Procedure : 2017/2964(RSP)
Document stages in plenary
Document selected : B8-0676/2017

Texts tabled :


Debates :

PV 13/12/2017 - 8
CRE 13/12/2017 - 8

Votes :

PV 13/12/2017 - 13.1
Explanations of votes

Texts adopted :

PDF 168kWORD 52k

to wind up the debate on the state of play of negotiations with the United Kingdom

pursuant to Rule 123(2) of the Rules of Procedure

on the state of play of negotiations with the United Kingdom (2017/2964(RSP))

Tim Aker on behalf of the EFDD Group

European Parliament resolution on the state of play of negotiations with the United Kingdom (2017/2964(RSP))  

The European Parliament,

–  having regard to the notification given by the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom to the European Council on 29 March 2017 in accordance with Article 50(2) of the Treaty on European Union (TEU),

–  having regard to Article 25 of Council Regulation (EU, Euratom) No 1311/2013 of 2 December 2013 laying down the multiannual financial framework for the years 2014-2020(1),

–  having regard to Article 47 of the Treaty on European Union establishing the legal personality of the Union,

–  having regard to the report of the House of Lords European Union Committee on Brexit and the EU Budget published on 4 March 2017 (HL Paper 125),

–  having regard to the requirement in Article 50 for negotiation to ‘[take] account of the framework for [the] future relationship with the Union’ in the arrangements for withdrawal,

_  having regard to the Charter of the United Nations and to UN General Assembly Resolution 25/2625 of 24 October 1970 on ‘Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Cooperation Among States in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations’,

–  having regard to Rule 123(2) of its Rules of Procedure,

A.  whereas 51.8 % of UK voters (17.4 million people) voted on 23 June 2016 to leave the European Union;

B.  whereas any UK financial obligations towards the EU cease, as a matter of international law, at the end of the notice period under Article 50 unless otherwise agreed;

C.  whereas the UK is the EU’s second largest net contributor, having been a net contributor for every year of its membership (with the exception of 1975);

D.  whereas the EU is a customs union with a common external tariff and is not, therefore, a free trade area;

E.  whereas the term ‘single market’ denotes the EU as one territory without any internal borders or other regulatory obstacles to the free movement of goods and services, but this is far from complete, especially in relation to services;


1.  Notes the European Union’s longstanding commitment to ‘ever closer union’ and the acceptance of the acquis communautaire which this requires;

2.  Recognises this goal, but also that it may not be the choice of some who wish to retain national sovereignty and have a different vision of a confederation of nation states;

3.  Believes that the concept of subsidiarity has failed to bridge this divide between two alternative visions; considers that the UK’s referendum result represents a legitimate choice to depart by a Member State in which the majority do not share the belief in ‘ever closer union’;

4.  Believes that the UK’s departure could and should be of benefit to all parties by removing millions of people who do not share the Union’s most important objective;

5.  Believes that any new arrangements between the departing UK and the rest of the European Union should aim to be reciprocal, as anything else will create resentment and build problems for the future;

6.  Calls, therefore, for a positive attitude towards the long-term goal that the new arrangements should maximise the prospects for democracy, prosperity and the pursuit of happiness both for the whole of Europe and, in so far as this is possible, the entire world;

7.  Notes that EU ‘austerity policies’ have lasted for many years without seeming to deliver the hoped-for upturn and return to prosperity;

8.  Concludes, therefore, that, although many of the European Union’s core policies are failing EU citizens, the European Union refuses to offer alternatives beyond ‘more of the same’;

9.  Notes that, contrary to what is often stated, the position of the UK government is in concept both clear and straightforward, namely that the UK wants:

•  freedom of movement of capital, goods and services (which is what ‘free trade’ really means);

•  freedom from the Court of Justice of the European Union;

•  freedom to enter into trade agreements with third countries;

•  freedom to control its borders (including its territorial waters and Exclusive Economic Zone);

•  no free movement of people, given that this involves: i) access to public services, benefit and employment rights (because of the massive problems arising from granting such access to hundreds of millions of people from countries with very different living standards); and ii) the imposition of refugees and asylum seekers on Member States whose people do not want them;

10.  Notes and supports UN General Assembly Resolution 25/2625 of 24 October 1970, and in particular therein: a) the principle concerning the duty not to intervene in matters within the domestic jurisdiction of any State, in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations; b) the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples; c) the principle of sovereign equality of States; and d) the principle that States shall fulfil in good faith the obligations assumed by them in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations;

11.  Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Council, the Commission and the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy.


OJ L 347, 20.12.2013, p. 884.

Legal notice - Privacy policy