral environment, and warns of the risk of international observers legitimising a flawed and undemocratic process; calls on the EEAS and the Member States to support substantial domestic observation of both forthcoming elections;
15. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Council, the Commission, the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, the parliaments and governments of the Member States, and the President, Government and Shura Council of Egypt.
- [1] Texts adopted, P7_TA(2013)0333.
- [2] Texts adopted, P7_TA(2013)0379.