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Verbatim report of proceedings
Thursday, 16 March 2000 - Strasbourg OJ edition

Human rights
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  Buttiglione (PPE-DE).(IT) Mr President, the situation before us arises from the Iraqi Government’s refusal to accept United Nations Resolution 1284. As things stand at the moment, the Iraqi government is not prepared to accept this resolution, and there is a real danger that when the United Nations Commission responsible for monitoring the destruction of weapons of mass destruction applies for an entrance visa it will be refused. The British and American Governments have already given it to be understood that, in this case, hostilities would be resumed. It is therefore possible that, in a few months’ time, we will have a major military clash on our hands, not just the ticking over of long drawn out hostilities as, sadly, is the case even now – the bombs continue to fall periodically – but large-scale bombings within the space of a few weeks.

I feel that we should focus our attention on the possibility of preventing this from happening. I am sure that the Iraqi Government is prepared to accept Resolution 1284 – a fact confirmed by contact with the Iraqi leaders – but it needs clarification on certain points which are referred to in the Resolution. It must be made clear that, at the end of the United Nations mission, the embargo will be lifted – not just suspended, but lifted once and for all. No one will consider rebuilding Iraq if it is obvious that there will only be four months of stability, and that, after that, the embargo could be reimposed without fresh, credible reasons.

We have attempted to besiege Iraq and to force the Iraqi people to change their government through the embargo and we have not succeeded, even though we have been trying for seven and a half years. Instead of driving the Iraqis to rebel against the regime in power, the embargo has induced them to hostility towards the West, and in any case, has made them incapable of any kind of action. I feel that it would be more destabilising for the regime to return to a more comfortable situation in terms of trade, to a situation in which the people have at least some hope of happiness, rather than to continue with the embargoes which, at this stage, are not succeeding in overthrowing the regime, but are simply inflicting enormous suffering on the people and, in particular, on Iraqi children. Iraqis are not going to die of starvation. There is no famine, but there is an extremely serious health problem: the water and drainage systems have disintegrated and sewage water and drinking water mix, creating dysentery rates which send the infant mortality rate sky high. The people need more than medicine: they need us to go out there and rebuild their water supply network, their drainage system and their power stations, restoring an adequate quality of life.

I feel that our resolution should also serve to reassure the State of Israel. We must not forget that Iraq does not possess any nuclear weapons and is not likely to be able to produce any, but it is also true that if it did, its government, or part of it, would use them. We must therefore make it clear to Israel that a major concern of our policy is the defence of the State of Israel and the right of the State of Israel to exist.

We must draw up a balanced resolution which is acceptable to all the parties involved if we want to avoid the military clash which is lurking over the horizon: not a demagogic declaration, but a political proposal in which Europe takes control in order to protect world peace, exercising its key role in this area with due responsibility.

Mr President, I must confess that I am extremely unhappy that we are not going to vote on this motion today. With every passing moment, we are rushing towards the danger of a military clash which must be avoided. I called for the issue to be debated during the last part-session, and I wonder at the fact that a month passed before our socialist friends managed to reach a consensus with us regarding a motion, even though there should not have been any difficulties as we agree on the basic points. Nevertheless, I realise that it is also important for us to achieve as great a consensus as possible in order to give our governments a firm basis. However, I call for no more time to be wasted, for I would not like us, as has happened in the past, to once again have to discuss what we should have done to preserve peace once war has already started.

 
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