Verbatim report of proceedings

Wednesday, 15 September 2004 - Strasbourg

2. Situation in Iraq

  President. The next item is the debate on the Council and Commission Statements on the situation in Iraq.

  Bot, Council. – (NL) Mr President, Iraq is an issue by which we Europeans have for some time been deeply affected, and, moreover, divided. Although the developments in Iraq have given us cause for concern, it is of the utmost importance that the European Union should support the Iraqi people in the coming months, and that we should not abandon, but should, in fact, keep providing them with support. Although the ongoing violence is causing us concern, the past few months have also created space for a coherent and unified stand on the part of the EU in its support for Iraq. In a moment, I will talk about the kind of support the EU could possibly offer, but first, I hope you will allow me to give a brief retrospective of what has gone before.

June, in particular, was an important month for the long-term future of Iraq and the Iraqi people. First, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 1546 on 8 June, and on 28 June, Iraq’s temporary occupation came to an end and sovereignty was restored. The coming into office of Mr Allawi’s interim government marked a key turning point in the history of Iraq.

The new resolution also restored unity in the international community and, moreover, made it possible for the UN to again become involved in Iraq, which is an important step, certainly in view the elections to be held in January 2005.

Just as important is the way in which the developments in June made it possible for the differences of perception, which there had been up until that point with regard to certain areas of Iraq policy within the EU, to be bridged. This became evident in the conclusions of the first general Council of Foreign Affairs Ministers under the Dutch Presidency in July. This Council ratified the European Union Medium Term Strategy produced by Mr Solana and Commissioner Patten, as well as the Communication by the Commission with regard to Iraq, entitled ‘The EU and Iraq – A framework for Engagement’. These documents offer a clear framework for the EU’s involvement in general and also in respect of a number of details.

As I have already stated, these conclusions also contain very specific action points. For example, it was agreed that the EU will be providing active cooperation to the UN in Iraq, and will be starting a dialogue with the Iraqi authorities to find out in what other way the EU can support Iraq. In order to examine this in more detail, an exploratory mission has meanwhile been to visit Iraq. I will return to their findings in a moment.

It is in any case obvious that the objective of EU involvement is to aid in the reconstruction of Iraq and of the country’s internal political process. In that connection, the National Conference deserves a mention. Despite the major difficulties during the preparations, this meeting can be considered a success. All layers of Iraqi society were represented, including many women. Eventually, it appeared possible to reach agreement about the delegates who will be seated on the National Council. The formation of this Council is an important step on the way to elections.

Unfortunately, this good news is also laced with a great deal of bad news. The abductions and killings of foreign citizens, including EU citizens, are a poignant example of this. Our thoughts are with the victims and their relatives. However, we should not overlook the fact that very many Iraqis have also become the victim of violence, in most cases those very Iraqis who have taken on responsibility in the reconstruction of that country. In addition, the many attacks on oil pipelines constitute a serious threat to the recovery of Iraq’s economy.

The constant violence is not only threatening society and the Iraqi economy, but also the political process in Iraq. The situation in Fallujah is very alarming and over the past few months, what happened in Najaf and in Baghdad showed that violence is also bubbling away under the surface in the Shiite parts of Iraq and can explode at any time. In that connection, we welcome the agreement that was recently concluded in Najaf. Partly thanks to the courageous efforts on the part of Ayatollah Al-Sistani, the restoration of order and safety in Najaf under the leadership of the Iraqi Interim Government is in sight. Let us hope that this is a step in the direction of better relations in Iraq and improved conditions of safety. After all, it is clear that the sectarian violence is not in the interest of the ordinary Iraqi citizens who, as a result of terror, see their country lapsing into unnecessary delays in its construction.

Needless to say, the security situation is a determining factor in the extent to which the EU can offer effective help in the reconstruction of Iraq. Clearly, this situation is currently not good. Nevertheless, the Netherlands Presidency has adopted the conclusions by the July General Affairs Council and as a result of this, there is already greater EU involvement in Iraq’s political process.

Accordingly, I myself visited Iraq in August to underline the EU’s support for Iraq’s economic, social and political reconstruction. To this end, I had meetings with the President, the Prime Minister and the Foreign Affairs Minister. I also talked to representatives of the United Nations in Iraq.

All the Iraqi people I spoke to underlined the importance they attach to the EU having a clear and visible role in Iraq. In that connection, they called for the opening of a Commission office in Baghdad. On behalf of the EU, I have also expressed our concern about the reintroduction of capital punishment in Iraq.

Mr Allawi, who recently visited Iraq’s neighbouring countries, emphasised the importance of stability in Iraq for the region as a whole. My response to that was that the EU would be very happy to lend a hand to secure regional security and stability. I also told them that the EU would very much appreciate an invitation to take part in the next conference of neighbouring countries. Even now, the EU is regularly reminding Iraq’s neighbouring countries of their responsibilities.

During my visit, the UN representatives indicated that EU support for their activities is vitally important, certainly where the election process is concerned.

In Iraq, I also instituted the EU Exploratory Mission, which has now returned. Delegates of the presidency, the Commission and the Council Secretariat looked into the possibilities of concrete EU involvement in the framework of civil crisis management in the areas of police, the rule of law, public administration and elections. The mission did not only have talks with the Iraqi authorities, but also with representatives of the United Nations, the United States, NATO, the Multinational Force and the Election Committee. The upshot of the mission was that the following activities are under consideration. If you will allow me, I will briefly outline those areas:

First of all, police training.

Secondly, in the area of rule of law and human rights: training of judges and prosecutors, technical assistance in the establishment of the Iraqi Special Tribunal; forensic expertise and assistance in exhuming victims from mass graves; assistance in setting up a national centre for human rights and democracy; education in the legal field.

Thirdly, civil administration; increasing capacity in various ministries and in the prison system.

Fourthly, elections: assistance with, and monitoring of, elections.

Fifthly, the development of weapons export control legislation, demobilisation programmes for militias and support for the ownership committee.

All in all, there are plenty of areas where the EU can become active. It is important in this respect that the activities that it undertakes should meet real Iraqi needs, and should add value and be complementary to any activities that may already be going on. In addition, the synergy between the EU instruments and activities needs to be monitored effectively. Also, the political, budgetary and technical aspects will all need to be weighed in order for the activities to be planned well, and the EU should therefore also be certain that it can actually deliver.

What is of importance now is for a fact-finding mission to visit Iraq and to give a more definite picture of the possibilities for EU action. The Council Secretariat will start planning a mission of this kind in consultation with the Commission and the presidency.

I would also like to briefly mention the importance of the UN presence in Iraq, which, as I indicated, certainly with a view to the elections, is considerable. For the UN to function properly, it is crucial that there should be sufficient protection. Resolution 1546 provides for this. The UN Secretary General has asked the EU governments for a financial contribution to the second protective ring, the so-called UN Protection Force. Apparently, the Member States set great store by the EU making a contribution to this. The presidency is currently working hard to ensure that this EU contribution will actually be made. To that end, the Member States are asked for a contribution and it is also examined to what extent a contribution from the CFSP budget is possible.

Finally, I can report to you that I have invited Prime Minister Allawi to attend the European Council on 5 November. I am counting on us having a concrete offer of support for the reconstruction of his country ready by then.

(Applause)

  Patten, Commission. It is almost exactly five years since I appeared in this Parliament for my confirmation hearings as a Commissioner. Since then I have been fortunate to take part in literally scores of debates – more, I am told, than any other Commissioner: such is Parliament’s interest in external relations. I would like to thank Parliament and its Members for the courtesy that I have invariably been shown. I have enjoyed coming here. It is important, in my view, to try to establish democratic roots for foreign policy. It is not an area of public policy to be left to the diplomatic experts, whose record is at best somewhat patchy.

Anyway, as I ride off into the sunset, I should like to record my appreciation for Parliament’s role in developing, not by leaps and bounds but – perhaps inevitably – by lurches and shuffles, Europe’s common external relations policy.

The worst shambles to have overwhelmed us in the last five years has, of course, been the row over Iraq. I do not want to go back over old arguments. If we needed reminding that you cannot have a common policy if the larger Member States are deeply divided, then here was the evidence. Other evidence also speaks eloquently for itself. As someone once said, 'stuff happens'. Is the world today safer than before the overthrow of the appalling Saddam? Is global terrorism in retreat? Are we closer to building bridges between Islam and the West? Is the world’s only superpower more widely respected? Have the citizens in our democracies been treated in a way that will encourage them to give governments the benefit of the doubt next time they are told that force needs to be used pre-emptively to deal with an imminent threat? I simply pose the questions. Honourable Members will have their own answers.

But here we are: Saddam overthrown, violence raging across much of the liberated land, the regime changed, with an interim government preparing the way for democratic elections. Whatever our past criticisms, we are all now up to our ears in this endeavour. If Iraq goes badly, we all suffer. So we have to try to work together to hold the democratic project in one piece.

What are we pledged to do as a Union, leaving aside the contribution of individual Member States? We have already pledged, and are working hard to deploy, EUR 200 million this year. I very much hope that we will be able to secure agreement for a further EUR 200 million for next year. We are developing a good record in disbursing this assistance, having paid more than EUR 200 million into the United Nations and World Bank trust funds over the course of the past year. We are working well with the United Nations and the World Bank, helping to ensure that our resources are disbursed quickly and well. We have focused our assistance this year on three areas: on essential public services – health, education, water and sanitation; on poverty alleviation and the development of livelihoods; and on governance and civil society.

I would not pretend, however, that all is well. How could I? The hazardous security climate – evident not least in the appalling series of kidnappings, most recently of humanitarian workers dedicated to the well-being of Iraqis, and evident also in yesterday’s appalling atrocity in Baghdad – obviously limits the pace of disbursement, as does the fact that we are working with an interim government that is still feeling its way in public administration. That is life – at least in Iraq – and we will continue to do our utmost within the constraints of the situation on the ground. What I can say, firmly, is that I am convinced that our decision to take the multilateral, trust fund route was absolutely the right one. A comparison of our disbursement rate with that of other bilateral donors, including the largest donor of all, only confirms this.

When we proposed to Parliament committing EUR 200 million to the reconstruction of Iraq, bringing to over EUR 300 million the amount we will spend in 2003-2004, some honourable Members argued that we were being parsimonious. They argued that we should do more: they suggested that we should spend at least EUR 500 million, though they were coy about telling us where the extra money should come from.

This morning I was interested to read a report by the BBC from Washington: 'The US Administration wants to reallocate billions of reconstruction dollars for Iraq and spend them instead on security and other short-term needs. US officials say this new strategy has emerged after months of review.' The report goes on: 'The shift is also being interpreted by critics as proof that grand long-term plans to reshape the economy just were not realistic. They also charge that the intensity and level of violent resistance was severely underestimated.' I think we were right in our judgment about the amount of money that we could sensibly put into Iraq, and I think Parliament was wise to support that judgment.

In the coming months, we will continue to implement the proposals set out in our communication of 9 June, which has received widespread endorsement. In particular, we will focus on the essential issue of support to the electoral process. Once the Independent Electoral Commission and the United Nations have identified exactly what they need, we stand ready to help – as I shall explain to the Iraqi President when I meet him later today. But I should be clear that, under the current circumstances, we cannot and will not propose a conventional election observation mission – that would be simply impossible, as honourable Members in this Chamber who themselves have taken a lead in election observation missions will know. But we will seek ways to ensure that we play our full part in assisting free and fair elections in Iraq.

In the longer term, we will need to consider how best the Commission can be represented on the ground. Opening a delegation would obviously be difficult, expensive and potentially dangerous. But we are prepared to consider that route, if it is clear that it would add to our effectiveness in helping the Iraqi people. So let me be blunt: we will work for a better future in Iraq whatever the bitterness of past disputes.

There is, though, one other general point that I would like to make, triggered by these reflections on Iraq. I hope that the House will be generous to me in allowing me to stray a little on what is, almost certainly, my last outing in this mother of parliaments. When, just over two years ago, some of us expressed concerns that the United States was abandoning the sort of multilateralism which had characterised its foreign and security policy since the Second World War, we were strongly criticised. America, we were assured, still wished to work with allies, provided they shared Washington’s view of how to cope with a dangerous world, and by and large kept any reservations to themselves.

Some allies did indeed accompany America to Baghdad, a venture not yet blessed – as we have noted – with the easy and benign consequences that were famously predicted and promised. Liberation rapidly turned into an occupation – or what was seen as an occupation – bitterly resisted, with atrocity after atrocity. Democracy failed to roll out like an oriental carpet across the thankless deserts of the Middle East. Above all, peace in Jerusalem and Palestine was not accomplished by victory in Baghdad. So, partly because American neo-conservative unilateralism had clearly failed to establish an empire of peace, liberty and democracy, we have been more recently advised that allies and multilateralism were back in fashion in Washington. Even the United Nations was deemed to have its uses. Vivat the State Department.

All done and dusted then? Sighs of relief all round? Can we now look forward to the restoration of that old-fashioned notion that allies have to be led not bossed, and that multilateral institutions have their important uses, even for the world’s only super-power – that, pace Machiavelli, there is much to be said for being admired and not just feared?

The rhetoric of the present United States election campaign inevitably raises a few questions. I do not seek to take sides. America elects its President and its Congress. The rest of the world looks on. We in Europe should work as well as we can with whoever wins. We are not partisans in the process, whatever our private opinions. Moreover, I am not so naïve as to confuse campaign rhetoric with a Platonic dialogue. I have, after all, been a party chairman myself. But campaign rhetoric reflects something and what is reflected here is pretty unsettling.

If you want to get a cheap cheer from certain quarters in America, it seems that all you have to do is to bash the United Nations, or the French, or the very idea that allies are entitled to have their own opinions. Multilateralists, we are told, want to outsource American foreign and security policy to a bunch of garlic chewing, cheese eating wimps. The opinions of mankind, which the founding fathers of the United States thought their country should note and respect, are to be treated with contempt unless, I suppose, they faithfully reflect the agenda of the American Enterprise Institute and Fox TV.

What are we to make of all this? First, multilateralism is, above all, in the best interests of the United States, a point which previous Administrations would not have questioned and most political leaders would have subscribed to for the past 60 years. Second, surely the national interest of the superpower is to put its traditional allies on the spot, not challenging their right to consultation, but probing what they have to say and how they intend to turn their rhetoric about cooperation into effective, not effete, multilateralism. How, to take one obvious point, do we intend to go about not just draining the swamps in which terrorism breeds – to borrow the cliché – but also shooting some of the crocodiles? Further, how and when will we in Europe countenance the use of force to support the international rule of law? That is a question which we in Europe regularly duck.

If the political culture of American exceptionalism excludes the notion of working with and talking to foreigners, if unpopularity overseas is taken as a mark of distinction, a source of pride, too many Europeans will make the mirror-image mistake of thinking that sniping at America is the same as having a European foreign and security policy. What I worry about most is that on either side of the Atlantic we will bring out the worst in our traditional partners. The world deserves better than testosterone on one side and superciliousness on the other. American and European citizens deserve better, too. After all, they face the same dangers and the same challenges. I want a Europe which is a super-partner not a super-sniper – a super-partner of a respected global leader. Any alternative to that offers only the prospect of a more perilous and more querulous future.

(Loud applause)

  Salafranca Sánchez-Neyra (PPE-DE). – (ES) Mr President, apart from the stabilisation, rehabilitation, reconstruction and democratisation of Iraq, tasks which I believe, Mr President, should not be the sole responsibility of the United States but of the whole of the international democratic community, I believe that there is currently an immediate priority which must not be put off – which the Presidency-in-Office of the Council has not mentioned explicitly – and that is the release of the kidnapped French journalists, Mr Malbrunot and Mr Chesnot, and their Syrian chauffeur, as well as the Italian aid workers, Miss Torreta and Miss Pari.

It worries us, Mr President-in-Office of the Council, that you have said that the Council interprets these events simply as sad news and that you said yesterday in the Committee on Foreign Affairs that the Council has decided that the best thing was to do nothing, proof, I believe, of the impotence of the European Union. It also worries us, Mr President-in-Office of the Council, that the Council of Ministers has decided at first reading not to mobilise the flexibility instrument to fund the priority of Iraq, against the proposals of the Commission and this Parliament. I hope that this is a tactical position on the part of the Council which will be corrected at second reading.

Technicalities apart, Mr President, yesterday was another day of tragedy in Baghdad with dozens of people killed. I believe that the previous debate this morning demonstrates clearly that we must not and cannot remain indifferent to the phenomenon of terrorism, that terrorism affects us all equally and that we must all respond equally. We must therefore be completely united in the face of terrorism.

The best way for this Parliament to respond to the phenomenon of terrorism is to be united in the resolution we are going to approve tomorrow on Iraq. I believe that the best contribution – apart from the proposals in the Commission's draft initiative, aimed at guaranteeing peace, understanding, reconciliation and harmony in Iraq, with a view to the elections to take place in January – is to be united.

I would like to end, Mr President, by acknowledging, on behalf of my political group, Mr Patten – I attended Mr Patten's hearing as coordinator for my group when he was appointed Commissioner – and thank him for always being available and for his constantly positive and constructive attitude towards this Parliament.

(Applause)

IN THE CHAIR: MR TRAKATELLIS
Vice-President

  D'Alema (PSE). – (IT) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, as we discuss the prospects for Iraq, we see before us the images coming out of that country. They are images of war, a war that seems never-ending, a conflict that leaves no room for easy optimism.

At the same time we anguish over the hostages, that odious form of violence and blackmail. The international community has to be united to save those people, who are journalists and volunteers, as well as citizens of Iraq and of other countries. We here should put out an appeal to the Arab and Islamic world to isolate terrorism and reduce the consensus around that kind of violence. At the same time, I believe we should appeal to the provisional Iraqi Government and to the international coalition forces to allow the efforts to obtain the release of the hostages to proceed unhindered, that is, to suspend their military operations and bombings, which cause so many civilian victims in the Iraqi towns and certainly do not help to create a suitable climate for negotiations that may save the captives’ lives.

Looking beyond the tragic hostage crisis, we have turned our attention in the speeches by the representatives of the Council and the Commission to Iraq’s current situation and prospects. It is clear that to get out of this terrible crisis there needs to be political change both within Iraq and, in a more general sense, in the fight against terrorism, as has also emerged from this morning’s debate. The war and the military occupation of Iraq have proved to be a tragic mistake. Instead of containing terror, they have made it stronger and more dangerous; they have spread hatred of the West throughout the Islamic world and are in danger of embroiling the world in a clash of civilisations, which is the most fertile soil for fundamentalism.

From Iraq to Chechnya and Palestine, the mindset of war, brutal repression and the denial of human rights and the rights of peoples has helped terrorism. It is now time to take a different road. This does not mean giving up the use of force, but re-establishing the primacy of politics and international law. We are not criticising the US conservatives for having fought against terrorism. On the contrary, we criticise them for having conducted the fight in the wrong way, adding to the insecurity in the world.

What is needed is a return to multilateralism and a recognition that restoring peace in Iraq will probably require very clear and brave decisions. For example, the presence of US armed forces in the country is unlikely to help to restore peace, since it is evident that those who wanted the war and carried it out are attracting terrorism through their presence there, rather than bringing calm. It has to be realised that these forces must be withdrawn at the time of the elections and replaced under UN authority with forces from countries not involved in the conflict. In every area of activity there is a need to return to politics, multilateralism and international law. That is the feeling in Europe, and that is the feeling in this Parliament. We need strong institutions that are able to turn this feeling into coherent political action and not just into an appeal.

Lastly, I should like to thank Commissioner Patten for his work and also for his words this morning which, in a fine speech if nothing else, reflected the prevailing feeling of the people of Europe.

(Applause)

  Watson (ALDE). – Mr President, on behalf of my Group I would like to thank Commissioner Patten for his willingness over the past five years to engage in debate with this House wearing a tie with a very light tinge of blue. I am pleased that he is enjoying the political freedom which my party helped him to find and we wish him every success in his future endeavours.

There are many in this Chamber and outwith who still focus on a reckoning for responsibility for the war in Iraq. Whatever form that reckoning might take, Liberals and Democrats insist that we must not allow it to come between Europe and its urgent responsibility to that battered country. When your friend's house is burning down, you do not stop to argue over who dropped the match. With the oppressive brace of dictatorship ripped away, Iraq has burst like a broken dam. If we do not control the flood, it threatens to sweep across the region, engulfing Iran, Syria, Saudi Arabia and Turkey. It will drown the hopes of democracy in the Middle East.

Everything else in Iraq depends on stopping the killing. Iraq is a vacuum, and in Falluja, Talafar and Baghdad, violence and the unacceptable terror of hostage-taking has rushed in to fill the space emptied by the fall of Saddam Hussein. Yet too often, the coalition forces and the struggling Iraqi Government have met violence with blundering violence. Helicopter gunships and heavy-handed military tactics in crowded urban streets can only feed the resentment and the disorder that recruits for militancy.

Iraq needs international help: a deep and wide commitment that cannot afford to countenance failure. Under the auspices of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1546 the international community must offer every assistance to the interim government, and then to its sovereign successor. I welcome the commitment our diplomatic expert, Mr Bot, has expressed here today.

Liberals and Democrats believe that the European Union has experience to offer in everything from restoring Iraq's devastated infrastructure to advising on the drafting of its new constitution. That is why we have backed the Commission's call for a further EUR 200 million to be made available in humanitarian assistance. But Iraq needs more than money. If the cycle of violence can be broken, Europe can help train policemen, judges and teachers. Europe can help rebuild civil society in Iraq through support for non-governmental organisations, trade unions and political parties. The European Union can play a key role in supporting and securing the elections to the Transitional Iraqi National Assembly in January of next year. In a country where almost every citizen relies on government aid, we can help find the rice and the wheat flour that stand between Iraq and starvation, and the soap that guards against devastated public sanitation.

We believe that Europe must help Iraq take steps away from authoritarianism. The new Iraq must be built on stable democratic institutions. Iraq presents us with a challenge. Only stable, democratic government offers the chance to remake the Middle East, and that may require our commitment for a generation.

(Applause)

  Beer (Verts/ALE). – (DE) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, I would like to thank Commissioner Patten most warmly for his clear statement at the end. Commissioner, you have made it clear that our debate today is not just about Iraq, but must also consider an overall political approach. It has become apparent that Europe’s essential interest must lie, above all, in finding a peaceful solution for Iraq, and not only for Iraq, but also for the region as a whole. We have to develop a coherent policy for Iraq, Iran, Syria, and, of course, for Israel and Palestine. Any solution will be difficult, but, as we progress towards one, we should make use of this debate for clarification and analysis, even though we do not yet know what the definite answers will be.

As far as Iraq is concerned, we have seen unbounded violence over the past months, with pre-emptive strikes on the part of the allies; Guantanamo; Abu Ghraib with all the dreadful attempts to justify torture; fearful terrorist attacks; the execution of innocent hostages; and hostages held right up to the present day. In this context, let me mention another report that has shocked me today, the report of a secret service according to which Syria is alleged to have tested chemical weapons on Sudanese. All these acts of untrammelled force we condemn as a matter of fundamental conviction; not only that, we combat them, and have recorded our condemnation of them in the European Constitution.

So where do we stand today? Following yesterday’s cruel attack, which left many – over sixty – people dead, a look at the press may reflect the differences and the bewilderment in the political world. ‘Get out of Iraq!’, says the Berner Zeitung; Le Figaro says that the ‘USA must wage war to the end’; the Kurier reports that ‘Iraq is falling apart before its occupiers’ eyes’, and that ‘Bush has announced that the money intended for security purposes is to be used now, instead of for securing the people’s water supply’.

Where do our responsibilities lie, and where do we go from here? Despite all our differences, we must, I believe, try to join together in establishing political responsibility. I think we must become credible, for without credibility we will have no popular support and the United Nations will not be strengthened. That involves condemning what we have to condemn, and doing everything possible to prepare, by all democratic means, for free elections as soon as possible, so that the people of Iraq may be sovereign once more.

  Agnoletto (GUE/NGL). – (IT) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, I think it is clear that the primary objective of all of us here is to do everything possible to save all the hostages – French, Italian and Iraqi alike – because all lives are equally valuable. To achieve this, however, generic words and statements are not enough. Who in Europe does not want the hostages freed?

I wonder, however, how we can dare to rightly ask for people to respect human rights and to save the hostages’ lives when the armies of countries sitting in this Chamber then continue to drop bombs and kill civilians. We take up the NGO’s plea and call for the bombing to stop. Terrorism and war are mirror images and feed off each other. They are the real enemies of pacifism and of the solidarity that is working in Iraq to build a new society. We do not know who has carried out these kidnappings, but we do know there are various interests that want the NGOs to leave Iraq and not witness the violations of rights that are happening everywhere.

I did not hear the Council make any condemnation of the war, a pre-emptive war that has trampled on centuries of human rights. We demand the immediate withdrawal of the troops and announce that, if our amendments against the war and for the withdrawal of the troops are not accepted, we shall vote against the draft resolution to be tabled tomorrow. We remain in tune with the major movements and with public opinion, which is standing firm against the war and against terrorism with no ifs or buts.

(Applause)

  Belder (IND/DEM). – (NL) Mr President, constructive Iraqi voices deserve a hearing from us. That was the case during the days of Saddam Hussein’s reign of terror, and it is just as true now that the future of Mesopotamia is directly at issue. At present, those deeply concerned Iraqi voices are urging the EU Member States, above all, to have a constructive presence in their country and region. In practical terms, they are asking for a clear, firm stand on the part of all EU Members against the sustained involvement of Iraq’s neighbouring countries in the insidiously-growing terrorism on Iraqi territory, failing which, the EU itself will eventually be called upon to foot the bill. In addition, these Iraqi voices are asking for a regional and local start to be made, as a matter of urgency, on that country’s reconstruction. Opportunities to do that are presenting themselves in the north and south of Iraq. The EU Member States should not let those opportunities slip. If this local and regional reconstruction is successful, the people in the terrorist hotbeds can decide for themselves what will benefit them the most.

Which brings me, finally, to Iraq’s future political structure. Iraq’s neighbours are showing themselves very wary of a federal solution for maintaining that country’s territorial integrity. This is another excellent opportunity for Europe to display commitment to national and regional stability. I hope, and expect, that this commitment will also be evident at the transatlantic level under the Dutch Presidency, because we will thereby be looking after Mesopotamia’s future.

  Angelilli (UEN). – (IT) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, while we acknowledge its good intentions, we regret that Europe is essentially inadequate when confronted with the tragic events of the international crisis, the rise of terrorism and the situation in Iraq. Commissioner, if there is too much of the United States in international relations, it is because Europe is indeed impotent.

We as Europeans would like to already have the Constitution, which we have taken so long to approve, because we would like to already have a European Foreign Minister who could be out in Iraq right now to perform his office with genuine authority and also to negotiate the release of the French and Italian hostages. I should like here to remember the two young Italian women, Simona Pari and Simona Torretta.

Such terrorism, for which a human life counts for nothing, which kills and rapes innocent children, which kidnaps peace workers or civilians and holds the governments and peoples of Europe to ransom, can only receive our most severe and unconditional condemnation. Through its work of destabilisation, such terrorism is probably also aiming at somehow delaying or preventing the holding of elections in Iraq, an outcome that would be thoroughly unacceptable.

In conclusion, to all those who are in Iraq, to the soldiers on peace-keeping missions, to the NGOs, which with admirable perseverance have chosen to stay and carry on their work of aiding the civilian population, to the victims’ families and, at this moment, if I may, especially to the families of the hostages – to all of them I believe the whole Chamber here in Strasbourg should raise its voice loud and clear in solidarity and fellow feeling.

  Czarnecki, Ryszard (NI). (PL) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, like the vast majority of Polish people, I was and am opposed to the war in Iraq. I was also, like all of us in this House, opposed to Saddam Hussein. This is why I am entitled to say that Iraq should no longer divide Europe, and that the EU should act jointly to find a baseline consensus and put this consensus forward.

This does not mean an artificial agreement or a fictitious unity. It means an understanding between the nations and governments of Europe, both those who supported intervention in Iraq and those who were opposed to intervention, and it means an understanding based on a concrete goal. This goal, which may not be very effective and may not solve all problems, but which is extremely concrete, would be to hold local elections as soon as possible, starting in Najaf and Karbala, for example. The building of democracy in Iraq must begin with the foundations, not the roof. These foundations are local elections and the establishment of regional authorities that have power and not merely rifles. The roof will be national elections, and this is the only appropriate order. We must be aware that local elections are a necessary medicine, but that they have side effects, and that they may result in the division of Iraq into Sunnite, Shiite and Kurdish zones of influence. This cannot be denied, but it is preferable to a situation in which everyone is permanently at war with everyone else.

Finally, the European Union mission should be in Baghdad, not in Amman, which is a long way from the Iraqi capital. Let us not leave Baghdad to the US, as shirking responsibility is not a course of action that befits the EU.

  Brok (PPE-DE). – (DE) Mr President, Mr President-in-Office of the Council, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, without stability in the region, society will not be reconstructed, there will be no security for investments, and without that no really peaceful development will be possible. We all know that this can be achieved only if the Iraqi people see their government as possessing an authority and legitimacy other than that lent to it by American unilateralism. That is why elections have such a major part to play, that is why the United Nations have a part to play, and that is why I was so shocked by Kofi Annan’s comment yesterday to the effect that ‘the UN can become fully involved again, can go in again, only if security is established.’ The whole thing is cyclical: if the UN does not go in, there can be no security, but if it does not go in because there is no security, that demonstrates the international community’s general helplessness in the face of the situation. I see this as a reason why we must make it clear that there can be no justification for terrorism and that we will always oppose terrorism, which is, in this case, engaged in by minorities in Iraq, and that we have to support the majority population.

At the same time, though, we have to do this through dialogue, so that terrorism does not prove to be a Hydra, with several new heads growing every time we cut one off, and we must not create breeding grounds for it. I see this as a reason for us in the European Union to do what we can. By that I mean political change, support, including in the areas that the EUR 200 million is intended to deal with, the organisation of aid, the initiation of dialogue, the building of structures out of which sustainable development can grow. This is not just about Iraq, it is about the stability of the entire region, which will determine whether there is to be a ‘clash of civilisations’, and whether we can prevent the great war between the cultures. There have been quite a few mistakes, and they have already brought us much, much closer to one.

Finally, I want to extend warm thanks to Commissioner Patten for his cooperation over the past years; perhaps there will be another opportunity for me to do so. Today, he has again made it clear that we in the West can succeed with our policies if they are combined with moral integrity. I get the feeling that our moral integrity is running low as a result of Guantanamo and much else, because of torture and all the things that are going on there. If we do not manage to have moral integrity, we will not have the credibility that is required if we are to shape this process in a reasonable way.

(Applause)

  Moscovici (PSE). – (FR) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, like all of you, I heard the President-in-Office of the Council speak to us of good and bad news, and I felt that he dwelled too much on the good news at the expense of the bad. I would like to thank Commissioner Patten for having, with his customary subtlety and frankness, invited us to cross the somewhat simplistic gulfs between Atlanticism and anti-Americanism, between unilateralism and multilateralism. That is indeed what we must do.

Today, though, nearly two years after the onset of this crisis, we have to say that we are facing failure, as none of the aims that were set have been fulfilled, and I am not talking about weapons of mass destruction. There is no evidence of the region being stable, democracy has not proved infectious, Iraq is not a safe place, and the fight against terrorism has got nowhere. On the contrary, I would even say that military action on its own has led, in Iraq, to a growth in terrorism of all kinds. All of that is worthy of condemnation and of serious thought. We can take no pleasure in this failure, on the contrary: we have to act, to learn our lessons and try to be effective tomorrow. Today, though, what should galvanise us, what should be a priority for this House, is of course the issue of the hostages taken in Iraq – Italians, French, in short, Europeans – along with those accompanying them, whether Iraqis or Syrians. We must move to liberate these hostages, for liberty is a precious good, and because it is not just any professions that are under attack; these are journalists, humanitarian activists, workers for NGOs, in short, people who take risks. As Mr Salafranca Sánchez-Neyra said, I believe that it is for all their sakes that this House must speak out today, on the basis of the principles of unity and solidarity, in favour of these hostages being released.

At the same time, this will not mean that we will have finished with Iraq; we have to ask ourselves other questions if we are to be able to take the different political road to which Mr D'Alema referred. I will limit myself to setting out a few of them. We must therefore call for a change in the nature of the multinational forces. I believe it is now time to put this force, for all practical purposes, under the aegis of the Secretary-General of the United Nations. All of us, together, must concern ourselves with the democratic process. We know that elections are planned for early 2005, but, right now, it has to be said that they are not guaranteed and it is absolutely vital that they should be held under free and fair conditions. Finally, I believe that it is now time to call an international conference in support of the political transition and to facilitate the restructuring of Iraq.

Finally – and this will be the last I shall say at this stage – I believe that we must be more insistent than we have been, more perhaps than the Council has been, on respect for human rights by all the parties on the ground. Commissioner Patten said it, as did Mr D'Alema, and it is indeed the case that we are confronted by intolerable images of war depicting an utterly hopeless confrontation. Ladies and gentlemen, we have to get back to Iraq. We have to consider what is happening now in the aftermath of the conflict. Let me repeat, however, that the priority is for the whole of this House to get behind the efforts to free the hostages, and I call upon all of us, on every side, to accept a resolution to that end, which will proclaim that we speak with one voice.

(Applause)

  Neyts-Uyttebroeck, Annemie (ALDE). – (NL) Mr President, the present joint draft resolution is both totally harmless and absolutely obvious, so a cynic might argue that we might as well do without it. As a pragmatic and experienced politician, I take the view that this draft resolution illustrates in abundance that our European Parliament and its groups experience the same difficulties as the Commission and the Council in getting to grips with the situation in Iraq. Like the government in my country, I was myself a firm opponent of the invasion in Iraq. In previous capacities, I too have tried to persuade the United States that the invasion of Iraq is one thing, but the establishment of democracy there is something else entirely. I have also stated that invading a country is easy for them, but leaving a country is far more difficult and dangerous. I too take the view that the world today is a much more dangerous place than before the war in Iraq started. The question then arises, though, as to what we in the European Parliament, the European Council, the European Council of Ministers and the European Commission are doing about this much more dangerous place. Do we wash our hands of the whole situation, because we did not want it? Are we hoping – or, if we are religious, praying – that everything will perhaps sort itself out miraculously? Or are we taking refuge in the hopeless prospect of the war of civilisations predicted for so long by many, on both sides of the Atlantic Ocean – sometimes appearing to want it to happen? We are all facing the very difficult task of leaving all of this behind us and of reaching unanimity about the future of Iraq, the Middle East and the world as a whole. Naturally, all hostages, of whatever nationality and whatever they are doing there, must be released immediately, and it goes without saying that we must all commit ourselves to this objective.

I would like to conclude by addressing a few words to Commissioner Patten. Two weeks ago I had the opportunity to tell him what a great honour and privilege it has been to work with him. I would like to ask him, as he rides off into the sunset, not to sing the song 'I am a poor, lonesome cowboy', but to seize the opportunity to put in the occasional mean tango!

(Applause)

  Guidoni (GUE/NGL). – (IT) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, the recent dramatic events involving hostages – all hostages, Italian, French and Iraqi, for whose unconditional release we are once again appealing here – highlight the extreme gravity of the situation that has been developing in Iraq. The allied military commanders themselves now openly admit that part of Iraqi territory is outside their control.

The military solution is thus revealing just how inadequate it is to solve the problem of terrorism and to ensure Iraq’s transition to democracy. In order to lay the bases for a new democratic order, it is not enough to set up an interim provisional government, which is actually a US puppet government and is therefore not recognised by the local population. There is only one way to stabilise the situation in Iraq, and that is to withdraw the troops immediately.

It is not a case of giving in or not to the blackmail of terrorist groups, but rather a case of sending out concrete signs of a change in strategy, whereby the withdrawal of the occupying troops is seen as a precondition for sending in a UN contingent composed of forces from countries not involved in the war. The Bush doctrine of pre-emptive war has proved to be tragically wrong and unable to curb terrorism, which has instead spread further precisely in the areas of conflict.

A worldview based on the exclusive political and economic supremacy of a single country is not sustainable. Europe can and must put across an independent and unified foreign policy proposal; it can and must play an ever-greater role in resolving crisis situations such as the one in Iraq. We need to make room again for diplomacy and politics. International organisations need to be present to guarantee free elections, elections free of any political or economic pressures from the occupation forces.

(Applause)

  Coûteaux (IND/DEM). – (FR) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, representatives of the Member States, the Anglo-Saxon coalition’s invasion of Iraq solved nothing; on the contrary, it made the Iraqis’ living conditions worse and, above all, it enabled militant Islam to spread throughout the Arab world, giving it a new base and new legitimacy.

What we see there, of course, is no more than the application of the USA’s imperial strategy, which aims to consign the world to an immense conflict of civilisations, one in which the civilised world will be gathered around Washington. It is equally evident that what claims to be the European ‘Union’ – a term I put in quotation marks – with its six doomed draft resolutions, none of which – this was last year, as you will recall– obtained anything like a majority, and with its immense jumble of useless and derisory pieties, has remained silent, with a passivity defying belief in the face of a war and a strategy that pits civilisations against each other, with the EU itself the first victim.

France alone, flanked by Germany – which was, truth to tell, hesitant – and by Russia, which was lamentably weakened, was in the midst of the flurry of trans-Atlantic grovelling, yet again saved the European ideal. She did so with such clear emphasis that the world increasingly saw in her a sign of resistance to the empire. Indeed, let it be added, the American opposition see her as a symbol of the freedom of peoples, the basic condition for all true democracy.

We now have the choice between two sorts of resistance: the Islamic resistance that the Americans – who will, one day, be obliged to clear off, just as they did out of Vietnam – certainly intend to leave behind them, and the national, or secular, resistance. Europe, the Europe of the Euro-enthusiasts, is certainly incapable of choosing, but it is certain that, in the face of militant Islam, it is on a victory by the national resistance that Mediterranean cooperation – so necessary, yet, alas, so unlikely – depends.

  Romagnoli (NI). – (IT) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, it is time to put an end to hypocrisy. We are witnessing the geopolitical interests of the United States perpetuating themselves in Iraq. Ever since the Second World War, history has been punctuated by unilateral pre-emptive interventions by the great powers. A subjugated Europe has never been willing or able to stand up to the aggressiveness of the victors at Yalta. The role of the United Nations has been just as ineffective, for any UN resolutions that the great powers have found indigestible have been systematically ignored or sidestepped. Interim President Ghazi al Yawar has cancelled his visit to the European Parliament.

It is worth wondering who wanted or elected him to be president. To hold him up as a representative of the Iraqi people is an insult to our intelligence and to that of the people we represent. We have to get out of the conflict in Iraq and remove any excuse for the occupation which, far from ensuring security, peace and justice for the Iraqi people, has led to fighting and shameful acts, costs the public purse a fortune, damages interests and increases resentment, endangering the security, peace and prosperity of the peoples of Europe. Mr Bot, these should be the objectives of the Council, the Commission, the governments and the Institutions of the European Union.

  Tannock (PPE-DE). – Mr President, the situation in Iraq remains precarious, with the deaths yesterday of 47 innocent Iraqis at the hands of a fanatic suicide bomber – mainly unemployed men seeking work as policemen and willing to try to re-establish law and order in their country and enable free elections to be held next January.

Whether one agrees with the justification for the war or not, everyone now must sympathise with the long-suffering Iraqi people, who yearn for stability in their country. Everyone here must condemn the perpetuation of indiscriminate attacks against the new sovereign government of Dr Allawi and the multinational peacekeeping forces and the barbaric kidnapping and murdering of hostages, solely on the basis of being non-Muslim, or cooperating in rebuilding the country, such as the Italian aid workers.

Clearly, with hindsight, mistakes have been made in underestimating the scale of resistance, but withdrawing all the coalition troops would only worsen matters. Mr D'Alema's request would, in my view, be surrendering to terrorism.

Syria and Iran have also been extremely unhelpful in allowing Islamist fighters to infiltrate Iraq from their territories. I welcome Commissioner Patten's allocation of EUR 300 million in 2003-04 to rebuild Iraq. His characteristic eloquence will be sadly missed on all sides of this House. I call upon Member States who oppose the war – such as France and Germany – to put this behind them now and support new Nato initiatives to build up security in Iraq. After all, we all share a common interest in fighting international terrorism. By kidnapping two French journalists, Islamic terrorists have not respected French neutrality, instead blaming France for defending its understandable and much cherished secularism by its banning of the veil in its schools.

I pray now for the release of all hostages. No stone should left unturned to achieve this objective.

  De Keyser (PSE). – (FR) Mr President, what brings us here today, with confusion in every group, is anguish at the fate of the hostages, and I ask you what the European Union can do to defend those who belong to it? The French journalists and the two young Italian aid workers who were taken hostage are all innocent in this war, and they risk paying for their commitment to a free Iraq with their lives.

Quite apart from the victims, we must not forget that the whole of the Iraqi people have been held hostage and that each new bloodbath brings fresh chaos.

The confusions are beyond number and I shall mention only two of them. As the violence spirals, we are becoming unable to distinguish between victim and executioner, confusing resistance fighters with terrorists, the unfortunate fate of soldiers killed in action with that of civilian victims of what we euphemistically describe as excessive force. To be sure, those who kill hostages are unscrupulous criminals, but the origins of the tragedy and violence that are rife in Iraq are to be found elsewhere and nothing can excuse such things as the random missile strike on the Bradley tank last Sunday at a time when the wounded soldiers had been evacuated. These strikes killed children, civilians, and a Palestinian journalist. One day, international law will demand that justice be done.

Let me turn to the second confusion. Islam has many faces; we often see it in the darkest light, but the extraordinary outcome of the siege of Najaf and the courage of French Muslims in committing themselves to the release of the hostages show us that moderate Islam can play a part in bringing peace. This is something we will have to remember in other contexts.

We live in the – perhaps illusory – hope that, in 2005, free elections will be held and a government enjoying popular legitimacy will be formed. We ask the Commission and the Council to do everything possible to fulfil this hope. As Mr D'Alema said, the Iraq war has been a tragic mistake, and we cannot make history anew, but – and I say this to Mr Tannock – there is a point at which we must be able to recognise our own mistakes if we are to be able to rectify them.

  Nicholson of Winterbourne (ALDE). – Mr President, the civil war in Iraq has inevitably meant that in recent months the media have focused almost exclusively on security. However, behind the headlines there is another agenda already in operation, and that is where the European Union should be involved. This is an absolute priority: the building of a peaceful society.

Capacity–building, the fight against corruption, strengthening the fight against organised crime and bringing in human rights and the rule of law – these words are familiar to us. They are weapons of dialogue that we use every day of the week in turning post–Communist states into Member States of the European Union or wider Europe neighbours, away from totalitarianism and tyranny and towards democracy.

Iraq is in just that condition today. The Iraqis are just like us: they share the same desire for freedom and for a settled society. Beneath the veil, behind the tribal dress, beyond the cultural differences of East and West, Iraq and Iraqis have the same high hopes of the essential freedoms and the rule of law that we Europeans and Americans enjoy. They look to us to help institute those freedoms and the fundamental freedom of human rights. The European Union should focus now on building that agenda with Iraq. It is a possibility. It is happening now, away from the guns, bombs and rockets, and that is what we should be involved in.

I ask you to remember that under Saddam Hussein Iraqis had no such freedoms, no access to human rights. That is the reason why, even now, today, with bombs and rockets, with the difficulties of security, the majority of Iraqis prefer to be without the previous regime and in the situation they are in now. We should help Iraq build a peaceful society.

  Pflüger (GUE/NGL). – (DE) Mr President, the war in Iraq drags on, and Allied troops continue to kill civilians as they bombard cities on a daily basis. In terms of day-to-day life there, Iraq is very much a society at war, with battles, raids, hostage taking and the vicious circle of violence. It is, in essence, the war of aggression waged on Iraq that lies behind the present calamitous situation, which is getting worse from day to day.

On the assumption that the interpreter got it right, Mr Bot said that ‘the occupation was brought to an end’, which is obviously nonsense. We call for the occupation to really be brought to an end, which means the withdrawal of the occupying forces.

What is NATO doing? What is the European Union doing? NATO’s involvement in Iraq is ongoing; will NATO troops be going there once NATO has trained the Iraqi security forces? It is obvious that the EU does not want to be left out; in contravention of international law, it seeks to push through an open market economy system in Iraq, and more and more private security firms from EU Member States are getting involved in the war. We are now thinking in terms of an EU force under the UN’s mandate. That is something to which we must say ‘no’; it must not be allowed to happen. We must not allow the EU to be involved in the war in Iraq or to support the occupation.

(Applause)

  Giertych (IND/DEM). (PL) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, we are discussing the EU’s declaration on Iraq. The very idea of issuing such a declaration ties in with the general belief that the European Union has something resembling a foreign policy. There is no such thing as European public opinion, and there can therefore be no EU foreign policy. The Iraq issue is the best possible example of this.

Each of the Member States has its own foreign policy and its own opinion on Iraq. Within each Member State it is also possible to observe a diversity of opinion on foreign policy, but each state has its own government authorised by the voters to conduct foreign policy. The European Union has not been authorised in this way.

What, therefore, is the point of a declaration on Iraq? It is an attempt to impose upon us all the belief that this House has a mandate to conduct foreign policy. This is not true, as we do not have such a mandate. The European Union may provide humanitarian aid both in the case of Iraq and in the case of many other conflicts taking place throughout the world, and it may also offer its services as mediator and negotiator, provided that all sides in the conflict want the EU to do so. Political proposals would, however, be out of place, as we do not have the authority to conduct a common foreign policy.

(Applause)

  Ibrisagic (PPE-DE). (SV) Mr President, the debate on Iraq has, so far, often been about how long it is taking to normalise the situation there, and there has been a lot of criticism from different quarters about developments in Iraq. Questions such as ‘Are things better now?’ have been heard, and people wonder whether the military presence really is leading to peace. To those who wonder whether that is the case, I can put a question: have you ever stood in the thick of a raging war and really wished that some outside force – the United States, the EU or NATO – would come and intervene in your country? That is something I myself have done, and I also have a definite answer to that question: yes, a military presence can lead to peace.

In the European Parliament, I represent Sweden, but I was born and brought up in the Balkans, a part of Europe that has seen many wars and a great deal of suffering. I have experienced war in Bosnia, and I know that it is extremely easy to start a war and extremely difficult to bring it to an end. It is still more difficult, and takes a still longer period of time, to re-build a country, and that much longer again to get people to begin to trust each other once more.

I have a feeling that those who now criticise the process in Iraq have never even been near a war. That also makes me think of the saying, ‘Those who are well fed do not understand those who are hungry.’ It is so easy to see obstacles and problems and identify what might be done better and more quickly, but the fact is that many of the current problems in Iraq are an old legacy from Saddam Hussein’s dictatorship. The fact too is that today’s Iraq without Saddam is a better Iraq. We must ensure that we are involved and make our contribution so that the Iraq of tomorrow is a still better Iraq.

Where the Balkans are concerned, the surrounding world has realised and accepted that it takes a long time to re-build a country, both literally and figuratively, but there is extremely limited understanding of the fact that development towards peace and democracy in Iraq will take time. Now, the EU must rally around our values of freedom and, united, actively support the forces that wish to build a new Iraq, a sovereign and democratic country that takes its place in the international community.

(Applause)

  Siwiec (PSE). (PL) Mr President, unlike the naive and sometimes cynical voices that have been heard in this House, the Commission, through its representatives, has presented a rational assessment of the situation in Iraq. It must be recognised that state and institution building is taking place. It must also be recognised that violence is escalating, and that this violence is being used as an instrument of political pressure both in Iraq and against countries that decided to participate militarily and politically in the rebuilding of an Iraqi state.

This is a turning point, and either Iraq will win through with the support of the international community, or major destabilisation will occur. There is a chance of success, but this requires determination and a correct assessment of the situation. I would like to pay tribute to the soldiers and civilians risking their lives in Iraq. They are there in the interests of the Iraqi population and are protecting the lives of those people. I would also like to say that in taking this risk upon themselves, they are acting primarily on behalf of the Iraqi people.

  Malmström (ALDE). (SV) Thank you, Mr President, Commissioner Patten. It is not the first time we are talking about Iraq in this House, and that is only natural since the events in Iraq dominate the international news. The reports of terrible violence and of terrorism directed against women, children and civilians – mainly Iraqis of course, but also foreign journalists, aid workers, business people and military personnel – are alarming. The kidnappings are absolutely abominable, and it is good that we in this House are, in any case, one hundred per cent in agreement about our demand that those kidnapped should be released and that the violence must cease.

The Group of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe naturally condemns all types of violence and calls upon the Iraqi authority to ensure that legal proceedings are taken against the people responsible. In this context, we would also regret the fact that the death penalty has been reintroduced.

In common with many other countries in many other parts of the world, we are split on the Iraq issue, and this has meant that we have only been able to agree upon a fairly watered down resolution. I nonetheless hope that we can put the past behind us and look forwards. The whole world has a responsibility for supporting the Iraqi people and developments towards a democratic and sovereign Iraq able to take its place in the international community. We in the EU can offer support in many ways in cooperation with the UN and international bodies. We have a role to play when it comes to supporting the election, the economy, the construction of a civil society and the devising of a democratic constitution.

In the future, a UN-led multinational force must accept responsibility for security in Iraq, and this is an area in which the EU and its neighbouring countries can play an important role. Naturally, the ultimate responsibility lies with the Iraqi people, but we all have a responsibility for ensuring that this process succeeds, both for the sake of Iraq and in the interests of stability throughout the region.

(Applause)

  Speroni (IND/DEM). – (IT) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, I have serious doubts as to whether the actions of the European Parliament can influence the situation in Iraq. In any case, what is happening demonstrates the splits within the European Union and the lack of a foreign policy, in that 12 countries are present, 12 more are absent and one has withdrawn. It should also be noted that there is a lack of a common feeling of being European. In fact, every time there are killings or kidnappings, nobody asks whether European citizens were involved, but the Italians ask if there were any Italians, the Spanish if there were any Spaniards, the Greeks if there were any Greeks, the French if there were any French people, and so on. This observation is highly significant for those who at all costs want Europe to have a role, because such division will not allow it to have one.

Lastly, with regard to the institutional situation, I believe that the principle of the self-determination of peoples should be fully applied to the minorities in Iraq. The autonomy or independence of the Kurds or of the other peoples living in Iraq should be decided neither by a foreign power nor by representatives of the old or new regimes.

  President. – The debate is adjourned at this point for the vote and will continue immediately after it.

IN THE CHAIR: MR FRIEDRICH
Vice-President