Verbatim report of proceedings

Tuesday, 11 February 2025 - Strasbourg

3. Continuing the unwavering EU support for Ukraine, after three years of Russia’s war of aggression (debate)

  Priekšsēdētājs. – Nākamais darba kārtības punkts ir debates par Padomes un Komisijas paziņojumiem par pastāvīgu un nelokāmu ES atbalstu Ukrainai trīs gadus, kopš Krievija izvērsusi agresijas karu (2025/2528(RSP)).

  Adam Szłapka, President-in-Office of the Council. – Mr President, honourable members, Commissioner, we are approaching a tragic anniversary: the three-year mark of Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine. On 23 February 2022, Russia, a permanent member of the UN Security Council, launched unprovoked, unjustified and illegal aggression against Ukraine, in manifest violation of the basic principles of the UN Charter and international law. But let us not forget that Russia's war of aggression started back in 2013, with the illegal annexation of Crimea and subsequent violence in Donbas.

The consequences are tragic for Ukraine. Russia's continued deliberate attacks against civilians, targets and energy systems in the middle of winter cause massive civilian casualties and human suffering. Furthermore, Russia has targeted food storage and Ukraine's ports, aggravating global food insecurity. And the fallout goes far beyond Ukraine. Russia's war of aggression is a direct threat to Europe and wider international system. It has polarised international relations, it has undermined the rules-based international order, and it has fuelled a global crisis, especially regarding food and energy.

Since the beginning, the EU has been at the forefront of the international reaction against Russia's war of aggression. The EU has not only resolutely condemned Russia's aggression, but provided an unprecedented level of political, financial, economic, humanitarian, military and diplomatic support to Ukraine and its people. In the past three years, the EU and its Member States have provided about EUR 134 billion in support for Ukraine and its people. This includes more than EUR 67 billion in financial, economic and humanitarian support, more than EUR 38 billion in military support, and about EUR 70 billion in support for refugees within the EU.

Regarding assistance to refugees in particular, let me underline the enormous endeavour that EU societies, including in my country, Poland, have undertaken to welcome more than 4 million people fleeing Russia's aggression. This makes the EU, without a doubt, the largest provider of support to Ukraine.

We are also using the extraordinary revenues generated by immobilised Russian assets to help Ukraine's self-defence and reconstruction. The first tranche of EUR 1.5 billion was released last summer, and a second tranche of EUR 1.9 billion is coming in April. In addition, the EU has subscribed to the G7 loan for Ukraine, where we are the main contributor. Our support is continuing. This year alone, EU support to Ukraine's budget will be over EUR 30 billion. In parallel, the EU has imposed 15 packages of massive and unprecedented sanctions against Russia, aimed to significantly curtail its ability to sustain war efforts. Currently, we are discussing the 16th package of restrictive measures aiming for its adoption by the third anniversary of Russia's invasion.

The support provided by EU institutions and Member States are also extended to many other areas, including accountability for the crime of aggression, where work to establish a special tribunal is advancing. Despite the challenges caused by Russia's war of aggression, Ukraine's reform progress following the opening of the accession negotiation is commendable. We remain committed to support Ukraine in its efforts. Furthermore, the EU has also been at the forefront of political support for Ukraine, both in bilateral contacts with third countries and international fora, where we have sponsored all UN General Assembly resolutions on Ukraine.

Today, let me once again confirm our unwavering support for Ukraine and its people for as long as it takes as and as intensely as needed. Ukraine must prevail. Slava Ukraini.

  Marta Kos, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, how many times after the Second World War we said never again. Then we had a war on the territory of former Yugoslavia. Soon we will mark three years since the beginning of Russia's full scale invasion of Ukraine. Mr President, honourable Members of the European Parliament, this is a sombre milestone.

During these three years, the Ukrainian people have endured unimaginable hardship. Families have been torn apart and many lives have forever changed. Three years of children learning to read in underground schools. Three years of people worrying about their loved ones. Three years of running for shelter almost every night.

But through the darkness, the Ukrainian people have shown impressive bravery and resilience. Ukrainians have stood together to defend not only their land, but also their values, their freedom and their future. A future that they see as a Member of the European Union.

On my first day in office, during my visit to Kyiv, I met Maksym Butkevych, a human rights activist. He had spent two years in Russian captivity. He told me: 'what helped me survive was believing in values'. Values gave him hope. He looked at the European Union as a guardian of human dignity, of freedom and democracy, of solidarity and human rights. His dream of a better tomorrow gave him hope during the darkest times.

Many in Ukraine look to Europe because they have seen a world without values, a world of brutality, injustice and impunity. This is the fundamental issue at the heart of this war. What kind of world do we want to live in? A world where military power dictates the fate of nations? Or a world built on rules that ensure that every nation has the right to decide its own future?

The courage and resilience of the Ukrainian people have inspired the world. But inspiration alone is not enough. This is not just Ukraine's fight. It is a fight for the values that define all of us and for Europe's very own security. Ukraine needs our continued political, economic and military support. Ukraine's fight is also our fight for a Europe that values justice over aggression, and unity over division. By supporting Ukraine, we are also safeguarding the very foundations of European peace and security. Together, we must remain resolute.

The European Commission, together with all institutions and Member States, has mobilised unprecedented support for Ukraine on many fronts. Military support to continue its courageous fight against the aggressor; humanitarian assistance for millions of Ukrainians, both those in the country and those seeking protection in the EU; economic and financial support to ensure that the state can maintain essential public services and that the economy continues functioning.

This includes repairing energy infrastructure – a constant target of Russian attacks – and ensuring with the solidarity lanes that Ukrainian exports can reach the global markets where Ukrainian grain is most needed. We are also setting the foundations of Ukraine's recovery and reconstruction after the devastation of the war, and we are also supporting Ukraine to implement ambitious reforms that will bring it closer to EU membership.

On all these fronts, the European Commission is responding decisively in coordination with the Member States. By now, combined support from the EU and Member States exceeds EUR 134 billion. Together, we are the largest international donor and the largest public investor in Ukraine's defence sector.

Let me give you some examples. We have established the Ukraine facility, which is providing up to EUR 50 billion in grants and loans. This helps Ukraine continue functioning and advance its ambitious reform agenda. The Ukraine facility comes on top of more than EUR 28 billion in macro-financial assistance that the EU has provided since 2022.

We have also mobilised EUR 48.5 billion in crucial military support. We have contributed over one million rounds of ammunition and will have trained 75 000 soldiers by the end of this winter. 4.5 million people who fled the war have received temporary protection in the EU, and we are working closely with international and European financial institutions to set the foundations of Ukraine's recovery and the reconstruction.

The EU has taken resolute steps to support Ukraine and our commitment must not waver. Ukraine deserves just peace. We must put Ukraine in a position of strength, especially ahead of potential discussions to end this war of aggression. Ukraine will need strong, credible, long-term security guarantees to deter future attacks.

The EU will continue using revenues from immobilised Russian assets to support the Ukraine's defence industry, provide ammunition and air defence, and finance urgent reparations of energy infrastructure. Work is ongoing to integrate EU and Ukrainian industrial bases, and the European Union is preparing further sanctions packages to further hamper Russia's ability to wage this war.

At the same time, we will continue supporting Ukraine to implement the necessary reforms in their path towards the European Union. This is where they belong. The Ukrainian people are undertaking tremendous efforts under very difficult circumstances, and the European Union should recognise this. This is the merit-based nature of the EU enlargement policy. We should match their efforts and open the first negotiation cluster on fundamentals as soon as possible this year.

Our European message to Ukraine is clear: Ukraine is part of our European family. We will stand with you and we will bring you in the European Union where you belong.

  Michael Gahler, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Mr President, Commissioner, Presidency, colleagues, dear Ukrainian friends, it is with sorrow, but also outrage and undiminished resolve, that we commemorate the third anniversary of Russia's full-scale, illegal and unprovoked war of aggression against the Ukrainian nation. Our thoughts are with those who gave the ultimate sacrifice for the freedom of their country, and their families and loved ones.

The character of Putin's Russia is that of a terrorist state that respects no international law, disregards basic human rights and basic principles that the civilised world has agreed upon, even in times of war. Both Ukrainian and Russian lives are irrelevant in the imperialist agenda of the dictator and the Kremlin.

It is this Parliament that has and will always defend Ukraine's legitimate resistance, as Ukrainians defend our values and are attacked exactly for this reason. Ukrainians are the first to seek an end to this dreadful war. We insist that on upcoming occasions, like the Munich Security Conference, nothing is discussed about Ukraine without Ukraine, and nothing is decided without involving us Europeans. We will be prepared to assume greater responsibility when it comes to guaranteeing Ukraine proper security, and prepare their membership in the EU and NATO. Those arguing for a grey zone of any form only invite the Russian aggressor to progress whenever convenient.

We will achieve our goals in unity and with a united Ukraine. I therefore call on the Ukrainian presidential administration and those in their line of command to refrain from partisan games. Stop curtailing the rights of the opposition in Parliament. Stop depriving the former president of his rights as a member of Parliament. Your enemy – our enemy – sits in the Kremlin, not in the Verkhovna Rada. Slava Ukraini!

  Γιάννης Μανιάτης, εξ ονόματος της ομάδας S&D. – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, αγαπητοί συνάδελφοι, σε λίγες μέρες συμπληρώνονται τρία χρόνια από τη βάρβαρη επίθεση του Vladimir Putin στην Ουκρανία. Ενώ η ρωσική ηγεσία πίστευε ότι ο πόλεμος θα διαρκέσει μόνο λίγες μέρες, ο ηρωισμός και η αποφασιστικότητα των Ουκρανών είχαν ως αποτέλεσμα να αντιστέκονται σθεναρά στις επιθέσεις των Ρώσων και επιπλέον οι Ρώσοι να χρησιμοποιήσουν μέχρι και Βορειοκορεάτες στρατιώτες.

Ως Ευρώπη, θα συνεχίσουμε την παροχή οικονομικής και ανθρωπιστικής βοήθειας, ώστε να μπορεί η Ουκρανία να διατηρήσει βασικές υπηρεσίες για τους πολίτες της. Να διαμορφώσουμε συνθήκες για την οικονομική και κοινωνική της ανάκαμψη μετά τον πόλεμο. Σε αυτή την προσπάθεια, είναι καιρός να εφαρμόσουμε κατ’ αναλογία την αρχή «ο ρυπαίνων πληρώνει» και να αξιοποιήσουμε τις κατασχεμένες ρωσικές περιουσίες.

Η Ουκρανία έχει ανάγκη τη στήριξή μας και σε αμυντικό εξοπλισμό, ώστε να μπορεί να προστατεύσει αποτελεσματικά τους πολίτες και τις υποδομές της που δέχονται καθημερινά επιθέσεις. Να υπερασπιστεί τα σύνορά της. Δεν είναι μόνο μια πράξη αλληλεγγύης, αλλά μια κοινή επένδυση στην ασφάλεια και την ευημερία όλης της ηπείρου. Ιδιαίτερα για χώρες όπως η Ελλάδα, που βρίσκεται στα σύνορα της Ευρώπης απέναντι σε μια αναθεωρητική δύναμη όπως η Τουρκία, είναι ζωτικής σημασίας να διασφαλίσουμε ότι τα ευρωπαϊκά σύνορα δεν μπορούν να αλλάζουν με τη βία.

  Csaba Dömötör, a PfE képviselőcsoport nevében. – Tisztelt Elnök Úr! Ami a háborúval kapcsolatos alapvetéseket illeti, elítéljük Oroszország katonai agresszióját. Ukrajnának joga van megvédeni területi épségét, a bajbajutottaknak pedig segítő kezet kell nyújtani. Ezért is tanul több ezer Ukrajnából menekült gyermek Magyarországon.

De beszélnünk kell a gazdasági vonatkozásokról is, mert ebben a Házban gyakran úgy tesznek hitet a háborús politika folytatása mellett, hogy sohasem beszélnek ennek gazdasági terheiről.

Az Európai Tanács oldalán van egy összesítés. Ezek szerint az EU és a tagállamok eddig nem kevesebb, mint 134 milliárd euróval támogatták a háborút. Ez háromszor akkora összeg, mint amennyi regionális fejlesztési forrást a mostani időszakban kifizettek. Akkora összeg ment már a háborúra, mint a teljes hétéves uniós költségvetés 10 százaléka. Brutális.

Ennél csak a jövőbeni kilátások sokkolóbbak, mert tudjuk, hogy az Egyesült Államok visszavesz a háborús kiadásokból, de a négypárti baloldali koalíció itt, ebben a Házban feltétel nélkül menne tovább az eddigi úton, azaz épp ennyit vagy még többet költene háborús célokra.

Mindezt úgy, hogy az európai gazdaság stagnál, így több pénz biztosan nem lesz. De akkor mondják el, legyenek szívesek, hogy honnan kellene elvenni ezeket az összegeket? A kohéziós alapokból, az Erasmusból vagy éppen a gazdáktól?

Jól tudjuk, hogy ez utóbbira vannak már tervek. Azt, hogy mit gondolnak erről a Biden-adminisztráció által pénzzel kitömött médiumok, azt láthattuk a címlapokon. Itt az ideje, hogy azokat is megkérdezzék, akik állják a számlát, az európai embereket. Sok mindent mondanak, és sok mindent kérnek majd, de egyvalamit biztosan: ne velük fizettessék meg a háborút.

  Adam Bielan, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, dear Commissioners, 24 February will mark three years since Russia launched its full‑scale war of aggression against Ukraine – three years of brutality, destruction and immense sacrifice. Ukraine has stood firm, fighting not only for its sovereignty but for the very principles that define Europe – freedom and democracy.

Today, let us not forget the tremendous costs Ukraine has been paying for standing against Russia for Europe's security: Bucha's horrors, far over 10 000 civilian deaths, tremendous military losses, 10 million refugees, and Ukraine's shattered infrastructures. These wounds will scar generations.

Europe has responded. We have imposed unprecedented sanctions, reduced our reliance on Russian energy, strengthened defence cooperation and increased military support. Yet, disturbingly, some voices still call for easing these sanctions.

I am proud to say today that my country, Poland, has been at the forefront of military, diplomatic and humanitarian aid to Ukraine. We have committed nearly 5 % of our GDP – the highest in the EU relative to our economy. Our support was among the first to reach the Ukrainian front in significant quantities. We provided the largest number of heavy weapons and remain one of the top countries hosting Ukrainian refugees.

Under former Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki's leadership, Poland was one of the first to send tanks, fighter jets and ammunition. And let us not forget the historic visit of March 2022, when Mr Morawiecki, Deputy Prime Minister Jarosław Kaczyński, along with Czech and Slovenian leaders, became the first foreign leaders to stand with President Zelenskyy in Kyiv. Their message was clear then, and it remains clear today: Ukraine is not alone.

Our duty is clear: we must stand with Ukraine – not only now, but in the long rebuilding ahead. The war's outcome must be defined by Ukraine with unwavering European support.

  Petras Auštrevičius, on behalf of the Renew Group. – Mr President, Madam Commissioner, Minister, dear colleagues, Ukraine, hand in hand with its Western partners, has withstood three years of bloody and devastating aggression by Russia and its proxies. Respecting the immense price paid by defenders of Ukraine and the defenders of our European values, the European Union efforts must now focus on the following.

First, the EU, from the very beginning and fully, must participate in the forthcoming ceasefire or peace talks. The outcome of these negotiations will determine the long‑term future security of Europe. Second, we must continue our military assistance to Ukraine and provide it with maximum security guarantees. Russia has no intention of changing, and we must be ready. Third, we must continue to work hand in hand to help Ukraine reform and integrate into the European Union.

I really hope that the three years of Russian aggression and the horrors it has inflicted on the Ukrainian people have revealed the true face of Russian imperialism and international terrorism, and that we have learned a lesson for the future that we must not forget, for the victory of Ukraine and ours.

  Villy Søvndal, for Verts/ALE-Gruppen. – Hr. formand! 3 år! I 3 år er mennesker i Ukraine blevet terroriseret hver eneste dag. Det, vi ser fra Putins krigsmaskine, er intet mindre end et rædselsfuldt angreb på et land, på uskyldige og forsvarsløse civile, et brud på al international ret. Konsekvent forsøger han at lamme landet med angreb på kritisk infrastruktur. Uskyldige mennesker gennemlever nu den tredje barske vinter uden lys, uden varme.

Sammen har Europa og USA ført an i en fælles støtte til den ukrainske frihedskamp. Men nu virker vores stærke samarbejde til at blive usikkert med det amerikanske valg af en selvcentreret oligark. Derfor er det så vigtigt, at vi i Europa ikke ryster på hånden. Vi kan mere, end vi gør, og vi skal gøre det klart også over for Putin, at han ikke vil ende som sejrherre efter den nådesløse, uprovokerede angrebskrig, som han selv har startet. Vi kan gøre mere, og vi skal gøre mere.

  Danilo Della Valle, a nome del gruppo The Left. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, l'Europa non può essere tagliata fuori dai negoziati di pace in Ucraina: così si lamentava qualche giorno fa sui media un alto dirigente europeo. Queste sono lacrime di coccodrillo di una classe politica – che va da von der Leyen a Kallas, alla Meloni, fino ai Verdi tedeschi – che ha fallito su tutta la linea e che ha portato l'Europa a perdere credibilità nel mondo.

La gestione di questa guerra probabilmente verrà studiata nei prossimi anni nelle università di tutto il mondo come esempio del più grande fallimento in politica estera da quando esiste l'Unione europea.

Sono anni che vi diciamo di svegliarvi, di riprendere in mano la situazione in Ucraina cercando le condizioni per una via diplomatica, ma invece avete preferito imbracciare i fucili, le armi, i missili, i droni e i caccia. E magari qualcuno avrebbe mandato ben volentieri i nostri eserciti sul campo di battaglia, pur di compiacere qualche lobby delle armi.

Nonostante le profezie sbagliate, nonostante il sabotaggio del Nord Stream 2, in questo Parlamento si continuano ad ascoltare discorsi deliranti sul fatto che l'unica strada per la pace sia la vittoria sul campo o la resa totale della Russia e si continuano a votare risoluzioni che non tengono conto dello scenario attuale. Avete preso ordini da Biden e forse ora li prenderete anche da Trump, nonostante gli Stati Uniti sembra vogliano cambiare strategia.

Adesso basta, fermatevi. Tre anni di errori non vi sono bastati? Sono i cittadini europei a pagare i costi di questa assurda guerra e sono i cittadini ucraini a soffrire, perché voi non siete riusciti ad assumere quel ruolo di mediazione e diplomazia che da sempre contraddistingue l'Europa. Oggi, lasciando l'iniziativa di pace agli Stati Uniti di Trump, l'UE rischia di essere triste spettatrice della storia, che si decide in altri luoghi. Ritorniamo a parlare di pace.

  Petras Gražulis, ESN frakcijos vardu. – Gerbiamas pirmininke, jeigu Europa būtų vieninga, stipri ir principinga, karo Ukrainoje nebūtų. Būtų pakakę pasakyti Europos Sąjungos lyderiams Putinui, kad mes visomis priemonėmis ginsime Europą... Putinas, ne... Ukrainą, Putinas nebūtų ryžęsis pulti Ukrainos. Europa labai galinga vien rezoliucijomis. Taip, suteikė didžiulę paramą finansinę, bet nepakankamą. Taip pat ir karinę paramą suteikė nepakankamą. Ir Putinas kuo toliau, tuo labiau skinasi į Ukrainos vidų. Ar jums ne gėda, Europos Sąjunga, vienai iš galingiausių ekonomikų, kad dabar Amerikos prezidentas Trumpas pažadėjo sustabdyti šitą karą? Tai pažeminimas Europos. Jūs patys turėjote išspręsti šitas problemas. Čia yra pliurpalai vieni, o realių darbų – tokių, kokių reikia Ukrainos pagalbai, – nėra.

  Rasa Juknevičienė (PPE). – Mr President, this debate on Ukraine is fundamentally about us, about Europe and its future. Our future has two opposing scenarios: one in the event of a Ukrainian victory, the other, very dark, if we fail to help Ukraine to win.

In Davos, President Zelenskyy said, 'Let's not forget, there is no ocean separating European countries from Russia. And European leaders should remember this.' He called on Europe to get serious about its security. That's why we need a clear plan for Ukraine's victory now. We need to act fast. I stress, a victory plan! It's not just about weapons. That's the most important thing today. But there is more. It's also about enlargement. About energy policy. About technology. About industry. About everything that will make Europe a global player.

It's impossible without Ukraine. There will be no long‑lasting peace in Europe without a Ukrainian victory. There will be no strong and competitive Europe without a free Ukraine and a defeated imperialistic colonial Russia. Slava Ukraini!

  Kathleen Van Brempt (S&D). – Voorzitter, het is bijna onvoorstelbaar, maar het zijn inderdaad drie jaren. Drie jaren van onafgebroken Russische agressie tegen Oekraïne. Drie jaren van doelbewuste aanvallen op steden en dorpen en cruciale infrastructuur, met minstens 12 000 burgerslachtoffers en 20 000 gekidnapte en gedeporteerde kinderen. De cijfers zijn verschrikkelijk.

Maar gelukkig zijn het ook drie jaren van eensgezindheid en een sterk Europees antwoord, een sterke Europese veroordeling van deze illegale en brutale oorlog. Drie jaren van Europese solidariteit en steun aan Oekraïne en — hierover heerst grote eensgezindheid in dit Parlement — deze steun zullen we blijven geven, as long as it takes.

De toekomst van Oekraïne is Europees, zoveel is duidelijk. En dus moeten we na drie jaar oorlog beginnen te denken aan de wederopbouw en versterking van de democratie in Oekraïne, ook al is de oorlog nog niet gedaan. Eerlijke en vrije verkiezingen zijn waarschijnlijk nog niet voor morgen, maar we moeten ze wel voorbereiden, zodat we na de oorlog ook echt klaar zijn om van Oekraïne een vrij, open en progressief land te maken, een Oekraïne met sterke democratische instellingen en een sterke rechtsstaat, en klaarstaan met onze hulp, zodat Oekraïne de weg vindt naar het Europese lidmaatschap.

  Pierre-Romain Thionnet (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, vue depuis les capitales européennes et leurs opinions, la guerre qui fait rage depuis bientôt trois ans est pêle-mêle la lutte entre le bien et le mal, entre la démocratie et l'autocratie ou, pour d'autres, la guerre que fait l'OTAN à la Russie.

Au-delà des considérations diplomatiques et stratégiques, on a négligé le sens profond de ce conflit. Cette guerre déclenchée par Moscou est, pour les Ukrainiens, une guerre de libération nationale. Espérons-le, la dernière qu'ils aient à mener.

Déjà entre 1917 et 1920, l'Ukraine avait proclamé son indépendance. Mais contrairement aux Polonais, aux Finlandais ou aux Baltes, elle n'avait pas pu la conserver, car ébranlée de l'intérieur ou renversée de l'extérieur.

L'Ukraine ne peut donc revendiquer une longue continuité étatique et cela autorise certains à lui nier le droit d'exister. Dans le discours de Poutine sur l'Ukraine, on croit parfois entendre Metternich, qui qualifiait l'Italie de simple «expression géographique». Au XIXᵉ siècle comme aujourd'hui, le langage des empires a toujours dénigré et combattu le printemps des peuples.

Ballottés entre de puissants voisins et malgré les tentatives d'éradication de leur culture, les Ukrainiens ont une identité affirmée. Dans le soldat ukrainien qui tient le front, on devine le cosaque épris de liberté qui garde la frontière.

Cette guerre fait finalement la lumière sur l'une des grandes questions posées par la chute de l'URSS, celle de la possibilité d'une Russie post-impériale. L'invasion de l'Ukraine par la Russie nous indique le choix fait aujourd'hui par cette dernière. Tandis que la Russie emprunte une voie qui l'éloigne de l'État-nation, l'Ukraine en devient un chaque jour davantage.

  Reinis Pozņaks (ECR). – Godātais sēdes vadītāj! Labdien, komisāres kundze! Labdien, kolēģi! Pirms kāda laika SEDE komitejā viesojās NATO ģenerālsekretārs Rutes kungs. Viņš teica, ka, ja nepietiekami investēsim savā aizsardzībā, tad mums var nākties pārcelties uz Jaunzēlandi vai mācīties krievu valodu.

Es papildināšu Rutes kunga teikto. Tāda iespēja būs tikai tiem, kuriem paveiksies. Tiem, kuri būs mazāk veiksmīgi, var nākties lopu vagonos pārcelties uz kādu ciematu Sibīrijā. Vēl mazāk veiksmīgie tiks nošauti viņu pašu māju pagrabos atbilstoši iepriekš sagatavotiem sarakstiem. Tādi saraksti cita starpā ir arī tagad. Jo gan Baltijas valstis, gan Ukraina šim visam jau ir gājušas cauri padomju okupācijas laikā. Ukraina tam iet cauri atkal. Un mēs redzam, ka Krievijas metodēs jau 80 gadus nekas nav mainījies un nemainīsies.

Tādēļ atbalsts Ukrainai ir lielākā un labākā, un efektīvākā investīcija mūsu pašu drošībā un aizsardzībā.

  Marie-Agnes Strack-Zimmermann (Renew). – Herr Präsident! Frau Kommissarin! Drei Jahre Morden, Zerstören, Vergewaltigen, Verschleppen, und Europa muss auch weiterhin an der Seite der Ukraine stehen, hinschauen, den Menschen erklären, was da passiert.

Und ja, wenn es Friedensgespräche geben sollte, dann wird 80 Jahre nach Ende des Zweiten Weltkrieges, aus dem wir als Europa gestärkt herausgegangen sind, Europa an der Seite der Ukraine mit an dem Tisch sitzen. Nicht Russland und nicht die Vereinigten Staaten werden entscheiden, wie unsere Zukunft auf unserem Kontinent aussehen wird. Wir werden Sicherheitsgarantien geben müssen, und wir werden auch bei dem Wiederaufbau an der Seite stehen müssen.

Meine Damen und Herren, es ist schrecklich genug, dass es immer noch – oder immer wieder oder immer mehr – rechte Politiker und linke Politiker gibt, die das Lied Wladimir Putins singen, die das Narrativ singen, dass die Ukraine selber schuld sei oder wir selbst schuld seien.

Meine Damen und Herren, wir als Demokraten haben die Mehrheit in diesem Haus, und wir werden nicht zulassen, dass dieses Narrativ auf fruchtbaren Boden fällt.

(Die Rednerin ist damit einverstanden, auf eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“ zu antworten.)

  Alexander Sell (ESN), Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. – Vielen Dank, Frau Strack-Zimmermann, dass Sie die Frage zulassen. Sie haben sich ja immer für Waffenlieferungen an die Ukraine ausgesprochen, Russland müsse militärisch besiegt werden. Mittlerweile sind über 1 Million Ukrainer und Russen tot oder verstümmelt. Deswegen hat Donald Trump angekündigt, das Sterben beenden zu wollen, und hat dazu auch mit dem russischen Präsidenten telefoniert. Sie dagegen haben Gespräche mit dem russischen Präsidenten immer abgelehnt. Mich würde deswegen interessieren: Wollen Sie weiterhin Offensivwaffen wie den Taurus an die Ukraine liefern? Oder können wir angesichts der Friedensinitiative aus Washington darauf hoffen, dass Sie sich wieder auf ihre Büttenreden im rheinischen Karneval beschränken werden?

  Marie-Agnes Strack-Zimmermann (Renew), Antwort auf eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. – Helau, kann ich da nur sagen. Schön, dass Sie gerade bestätigt haben, was ich gesagt habe. Sie trällern das Lied Putins. Ja, die Ukraine muss unterstützt werden, mit allem – humanitär, wirtschaftlich, militärisch.

Herr Trump hat gesagt, er wolle den Frieden in 24 Stunden erledigen. Jetzt sind wir bei 100 Tagen, denn auch Herr Trump weiß genau, wer auf der anderen Seite des Tisches sitzt. Und deswegen noch mal eine klare Ansage: humanitär, wirtschaftlich, militärisch. Es geht nämlich auch um Europa.

Und ich sage Ihnen eins, auch wenn Sie es nicht glauben wollen, aber Sie werden sich daran erinnern ... (Der Präsident unterbricht die Rednerin) … er wird sich daran erinnern müssen. Wenn die Ukraine untergeht, war das nicht der letzte Krieg in Europa, und das werden auch Sie in Ihrem Gesang zu spüren bekommen.

  Mārtiņš Staķis (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, dear friends, yes, we Latvians see Russia differently because we live beside it.

Just imagine an apartment building. We – Latvian and Estonian neighbours – live in the same floor and are improving our house day by day. But behind the door, on the east side, there is our unruly tenant living, Russia, who is aggressive, who is drunk, destructive. Our Ukrainian neighbour suffers the most. Every time they rebuild, Russia comes, steals, destroys and vandalises. Russia has attacked Ukraine 24 times in the last 300 years.

So, today they continue to terrorise our floor, but tomorrow, they will come to yours. And if you don't stop them, they will burn down the house. So, the history shows: ignoring the fire won't save you – it only lets the flames spread. That's why our unruly tenant deserves a very hard lesson.

  Jonas Sjöstedt (The Left). – Herr talman! Vi har fått en amerikansk president som vet priset på allt, men värdet av inget. Trump verkar tro att han kan förhandla med Putin om Ukrainas framtid. Vi måste insistera på att vid varje förhandling ska det vara Ukraina som bestämmer vad de vill göra och Ukraina som sitter vid bordet.

Vår uppgift är att stärka Ukraina och landets frihetskamp, att öka stödet – det politiska stödet, det ekonomiska stödet och det militära stödet. Ryssland har inte rätt till en enda kvadratmeter av ukrainskt land. Putin är en krigsförbrytare, inte en statsman.

Vi kan göra mer. Fortfarande finansieras Rysslands olagliga angreppskrig på Ukraina av export av fossila bränslen. Fortfarande går tankrarna genom Östersjön och Svarta havet. Det är dags att stoppa dem, att klämma åt Ryssland där det gör mest ont. Leve det fria Ukraina!

  Petar Volgin (ESN). – Г-н Председател, от дълго време нормалните хора повтарят, че на войната в Украйна може да бъде сложен край само чрез мирни преговори. На тази съвсем разумна теза американската Демократическа партия, нейните булонки в Европейския съюз и купените от USAID политици, журналисти и анализатори отговаряха с лозунга: „Война до пълна победа на Зеленски!“ Хубавото е, че след президентските избори в Съединените щати там възтържествува нормалността и вероятно в скоро време наистина ще има мирни преговори и войната в Украйна ще спре. Само че колкото повече в Съединените щати възтържествува нормалното мислене, толкова повече в Европейския съюз се увеличава антируската истерия. Госпожите Урсула и Кая и подобните им ще продължават да настояват за „безусловна подкрепа“ и „война до последния украинец“. А не след дълго тези госпожи, както и другите неадекватни еврочиновници, ще се чудят защо не ги канят на мирните преговори. А дори и да ги поканят, те ще са в ролята на безсмислен предмет, подритван с досада от главните действащи лица. Това се случва с всеки, който се опитва да подмени истината с глупави илюзии.

  Ľuboš Blaha (NI). – Vážený pán predsedajúci, vážení kolegovia, prepáčte, ale už som otrávený zo všetkej tej protiruskej nenávisti, ktorá nič nerieši. Namiesto toho uvediem tvrdé fakty. Po prvé, Ukrajina prišla o státisíce ľudí zbytočne. Keby sme sa s Rusmi dohodli v Istanbule, už dávno mohol byť mier. A keby sa to neťahalo k ruským hraniciam, žiadna vojna ani nemusela byť. Po druhé, Rusko v teréne víťazí a Ukrajina prehráva. Sankcie ubližujú Európe ďaleko viac ako Rusku. Po tretie, zelené k nám vypol plyn a správa sa voči členským štátom EÚ čoraz viac arogantne. Po štvrté, Spojené štáty zmenili kurz a Trump bude rokovať s Putinom. Toto je realita. A vy tu ďalej trucujete ako malé deti a Európu vo svete už nikto neberie vážne. Takto to ďalej nejde, a preto vám oznamujem, že som s potešením prijal pozvanie od predsedu zahraničného výboru ruskej dumy Leonida Sluckého a začiatkom marca vycestujem do Moskvy na mierové rokovania. My sa s Rusmi musíme začať normálne rozprávať, inak mier nikdy nedosiahneme.

  Sandra Kalniete (PPE). – Godātais sēdes vadītāj! Godātie kolēģi! Jau trīs gadus Krievija turpina karu Ukrainā. Nav ne mazāko pazīmju, ka Putins būtu gatavs karu izbeigt. Nē, viņš ir apņēmības pilns iznīcināt Ukrainas valsti un sagraut Eiropas drošības sistēmu.

Putins zina, ka Eiropas Savienības un ASV atbalsts Ukrainai nav pietiekams, lai tā uzvarētu. Mēs neesam izdarījuši tik daudz ne sankciju, ne atbalsta ziņā, lai Putins saprastu, ka viņš karu zaudēs, un būtu spiests sēsties pie sarunu galda.

Pat ja cīņas tuvākajā nākotnē apstāsies, mums būs jāapbruņo Ukraina un jāturpina attīstīt tās ieroču ražošanas spējas. Mums ir jānodrošina, ka Krievija neatsāk agresiju. Tas nozīmēs lielus ieguldījumus Ukrainā un arī Eiropas Savienības austrumu flanga nostiprināšanā. Mēs nedrīkstam pieņemt Krievijas ultimātus vai absurdas teritoriālas prasības. Mūsu prasība ir stingras drošības garantijas Ukrainai un Krievijas atturēšanas spējas. Mūsu vietā to neviens nedarīs.

  Sven Mikser (S&D). – Mr President, dear colleagues, three years into this war, the fundamentals have not changed. The consequences for European security of a potential Russian victory look as dire today as they did three years ago. So we have to get our act together and start giving Ukraine what it needs in quantities it needs to win this war. And we should admit to ourselves that whatever the resolution of the war in Ukraine, Russia will remain a clear and imminent threat to Europe's security, so we also have to dramatically improve our defences, including our defence industrial capability.

One thing has changed, though: pro-Russian populists are in a stronger position today than they were three years ago, both in this august chamber as well as in an increasing number of European capitals. This underscores the need to protect and strengthen our democratic structures, which in turn underscores the need for just and responsible social policies in Europe, for democracy and social stability at home are directly linked to our ability to provide sufficient support to Ukraine.

  Viktória Ferenc (PfE). – Tisztelt Elnök Úr! Háború, háború, háború. Három éve ezt halljuk nap mint nap a médiából. Szörnyű kimondani, de lassan hozzászoktunk. Megtanultunk együtt élni a ténnyel, hogy Európában háború dúl.

Azonban Ukrajna lakossága számára ez nem csak egy megdöbbentő statisztika, egy szörnyű felvétel a harcmező történéseiről, hanem a mindennapi valóságuk része. A háború nemcsak az ország fizikai, de az emberek lelkiállapotára is hatással van, súlyos és visszavonhatatlan hatással. Milliók hagyták el otthonaikat, családok szakadtak szét, gyermekek nőnek fel apák nélkül, nők váltak kényszerből családfenntartóvá.

A lakosság mintegy felére csökkent. Kimerült és kilátástalanságban él. A társadalmat mára csupán egyetlen dolog élteti: remény a mielőbbi békében. Tudjuk azonban, hogy a tartós béke nem a fegyverek zajában, hanem a tárgyalóasztalnál születik.

Az Európai Uniónak hűen eredeti rendeltetéséhez a béke nagykövetévé kell válnia. Tűzszünetre és béketárgyalásokra van szükség, és nem az emberéleteket követelő háború elhúzódását kell támogatnunk. Kötelességünk a béke megteremtése, hogy véget vessünk az emberi szenvedéseknek, és hogy megvédjük a háború árnyékában cseperedő gyermekek és fiatalok lelki egészségét, hogy elindulhasson végre egy jövő építése a számukra.

  Alberico Gambino (ECR). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signora Commissaria, dopo tre anni di brutale attacco da parte della Russia all'Ucraina, il nostro dovere è chiaro: l'Unione europea deve mantenere saldo il suo sostegno all'Ucraina, non solo per la difesa della sua sovranità, ma anche per garantire sicurezza all'intero continente.

Il nostro obiettivo deve essere la pace, giusta e duratura. Questo significa continuare a sostenere Kiev con gli aiuti necessari, ma al contempo intensificare gli sforzi diplomatici per cercare una soluzione politica al conflitto, sostenendo ogni iniziativa che possa portare al tavolo delle trattative e porre fine alla sofferenza di milioni di persone.

In questo contesto, a mio avviso, la cooperazione transatlantica è essenziale per affrontare questa crisi con unità e determinazione. Ricordiamo che il dialogo con gli Stati Uniti è imprescindibile, poiché restano il nostro principale alleato e partner fondamentale in un'epoca di sfide globali e interconnesse.

L'Unione europea non può permettersi esitazioni. Dobbiamo proseguire con fermezza nell'assistenza a Kiev, senza mai perdere di vista l'imperativo della pace e del...

(Il Presidente toglie la parola all'oratore)

  Hilde Vautmans (Renew). – Voorzitter, velen hebben het hier al gezegd: vandaag is het drie jaar geleden dat die afschuwelijke oorlog van Rusland tegen Oekraïne begon. We hebben Oekraïne drie jaar lang gesteund. Eensgezind, gelukkig maar. Maar laten we eerlijk zijn: halfslachtig en met de voet op de rem. We hebben Rusland gesanctioneerd. Eensgezind, maar ook halfslachtig. We zitten inmiddels aan het vijftiende sanctiepakket. Daarmee hebben we niet alleen de miserie van de Oekraïners gerekt, maar ook onze eigen pijn. Vandaag staat de gasprijs op zijn hoogste peil in twee jaar. Wij betalen het gelag. De oorlog duurt veel te lang.

Laten we vandaag afspreken dat deze oorlog dit jaar ten einde komt. Er zijn drie manieren om vrede te bereiken:

1. Lever die wapens nu en volledig.

2. Voer sancties in tegen iedereen.

3. Maak Europa sterker.

  Sergey Lagodinsky (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, I wish to speak in Ukrainian. (The speaker continued in a non-EU language)

  President. – Unfortunately, there is no Ukrainian interpretation.

  Sergey Lagodinsky (Verts/ALE). – There is!

  President. – There is? Then I really was not informed. Sorry about that. You can start again.

  Sergey Lagodinsky (Verts/ALE). – (The speaker used a non-EU language) Nothing without Ukraine, nothing without Ukraine and without Europe. (The speaker continued in a non-EU language)

  Hans Neuhoff (ESN). – Herr Präsident! Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Die Jahre des russischen Angriffskriegs gegen die Ukraine sind auch die Jahre des finalen geopolitischen Versagens der EU. Final ist dieses Versagen, weil es den Endpunkt einer Entwicklung darstellt, an deren Anfang die Entscheidung der USA steht, die Ukraine in die NATO zu bringen.

Seit einem Vierteljahrhundert lassen sich die Europäer inzwischen von den USA am Nasenring durch die geopolitische Arena führen. Nehmen Sie bitte zur Kenntnis, Frau Strack-Zimmermann, dass die Verhandlungen zur Beendigung des Ukrainekrieges ohne Sie, ohne Frau von der Leyen, ohne die europäischen Staats- und Regierungschefs geführt werden – ja, womöglich ohne die Ukraine selbst. Die Europäer dürfen am Ende nur eines, nämlich die Rechnung bezahlen.

Meine Damen und Herren, wenn es noch eines Beweises bedurft hätte, dass es sich bei diesem Krieg um eine geostrategische Auseinandersetzung zwischen zwei Großmächten handelt, wenn es noch eines Beweises bedurft hätte, dass die EU kein relevanter geopolitischer Akteur ist, dann ist er hiermit erbracht worden.

  Fabio De Masi (NI). – Herr Präsident! Meine Damen und Herren, die Ukrainer wurden tatsächlich verraten, aber aus anderen Gründen, als viele von Ihnen hier meinen. Wir haben sie über drei Jahre in einen nicht gewinnbaren Stellvertreterkrieg geschickt. Und alle Gespräche über den Verzicht auf die NATO-Perspektive für die Ukraine wurden zurückgewiesen. Selbst der ehemalige Sicherheitsberater von Obama, Charles Kupchan, hat das als einen großen Fehler bezeichnet. 2021 hat man diese Gespräche zurückgewiesen. 2022 waren wir so nah an einem Friedensschluss, und das wurde zurückgewiesen. Man hat den Ukrainern gesagt, sie sollen weiterkämpfen.

Welches Ergebnis haben wir jetzt? Über 1 Million Tote und Verletzte. Die Jungen haben das Land verlassen. Das Land ist völlig zerstört und wirtschaftlich abhängig. Und es wird ein Teil seines Territoriums verlieren. Dafür tragen Sie mit Ihren blutleeren Durchhalteparolen die politische Verantwortung. Es ist Zeit, dieses Desaster zu beenden. Wir brauchen Verhandlungen, einen Waffenstillstand und gegenseitige Sicherheitsversprechen. Aber diese blutleeren Durchhalteparolen, die werden in die Geschichtsbücher eingehen als ein historischer Irrtum.

  Michał Szczerba (PPE). – Panie Przewodniczący! Pani Komisarz! Panie Ministrze! Trzy lata wojny i trzy lata niezachwianego wsparcia sojuszników europejskich. Naszym celem jest to, żeby Ukraina zwyciężyła, żeby Ukraina się odbudowała i była silnym europejskim państwem. Ukraina wzmacnia Europę, czyni ją silniejszą, bezpieczniejszą i będzie potężniejsza gospodarczo.

Trzy sprawy, które chcę poruszyć. Po pierwsze to wspólna strategia migracyjna i nadciągający kryzys demograficzny na Ukrainie. Ukrainę w ciągu tych trzech lat opuściło co najmniej 7,5 miliona obywatelek i obywateli. Żeby Ukraina mogła dalej się rozwijać te osoby muszą wrócić na Ukrainę. Kryzys demograficzny jest potężny. Średnia wieku mocno wzrosła.

Drugi temat to wsparcie dla weteranów. Pani Komisarz, to bardzo ważna sprawa. Gdy skończy się ta wojna, będą 2 miliony weteranów. Trzeba im również pomóc finansowo, społecznie, psychologicznie. Będą przez lata leczyć traumy.

I trzecia sprawa to wsparcie w dialogu politycznym. Wtedy, kiedy Ukraina będzie sobie... 

(Przewodniczący odebrał mówcy głos)

  Thijs Reuten (S&D). – Mr President, three years of a full‑scale invasion and Russian brutality, and what did we learn? Ukraine has already won. Ukraine will be an EU member and we will be stronger with them. And Europe is stronger and more resilient than many thought. Yes, we did a lot financially and militarily. But was it enough? Was it enough? No. We delivered too late and too little on crucial military support to protect Ukrainians and to defend Europe. Yes, to defend Europe!

It is not over: promises of quick peace without leverage over Putin don't work. Peace through strength, not without Ukraine. About Ukraine is also about our strength, and also not about Europe without Europe. We can enable Ukraine militarily, curb the shadow fleet, reinforce sanctions and fight Putin's influence in Europe. Peace needs enforcement and solid security guarantees.

As we honour the brave Ukrainians, the brave heroes of Ukraine, we should all ask ourselves how much Europe is worth to us as we know it. And this is how much we need to invest in Ukraine.

  Petra Steger (PfE). – Herr Präsident! Sehr geehrte Damen und Herren, der Krieg in der Ukraine geht bald ins vierte Jahr, und Sie halten hier gefühlt mittlerweile die tausendste Debatte ab unter dem Titel Fortsetzung der bedingungslosen Solidarität.

Alle Bürger in Europa fragen sich mittlerweile: Warum eigentlich? Erstens, warum bedingungslos? Denn nichts in der Politik – und schon gar nicht Milliardenzahlungen und Waffen – sollte bedingungslos sein. Und zweitens, was ist eigentlich mit der Solidarität gegenüber der eigenen Bevölkerung? Wann hören Sie endlich damit auf, mit dieser Politik gegen die eigenen Interessen?

Wie wäre es mal mit einem neuen Titel hier im Plenum? Zum Beispiel: Zeit für Frieden. Das wäre jetzt angebracht! Nein, auf die Idee kommen Sie nicht einmal. Seit Beginn dieses abscheulichen Krieges gab es vom angeblichen Friedensprojekt der Europäischen Union keine einzige Friedensinitiative. Stattdessen gefährden Sie unsere Sicherheit und opfern unseren Wohlstand, und das Ganze – und das ist das Schäbigste –, ohne dass Sie die Bürger jemals gefragt haben, ob ihnen das überhaupt recht ist, ob sie überhaupt bereit sind, die Kosten für all das hier zu tragen.

Wann erkennen Sie endlich die Zeichen der Zeit und setzen sich endlich für das ein, was Ihre eigentliche Aufgabe wäre, nämlich für Frieden? Nein, stattdessen manövrieren Sie uns in eine außenpolitische …

(Der Präsident entzieht der Rednerin das Wort.)

  Jaak Madison (ECR). – Mr President, it's always lovely to see how the Germans are fighting with each other in the Chamber.

Anyway, for three years, a lot of talk, no results. I think we have no doubt that in the next few months, we're going to have negotiations for the peace. So we will reach for that. But the problem is in which kind of terms we have. Today, currently in Europe, we don't have any kind of leader who will be equal to negotiate with Trump, Zelenskyy and Putin. Is it Kaja Kallas? Definitely not. Ursula? No. So, the problem now is that Europeans love to talk a lot and to make your own green deals, fight for the climate change, but in the reality, we have been talking for three years and now, of course, from the different sides, they are screaming about the human lives, how we need peace. But the problem is that we have had peace several times with Russia, and nobody has given a shit about the result – that their territories are occupied, people are murdered, killed, raped. And we are just loving to talk here for three years. Very lovely story.

The problem now is that we are not still investing enough for our defence. We are still the biggest importer of LNG from Russia. We are paying billions of euros to Russia to have war. Great ...

(The President cut off the speaker)

  Bernard Guetta (Renew). – Monsieur le Président, eh bien non, Président Trump: contrairement à ce que vous dites, Vladimir Poutine n'est pas triste que cette guerre ait eu lieu. Cette guerre, il l'a voulue et préparée de longue date, car il voudrait rendre à la Russie son empire perdu. La seule chose dont il soit triste est que l'héroïsme des Ukrainiens l'ait empêché de marcher jusqu'à la frontière polonaise, jusqu'à la frontière de notre Union.

Alors cessez, Monsieur Trump, de nous parler de la douleur et de l'humanité de votre ami Vladimir, car, si cette guerre le faisait tant souffrir, il n'aurait pour l'arrêter qu'à rappeler ses troupes.

Et puis encore un mot, Monsieur le Président. S'il y a un reproche à faire à votre prédécesseur, ce n'est pas d'avoir soutenu l'Ukraine, mais de l'avoir toujours soutenue trop peu, trop tard. L'Histoire en jugera. Mais prenez garde à ce que votre pays et le monde ne portent déjà le plus sévère des jugements sur votre connivence avec ce Staline au petit pied.

  Markéta Gregorová (Verts/ALE). – Pane předsedající, dnes si připomínáme tři roky od chvíle, kdy Rusko zahájilo svou brutální agresi proti Ukrajině. Bohužel se zde dnes několikrát objevila otázka, zda má smysl Ukrajinu podporovat. A tak se zeptám já jinak: Co by se stalo, kdybychom to neudělali? Kde by dnes byla Evropa, kdybychom zůstali pasivní, kdybychom neotevřeli dveře uprchlíkům, neukázali jednotu?

Ruské tanky by dnes možná stály na hranicích Polska, Slovenska nebo Pobaltí, na Ukrajině by proběhla genocida ukrajinského obyvatelstva. Agresoři po celém světě by viděli, že válka se vyplácí a že Západ i Evropa jsou slabí a k rozebrání. Pokud vám nejde o hodnoty, jste u mě velmi chudí. Abych ale mluvila vaší řečí transakcí, cena za neutralitu by byla nesrovnatelně vyšší než cena naší pomoci. Proto musíme zůstat pevní. Proto musíme pokračovat. Sláva Ukrajině!

  Zsuzsanna Borvendég (ESN). – Tisztelt Elnök Úr! Háttérhatalmi játszmák és a globális nagytőke érdekei tartják életben ezt a háborút immár három éve. Embereket gyilkolnak halomra miközben itt vitázunk, és ez minket magyarokat közelről érint.

Ugyanis Ukrajna nyugati része ezer évig a Magyar Királysághoz tartozott, és az önrendelkezés megtagadásával szakították el hazánktól ezt a régiót 1920-ban.

Az ott élő magyarokat és ruszinokat kényszersorozással viszik meghalni egy olyan ügyért, amelyhez semmi közük sincs, hiszen a jelenlegi ukrán állam a legalapvetőbb nemzetiségi jogaikat sem biztosítja.

Nem támogatásokról, hanem az azonnali tűzszünetről és a békerendezésről kell beszélnünk, főleg, ha Európa helyet akar majd kapni a tárgyalóasztalnál. A tartós béke megteremtéséhez a ma még tabunak számító határrendezést is napirendre kell tűzni. Ennek során pedig Magyarország nem mondhat le a kárpátaljai magyarok és a ruszinok önrendelkezésének biztosításáról.

  Pekka Toveri (PPE). – Mr President, dear colleagues, the war in Ukraine is now in a crucial phase. Ukraine is under great pressure, but Russia is not about to win this war. However, Putin seems to think so. Therefore, we need to act decisively to prove him wrong.

The Russian army is exhausted and its economy is weakening. Now it's time to support Ukraine by funding its defence industry, which is capable to produce material worth over EUR 20 billion annually, but it is currently funded only to 30 % of its capacity.

And we need to hit Russia's economy, for example, by stopping its shuttle fleet, which is used to fund this war and is threatening our seas with environmental catastrophe as we speak. These kind of actions are needed to force Russia to the negotiating table on Ukraine's terms, not on Putin's terms.

Ukraine needs peace and security against new Russian aggression. Here, those who worry about the money are selfish, those who talk about diplomacy don't know Russia. Russia respects only force and now it's time to use it. The time to act is now. Slava Ukraini!

  Pina Picierno (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, questa notte Donald Trump ha dichiarato: "Un giorno l'Ucraina potrebbe diventare russa. Ci ripaghi subito con 500 miliardi in terre rare per gli investimenti che abbiamo effettuato". Ecco, io credo che queste parole siano figlie del peggiore mercantilismo sovranista. E noi in quest'Aula abbiamo il dovere di ricordare che la resistenza dell'Ucraina è lotta per la libertà, è lotta per la democrazia ed è lotta per la tutela dell'integrità territoriale europea.

Trump tratta, purtroppo, la lotta dei popoli per la libertà come una qualsiasi operazione commerciale da cui trarre profitti. Ma non ci sono affari da fare, Presidente Trump. C'è da difendere il diritto di un popolo alla libertà e all'indipendenza.

Da tre anni contiamo vittime innocenti che la Russia determina per la sua rincorsa ad un imperialismo abietto. Ora più che mai quest'Aula ha il dovere di schierarsi per la democrazia, contro la barbarie, per l'Ucraina e per l'Europa.

  Michał Dworczyk (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Koleżanki i Koledzy! Za dwa tygodnie miną trzy lata, odkąd Rosja zaatakowała brutalnie Ukrainę i dopuszcza się mordów na cywilach, jak i żołnierzach. To jednocześnie 1084 dni bohaterskiej obrony narodu ukraińskiego, który niezłomnie stawia opór w nierównej walce o wolność i niepodległość swojego kraju.

Polska towarzyszyła Ukrainie od pierwszego dnia wojny, również wtedy, kiedy wiele krajów Unii Europejskiej kalkulowało, czy warto taką pomoc podjąć, narażając swoje świetnie prosperujące interesy z Rosją. To polski ambasador, wówczas jako jedyny europejski ambasador, nie opuścił Kijowa i kontynuował swoją misję pomimo trwającej wojny.

I choć dzisiaj widzimy, jak konieczne jest możliwie szybkie zakończenie działań wojennych oraz przywrócenie pokoju, to musi się ono wiązać z zapewnieniem Ukrainie wiarygodnych i mocnych gwarancji bezpieczeństwa. Musimy zatem, jako Wspólnota Europejska, niezmiennie wspierać Ukrainę oraz jej dążenie w rozmowach pokojowych i jej stanowisko. Czas najwyższy, aby wspólna polityka bezpieczeństwa i pokoju w Europie budowana była w oparciu o rzeczywiste zapewnienie bezpieczeństwa wszystkim europejskim krajom, a nie przez pryzmat business as usual.

  Helmut Brandstätter (Renew). – Mr President, Madam Commissioner, Minister, dear colleagues, many important things have been said. I want to concentrate on one group of the victims and that is the children.

Just imagine you have a child, you go to bed and you don't know if the child is still alive the next day in the morning, there might be a rocket from Russia. Imagine your child has cancer, you bring it to a hospital and it's killed by a rocket in this hospital. Imagine you have children and they are kidnapped, brought to another country where they tell you that your mother language doesn't really exist and that you have to learn a new one.

That's what's happening and that's one of the reasons why we have to support, why we have to continue to support the Ukrainians.

Herr Präsident! Ich möchte auf Deutsch meinen Mitbürgern in Österreich sagen: Putin kämpft auch gegen uns. Er führt gegen uns schon einen hybriden Krieg, und wenn er die Ukraine erobert haben sollte, steht er 500 km vor Wien. Putin möchte, dass wir nicht in Freiheit leben. Das, was ich in der Ukraine immer gehört habe – wir wollen nicht Sklaven Putins sein –, das gilt für uns alle in Europa. Deswegen halten wir zusammen für die Ukraine. Slawa Ukrajini!

  Nicolás Pascual de la Parte (PPE). – Señor presidente, después de tres años de guerra, de devastación y de muerte, parece ser que estamos enfilando una perspectiva de negociación de paz. Pero una paz para Ucrania tiene que ser una paz justa, duradera, y una paz justa y duradera tiene que respetar los principios de la Carta de las Naciones Unidas: la intangibilidad de las fronteras, la integridad territorial, la independencia política, la libertad de cualquier Estado para elegir sus alianzas internacionales. Eso hemos de garantizárselo a los ucranianos.

Y, sobre todo, no puede haber una paz sin los ucranianos o por encima de los ucranianos. Son ellos los que tienen que decir cuáles son los términos de la paz. Y ahí es donde la Unión Europea tiene que ayudar. Tenemos que ayudar ofreciéndoles unas garantías de seguridad —bilaterales y colectivas— y ofreciéndoles también una perspectiva de ingreso en la Unión Europea y de ingreso en la OTAN en su momento.

No miremos tanto a lo que hacen los Estados Unidos, el presidente de los Estados Unidos, y fijémonos en qué somos capaces de hacer nosotros y qué plan colectivo tiene la Unión Europea para responder a esa perspectiva de paz que se abre en Ucrania. Hemos de enfrentarnos a esa realidad de una forma unida y con nuestro propio plan.

  Raphaël Glucksmann (S&D). – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, il y a trois ans, nous avons tous dit ici que la guerre russe contre l'Ukraine était une guerre contre l'Europe. Nous avons eu raison de le dire. Mais avons-nous agi en conséquence? Les Ukrainiens ont étonné le monde par leur résistance héroïque, mais les dirigeants européens ont-ils été à la hauteur? Les 200 milliards d'avoirs publics russes gelés dans nos banques sont-ils saisis au moment où je vous parle? Les importations européennes de gaz naturel liquéfié ou la coopération française avec Rosatom ont-elles cessé? Avons-nous livré toutes les armes dont la résistance ukrainienne a besoin et fait tourner nos usines à plein régime pour l'équiper? Non, et c'est une faillite stratégique.

À Mar-a-Lago, l'Ukraine peut sembler loin et Trump peut penser jouer avec Poutine. Mais pas nous. Pour nous, Européens, ce sont notre sécurité et notre liberté qui sont en jeu en Ukraine. Pour nous Européens, la résistance ukrainienne est notre première ligne de défense. Alors n'écoutons pas les voix de la capitulation et de la soumission qui, à nouveau, ont pourri cette enceinte ce matin. N'écoutons pas les valets de Vladimir Poutine et disons avec force que la survie de l'Ukraine, c'est la liberté de l'Europe.

  Sebastian Tynkkynen (ECR). – Mr President, for three long years, Ukraine has stood on the front lines of freedom, facing the brutality of Putin's criminal regime. At the same time, Putin's Russia has shown the world its true nature: it's a terrorist organisation with a flag. Putin thought the war would be over in three days. He also thought Europe would turn its back on Ukraine. He was wrong.

What has Putin on his side besides countries like North Korea? Some MEPs here demand our defence capabilities to be restricted, repeat phrases from the Russian playbook and are betraying European values for cheap gas. To them I say, you will go down in history as traitors. The defenders of Ukraine will be remembered as heroes of Europe.

  Davor Ivo Stier (PPE). – Poštovani predsjedavajući, kolegice i kolege, tri godine nakon ruske agresije na Ukrajinu moramo još jednom ponoviti: ovaj užasan rat bio je odluka Vladimira Putina.

On je kriv za agresiju, on je pokrenuo ovaj rat, on ga može odmah zaustaviti kada bi to htio, ali on to ne želi. Nažalost, ima i dalje onih koji nasjedaju na rusku propagandu, pa krivnju za rat traže kod žrtve ili kod onih koji pomažu žrtvi, ali ne traže odgovornost kod agresora. I zato žele sada pritisak staviti na žrtvu i, naravno, tako neće zaustaviti agresora.

Međutim, iako Rusija trenutno okupira Krim i još četiri oblasti, Rusija ipak nije i Rusija neće uspjeti slomiti Ukrajinu i neće je vratiti pod svoju dominaciju. Da, pregovori da, ali oni moraju imati u obzir da je Ukrajina zauvijek napustila ruski svijet i tamo se više nikada neće vratiti.

I zato moramo još jednom reći, nakon tri godine agresije živjela nam slobodna, neovisna i europska Ukrajina.

  Marcos Ros Sempere (S&D). – Señor presidente, tres años de guerra, tres años de invasión, tres años de enfrentamiento entre el autoritarismo de Putin y los valores europeos por la resistencia de los ucranianos.

Desde el Parlamento Europeo seguimos apoyando al pueblo ucraniano con medidas como el Mecanismo para Ucrania —50 000 millones de euros hasta 2027— o el marco de asistencia financiera, que será financiado con los beneficios generados por los activos rusos congelados en la Unión. Pero necesitamos más: más ayuda militar, humanitaria y económica. Ucrania tiene que renacer tras la guerra: un país que mire al futuro y con los recursos necesarios para hacer frente a la reconstrucción y a la modernización tras el conflicto.

Ahora que el contexto geopolítico mundial palidece ante la deriva populista, la Unión Europea debe ser más que nunca el baluarte de la democracia y de los derechos humanos, y el lugar al que Ucrania debe encaminarse.

  Arkadiusz Mularczyk (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Szanowni Państwo! Dziś, po trzech latach brutalnej agresji Rosji na Ukrainę, musimy jasno powiedzieć – nasza solidarność nie może słabnąć. Historia uczy nas, że niezawisłość, suwerenność, wolność narodów są wartościami, których nie można oddać w imię fałszywego pokoju. Kraj, który reprezentuję – Polska, która doskonale wie, czym jest wojna, i zna jej długofalowe skutki. Po II wojnie światowej Polska przez dziesięciolecia ponosiła konsekwencje niemieckich zbrodni wojennych, które do dziś nie zostały rozliczone. Ukraińcy, podobnie jak my, będą się przez lata zmagać z biedą, z traumą, ze stratami, z kalectwem. Nie możemy pozwolić, żeby zostali sami. Bo kto, jeśli nie my, rozumie lepiej, czym jest być porzuconym przez Zachód.

Właśnie dzisiaj mija 80 lat od zakończenia konferencji jałtańskiej, która oddała centralną Europę pod okupację sowiecką. Brak działania i solidarności rozzuchwali Putina i zwiększy jego apetyt i aspiracje. A to droga wprost do katastrofalnych skutków dla Europy i jej przyszłości.

  Reinhold Lopatka (PPE). – Mr President, colleague Steger, you should be ashamed of your speech. Three years have passed since Russia launched its brutal war of aggression against Ukraine, displacing millions and causing immeasurable suffering. And the spirit of the Ukrainian people remains unbroken, demonstrating remarkable resilience against Russian tyranny.

You and your party colleagues are still the voice of Russia here in the European Parliament, but the huge majority here is supporting Ukraine, not least because this struggle is also a struggle and a fight for democracy, freedom and the rule of law globally.

Russia's aggression threatens European and international stability and security. Therefore, we must enhance our support by increasing economic assistance for Ukraine's recovery and restructuring. We have to counter Russian propaganda and disinformation.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question)

  Alexander Jungbluth (ESN), Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. – Sehr geehrter Herr Kollege, Sie haben gerade gesagt, dass wir das zu verantworten hätten, dass wir, sagen wir mal, für Russland sein sollten. Aber das ist absoluter Schwachsinn, sondern wir setzen uns für Friedensbestrebungen ein. Wir setzen uns ähnlich wie Präsident Trump dafür ein, dass wir endlich Friedensbedingungen haben, damit russische und ukrainische Soldaten nicht mehr sterben müssen. Und sagen Sie mir mal: Was ist denn Ihre Idee für eine Friedensbestrebung? Dass wir nicht immer nur davon sprechen, dass militärische Siege hergestellt werden müssen, wo noch mehr Soldaten sterben.

  Reinhold Lopatka (PPE), Antwort auf eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. – Eine kurze Antwort meinerseits: Putin kann in der Minute den Krieg beenden, sofort. Er hat es in seiner Hand.

Das Zweite: Die Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs hat bis heute einen Freundschaftsvertrag mit der Jedinaja Rossija, der Partei Putins. Er ist nicht aufgelöst worden. Das ist Ihr Problem: Sie stehen auf der falschen Seite! Wir bleiben weiter auf der Seite der Ukraine.

  Tonino Picula (S&D). – Mr President, Madam Commissioner, dear colleagues, three years after morning news that changed the world, we can only echo our full support and commitment to Ukrainian people and their heroic fight against the Russian aggressor.

The war against Ukraine is now in its critical phase. While the situation remains uncertain in so many ways, it is important to stress that no negotiations can result victoriously and gainful for flagrant aggressor. It's not only an issue of negotiating peace, but keeping it.

Furthermore, this is not a war only affecting the European Union and the European continent, but also the United States and the rest of the world. The new administration in Washington cannot overlook this and float ideas that may only resonate with transactional logic.

We need to reject this information and cynicism, fuelled by the aggressor and his puppets, and stay committed to defend the international rule-based order and values on which European Union itself was formed. Slava Ukraini!

  Mika Aaltola (PPE). – Arvoisa puhemies, Venäjä haki ennen brutaalia hyökkäyssotaansa suoraa neuvottelua Yhdysvaltojen kanssa Ukrainan neutralisoimisesta, pilkkomisesta ja laajasta etupiiristään Euroopassa. Tähän ei suostuttu.

Tästä on pidettävä kiinni. Jos neuvotellaan, Venäjän on neuvoteltava lännen tukeman Ukrainan kanssa. Rauhaa voiman kautta. Venäjä ei ole terrorillaan saavuttanut tavoitteitaan. Se pyrkii nyt neuvottelupöydän kautta saamaan aikaan sen, mitä se ei ole sotilaallisesti saavuttanut.

Euroopan on jatkettava Ukrainan tukemista, koska Venäjän hyökkäyssodan ratkaisusta tulee yksi keskeinen kulmakivi uudelle eurooppalaiselle järjestykselle tai epäjärjestykselle. Jos emme pysy tiukkoina ja satsaa myös omaan puolustukseemme, kukaan ei kuuntele meitä. Veltolla Euroopalla ei ole roolia, kun päätämme itsestämme suurvaltarealismin ja neoimperialismin maailmassa. Jos Ukraina neutralisoidaan neuvottelupöydässä, kovat ajat vasta alkavat Euroopassa.

(Puhuja suostui vastaamaan sinisen kortin kysymykseen)

  Merja Kyllönen (The Left), blue-card question. – Dear colleague Aaltola, I just want to ask from you that today here we have spoken about the war for three years, but Russia took Crimea already in 2014. How do you see it? Were we really too slow to act at the first point? Because I think the start point was really when Russia took Crimea already in 2014, and it's more than 10 years now.

  Mika Aaltola (PPE), blue-card answer. – Yes, you are quite right. We woke up too late, and back in 2014, we were still under the illusion that gas will produce peace. And it did not. We actually woke up more when the Malaysia Airlines flight was shot down than we did when Crimea was taken over. That's a shame. Shame on us for that. Action needs to be taken. Loud words do not defend Ukraine.

  Tobias Cremer (S&D). – Mr President, dear colleagues, as the Trump administration is about to unveil its plans for European security, Vladimir Putin continues to arm Russia for future attacks against NATO territory. And Europeans across all our countries are asking themselves, will Europe rise to the challenge? Or will we once again allow others to determine the future of our continent?

Colleagues, for nearly three years, Ukrainians have shown what is possible when courage means unity. For nearly three years, they have been defying the doubters and showing Putin that war only ends in disaster. So let us be courageous and united today. Let us move from the ad hoc decision-making to a long-term strategy of funding Ukraine in a socially sustainable way. Let us build a European defence industry that is capable of defending Ukraine and deterring future attacks from Russia, and let us clear the path for Ukrainian EU membership. Only thus can we prove to Putin, to Trump and to every European that in this moment of truth, Europe stands united ...

(The President cut off the speaker)

  Riho Terras (PPE). – Mr President, Ukraine still stands. After ten years, this nation, the people of Ukraine have demonstrated extraordinary courage and resolution against a much larger and military capable enemy.

What has Europe done? Far too little. Europe should be ashamed how little we have delivered to Ukraine. Now, more than ever, Europe must act and contribute 0.25 % of the GDP to Ukraine. It should not be a slogan. It must be an achievable goal.

It is not just a moral obligation for us to help Ukraine. It is for our own security so that Europe can build up its defence before it is too late. Europe must stand its ground and not let Russia or Americans or whoever make deals without our say. We need to unite. We need more actions in helping Ukraine, in saving Europe. Slava Ukraini!

  Ana Miguel Pedro (PPE). – Senhor Presidente, três anos. Três anos de destruição, de resistência, de coragem. Três anos desde que a Rússia tentou esmagar a Ucrânia, acreditando que o medo enfraqueceria a nossa resposta. Falharam. Três anos de cidades arrasadas, de famílias despedaçadas, de crianças que só conheceram a guerra. Três anos de bombardeamentos contra escolas, hospitais e lares. Três anos de crimes de guerra. Três anos que testaram a Europa, porque esta guerra nunca foi apenas sobre a Ucrânia, sempre foi sobre nós, sobre o que aceitamos, sobre o que toleramos, sobre se estamos dispostos a defender os valores que proclamamos. Três anos que nos mostraram que esta guerra não é apenas sobre tanques e mísseis, é sobre o futuro da ordem internacional. Se a Rússia vencer, provarão que a força recompensa, que a Europa recua, que os ditadores podem riscar fronteiras do mapa sem consequências. Três anos de sacrifício ucraniano, de teste à nossa determinação. Três anos de escolha, e a Europa tem apenas uma escolha possível: ficar ao lado da Ucrânia até ao fim.

Brīvais mikrofons

  Hélder Sousa Silva (PPE). – Senhor Presidente, Senhora Comissária, caros colegas, contabilizamos, infelizmente, neste mês de fevereiro, três anos de guerra na Ucrânia, decorrente da ocupação ilegal que a Rússia unilateralmente decidiu fazer. Milhares de mortos e feridos, milhões de desalojados, biliões de euros de prejuízo, gerações perdidas e um povo destroçado. O que é que o povo ucraniano fez para sofrer desta maneira? É a pergunta. Simplesmente querem ser membros da União Europeia e membros da NATO, querem entrar na primeira divisão mundial dos países que cultivam os valores da paz, dos direitos humanos e do Estado de direito. Querem ter justamente uma vida melhor. Não há guerras justas, mas esta é mesmo o cúmulo da injustiça. A União Europeia, desde o primeiro minuto, prestou o apoio ao povo e ao Governo ucraniano. A guerra contra a Ucrânia é também uma guerra contra a União Europeia, e por isso vamos continuar a apoiar o povo ucraniano e a Ucrânia até ser um país livre.

  Juan Fernando López Aguilar (S&D). – Señor presidente, después de tres años de cruel guerra de agresión de Putin contra Ucrania, hay tres lecciones muy claras. Activamos por primera vez la Directiva de protección temporal con un enorme esfuerzo financiero para ayudar a los países que han recibido once millones de personas desplazadas por la guerra, cuatro millones de las cuales se quedan indefinidamente en Europa.

Pero eso no puede ser en ningún caso ningún pretexto para no cumplir las obligaciones del Pacto sobre Migración y Asilo, ni siquiera para Polonia, que tan solidaria ha sido con los desplazados de la guerra de Ucrania. Pero, para sostener ese esfuerzo, es imprescindible que hagamos permanente el mecanismo que permite convertir la confiscación de bienes en sanciones permanentes contra Rusia. Ese mecanismo requiere reformar la actual legislación de sanciones de la Unión Europea.

Y, en tercer lugar, es imprescindible darle cuerpo sólido a la cooperación con la Corte Penal Internacional, tan cuestionada en estos momentos por la Administración Trump. En la Unión Europea hemos firmado el tratado penal internacional, con equipos conjuntos de investigación con...

(el presidente retira la palabra al orador)

  Dainius Žalimas (Renew). – Mr President, there are only two ways to achieve long‑lasting peace in a war of self-defence against aggression: victory or capitulation. However, only in the case of victory against an aggressor can we see legitimacy restored and justice achieved. This means the full restoration of Ukrainian sovereignty, full reparation for all the damages sustained by Ukraine, punishment by a special tribunal of the Russian and Belarusian leadership for the crime of aggression, as well as holding accountable all those responsible for war crimes. And, certainly, the implementation of other principles of President Zelenskyy's victory plan, such as the full membership of Ukraine in the European Union and NATO.

Justice cannot be separated from peace, and conditions of peace cannot be dictated by the aggressor. They should be determined by the victim and international law. Everything else is the fundamental failure for us political leaders of Europe. Our generation might be remembered with shame and disgust. Do we really want this to be our legacy?

  Siegbert Frank Droese (ESN). – Herr Präsident! Ich möchte mich an den Kollegen Gahler wenden.

Sie hatten leidenschaftlich gerufen: Slawa Ukrajini. Ich möchte Sie daran erinnern, dass dieser Begriff von der Organisation Ukrainischer Nationalisten – 1929 gegründet – verwendet wurde. Diese Organisation verfolgte Polen, Juden, Sinti und Roma. In deren Kontinuität stehen Menschen wie Sie, die hier ausrufen Slawa Ukrajini.

Der Kollege Lopatka darf sich da ruhig mitangesprochen fühlen. Jeden Monat gibt es nun hier in dem Hohen Haus eine Debatte zur Ukraine, und am Ende wird der Krieg ohne die EU-Kommission und ohne dieses sogenannte Parlament hier beendet werden. Die Präsidenten Putin und Trump werden einen Deal schließen, den Krieg beenden, und Europa spielt in Europa keine Rolle.

Meine Damen und Herren, liebe Kollegen, darüber sollten wir hier in diesem Parlament mal diskutieren.

  Ondřej Dostál (NI). – Mr President, dear colleagues, the interest of Ukraine or of Ukrainian people is not necessarily the same to interests of Zelenskyy regime, and the interest of Zelenskyy regime is not identical with the interests of central European states, as seen on the gas debate.

Thanks to the new Trump administration, we know for certain that the United States sponsored, by billions of dollars, the media, the NGOs, the quasi-fact checkers who violently attacked anyone who was anti-war in Europe and even in the United States. This abomination needs to be ended. We cannot suffer this foreign influence.

The real interest of Ukraine is the end of war and return to normal life. Our interest is a resumption of trade and prosperity. Let us discuss the option openly. I heard here that you would like to prohibit opinions or being told. This is not possible. Each of us MEPs has a full right to say what our political position is. Every child knows that.

(Brīvā mikrofona uzstāšanos beigas.)

  Marta Kos, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, honourable Members, it is encouraging to hear today loud voices in the European Parliament supporting to continue the EU support to Ukraine and your clear request to the EU to do more.

We all recognise that the EU and its Member States have done a lot, but the needs remain huge. Our European assistance to the Ukraine is an investment – we have heard this today – in the Europeans' future. Ukraine has to be able to successfully defend its sovereignty and territorial integrity. This is not just about Ukraine. This is also about us, about our own security. We will continue providing financial and military assistance with the goal of putting Ukraine in the strongest position ahead of any potential discussions to finally end Russia's aggression and the suffering.

Ukraine – this is also what we heard – and the European Union should be involved in the peace talks, they will be, and we will continue advancing the accession process. All of Ukraine is undertaking tremendous efforts. We should not forget the circumstances under which the politicians, civil servants and society as a whole are working in the same direction to become a part of the European Union.

Our objective is to make substantial progress towards accession during this mandate. I am looking forward to the opening of negotiations on clusters, starting with fundamentals, when possible during the Polish Presidency in the first half of the year. The European Commission will continue supporting Ukraine in this process. And when we speak about helping Ukraine, we should not forget when the conflicts started. They started when Ukraine decided to go the European way, the way of democracy, the way of European values.

Again, I will quote Simone Veil. She said in 1979 that all the Member States are confronted with three big challenges: the challenge of peace, the challenge of freedom and the challenge of prosperity. We could add today the challenge of security. She also added that those challenges 'can only be met through the European dimension'. I am reassured to know that we can count on the support of the vast majority in this House for the future, especially also after the war when we will do the reconstruction.

  Adam Szłapka, President-in-Office of the Council. – Mr President, honourable Members, Madam Commissioner, as I have outlined before, the EU and its Member States remain committed to providing massive, unprecedented support to Ukraine. We are and remain Ukraine's main supporter. But we are also at a critical juncture: many challenges lay ahead. Maximising EU support for Ukraine is one of the Polish Presidency's main goals. EU unity remains key. We need to increase our military support. Ukraine needs more ammunitions, more missiles, more air defence and more orders for the Ukrainian defence industry. And we need to continue putting pressure on Russia with our sanctions. It will be essential to bring Russia's unjust war to an end with a just peace in Ukraine, in line with the UN Charter and international law. Ukraine's sovereignty and security must be guaranteed.

Ukraine must be involved in peace negotiations and so must the EU, since peace in Ukraine will determine the European security landscape. We will support Ukraine beyond the war and support its reform efforts and its European path. This is a priority for the Polish Presidency. Madam Commissioner, the Polish Presidency is determined and ready for that process.

The European Council has stated it many times: the EU remains committed to supporting Ukraine's repair, recovery and reconstruction, in coordination with our international partners. I am confident that the EU and its Member States will be able to rise to those challenges.

Since we are commemorating the third anniversary of the full‑scale aggression on Ukraine, we know that the war started with the illegal annexation of Crimea. I think here we should remind ourselves of one fact: in the revolution of dignity, when thousands of Ukrainians gathered on Majdan Nezałeżnosti and they were fighting for democracy, freedom, independence, the values, we should remember that they gathered around the European flag.

  President. – The debate is closed.

The vote will take place at the next part-session.

Rakstiski paziņojumi (178. pants)

  Marc Angel (S&D), in writing. – It has been for three years now that the world is witnessing the horrors committed by Russia in Ukraine. The list of monstrosities is excessively long: war crimes such as indiscriminate attacks, torture, executions, use of chemical weapons, sexual and gender-based violence and abduction of hundreds of thousands of children. The destruction is beyond one's depth, simply immeasurable. Russia is trying to erase the past and steal the future of an entire country.

Those who think it is a Ukrainian problem should look closer because Europe is also under attack. Different war with different tools, but Russia is here to annihilate the European project by creating chaos.

Destruction is always easier than creating something valuable and long lasting. It requires the ability to see beyond our own short-term interest and recognise the long-term benefits of partnership. This is how the EU came to life.

We cannot afford to come back in a year and commemorate the fourth year of Russian aggression, nor can we allow an ill-fitted agreement negotiated over the head of Ukrainians. We must stand with Ukraine as long as it takes!

Ukraine is not up for grabs! Europe is not up for grabs!

  Ondřej Krutílek (ECR), písemně. – S blížícím se výročím ruské invaze na Ukrajinu neuškodí si připomenout, že v den Putinova útoku jsme se mnozí obávali, že Kyjev i celá Ukrajina padnou do tří dnů. Ruským agresorům se ale Ukrajinu nepodařilo porazit ani po třech letech. Mýtus všemocné a neporazitelné ruské armády padl. Díky vůli Ukrajinců po národní svobodě, díky bezprecedentní pomoci mnoha států, které stojí na jejich straně, včetně mé domovské České republiky.

Je logické, že jsme z válečného vypětí už všichni unaveni. Oběti ukrajinského národa jsou obrovské. Nedopusťme ale, aby se opakoval Mnichov 1938 a Ukrajina byla donucena k nevýhodnému míru. Usilujme o příměří, ale nikoli za zády Ukrajinců. Neuznávejme případné linie příměří jako trvalé hranice. A hlavně nerušme sankce, protože Rusko nepřestane být agresivní ani po zastavení bojů. V mé zemi o tom víme svoje.

  Urmas Paet (Renew), kirjalikult. – Trumpi USA presidendiks saamise järel on küsitav USA edaspidine toetus Ukrainale. Seda nii rahaliselt kui ka muus mõttes. Ehk Euroopa roll Ukraina toetamisel muutub veelgi olulisemaks. Seoses Putini-meelsete jõudude levikuga Euroopas ja ELi liikmesriikide kasvava vastumeelsusega Ukraina toetust tugevdada, tuleb edaspidine abi Ukrainale kohe praegu kindlustada. Esimese sammuna peaks EL tagama, et Euroopas külmutatud Venemaa varad ei satuks tagasi Moskva kätte. Nimelt on ELis 200 miljardi euro väärtuses Venemaa külmutatud varasid ning kui võtta arvesse teistes G7 riikides asuvaid varasid, siis on see summa 300 miljardit. Oht, et need rahad liiguksid tagasi Moskvasse, on täiesti olemas Ungari peaministri Orbani pärast, kes ähvardab Venemaa-vastaste sanktsioonide pikendamisele lõpu teha. Et sanktsioonide pikendamine nõuab liikmesriikide hulgas ühehäälsust, siis tähendaks kasvõi ühe liikmesriigi vastuseis külmutatud varade naasmist Venemaale. Et seda ei juhtuks, tuleks pikendada sanktsiooniperioodi kuuelt kuult 36-le. Seejärel peaks EL vabastama varad Ukraina kasuks. See parandaks oluliselt Ukraina võiduvõimalusi sõjas. Üle kõige vajab Ukraina prognoositavust, et jätkata võitlust mitte ainult enda ellujäämise, vaid kogu Euroopa rahu, vabaduse ja julgeoleku eest. Arvestades, et USA ei ole enam see liitlane, kellega seni harjunud oleme, peab Euroopa ennast kokku võtma ka sõjaliselt ja ühtlasi parandama oma otsustusvõimelisust. Seepärast on laiemas pildis vajalik loobuda ühehäälsuse nõudest.

(Sēde uz neilgu laiku tika pārtraukta)

IN THE CHAIR: ROBERTA METSOLA
President