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Četrtek, 16. december 2004 - Strasbourg Pregledana izdaja

12. Razprave o primerih kršitev človekovih pravic, demokracije in načela pravne države (člen 115 Poslovnika EP)
  

Zimbabue

El Presidente. De conformidad con el orden del día, se procede al debate de 7 propuestas de resolución sobre Zimbabue.

 
  
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  Bowis (PPE-DE). Mr President, Zimbabwe is a land of tragedy and a land of tyranny. It is a country rich in natural resources and rich in the resources of its people. Both are being devastated by the political tyranny of the Mugabe regime.

People are suffering from hunger and health problems as a result of food and medical aid being withheld from areas that are covered by the opposition parties. Some 9 million people, 75% of the Zimbabwean population, are now said to be living below the poverty line, but the World Food Programme is only able to provide food for 1.6 million people this December. That is the first reason why this is an urgency.

The second reason is that on 3 March there is supposed to be an election in Zimbabwe. That election, on the present prospects, will be neither free nor fair. It is not up to us to decide who the people of Zimbabwe should elect. That is entirely for them, but they must be free to elect whomsoever they wish.

It is up to the neighbouring countries of Africa and to the African Union to make sure that international standards of democracy pertain throughout Africa and throughout the country of Zimbabwe. It is up to the European Union to make sure that we support the monitoring of those elections, giving technical support and financial support, so that we can play our part in the international observer missions. That is also why it is an urgency today.

The third reason is the intolerable attack on the liberty of Roy Bennett, one of their members of parliament, a man who has suffered, whose family has suffered and whose workers have suffered over the months. Mr Bennett pushed a government minister because he was making racial remarks about Mr Bennett and his family. He was then sent to prison, not by the courts, but by a vote in the parliament based on the political division.

I urge that the AU and the EU act today to bring a semblance of justice to the people of Zimbabwe.

 
  
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  Attard-Montalto (PSE). Mr President, I have just returned from a private visit to Zimbabwe. It is interesting to note that the situation on the ground does not appear desperate. However, according to the statistics, the situation is probably worse in other parts of the country which I did not visit.

When debating such countries as Zimbabwe, where human rights are not even discussed because of fear of repression, we must consider the right attitude to take in order to try to influence the powers that be. We know we are dealing with a regime that is not democratic, that has taken tried to use almost all its powers to take away the democratic and fundamental rights of part of its population. On the other hand, we have seen recently that there is a silver lining. The courts, for instance, are striving from a very difficult position to try to retain some form of impartiality.

Sometimes I wonder whether a carrot-and-stick policy might be more appropriate and more fruitful than just passing motions of condemnation. We may pass this motion but what effect will it have? Very little, I think, with a regime like Mugabe's. We must start to think in different terms if we are to be effective when dealing with a regime of this sort.

 
  
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  Hall (ALDE). Mr President, political oppression in Zimbabwe casts a long shadow; it is a cloud that lies over not only those living in Zimbabwe itself but also those who have left to seek asylum in Europe.

In my constituency in the north-east of England, there are Zimbabweans who fear summary death if they are forced to return to their native land. I hope that Member State governments like my own, which think it is safe for asylum-seekers to be returned to Zimbabwe, will take note of the resolution tabled here this afternoon and revise their position.

The situation in Zimbabwe is getting worse, not better. On 9 December 2004 the Non-Governmental Organisations Act came into force. This Act bans foreign human rights organisations and gives the government powers to intervene in the operations of any NGO in Zimbabwe. Meanwhile, the quality of life for Zimbabweans has plummeted. Life expectancy is now 35 years. Zimbabwe could be self-sufficient in food, but last season it produced only a third of the maize it needs; yet the Mugabe regime is interfering with the international distribution of food.

In the light of this deteriorating situation, it is high time to tighten up targeted sanctions against the regime.

A final point: as we have heard, next March Zimbabwe is due to hold a general election. There are worrying indications that this election may not be held in free and fair conditions. Electoral legislation passed earlier this month did not meet international democratic standards. Good observation of the elections is going to be a vital part of ensuring that they are free and fair. Therefore I hope that we in Parliament, and the Council and the Commission, will provide the maximum possible support for election-observer missions at all levels.

 
  
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  Markov (GUE/NGL). Herr Präsident, Frau Ratspräsidentin! Simbabwe hat immer komplizierte Perioden und tiefgreifende Brüche erlebt, sei es der Kolonialismus, sei es die einseitige sogenannte Unabhängigkeitserklärung 1965 unter Ian Smith und das darauffolgende UN-Embargo, der Befreiungskrieg 1972 bis 1978 und die damals ersten demokratischen Wahlen nach der Unabhängigkeit mit dem Sieg der ZANU unter Robert Mugabe.

Als Ostdeutscher frappiert mich allerdings immer wieder, wie häufig es doch passiert, dass Führer, die mit hehren Ansprüchen angetreten sind, an der Macht sind, und sich dann sozusagen von ihren eigenen ursprünglichen Zielen und Vorstellungen entfernen und, je länger sie die Macht ausüben, immer weniger die Interessen der Bevölkerung berücksichtigen.

Natürlich bestehen in Simbabwe auch heute riesengroße Probleme. Ich glaube das Einzige, was wir heute empfehlen können, ist, dass sich Simbabwe umschauen sollte, wie es die Nachbarländer geschafft haben. Was Südafrika macht, wie Namibia es macht, wie Angola, wie Mosambik versuchen einen Ausgleich zwischen den unterschiedlichsten Interessenlagen in ihren Ländern herbeizuführen. Frieden setzt voraus, dass man versucht, sich zu verständigen, und dass man das mit friedlichen Mitteln macht und dass man die unterschiedlichsten Interessen berücksichtigt.

Eine Landreform in Simbabwe ist notwendig. Aber die kann man auch in anderer Form bewerkstelligen. Die Europäische Union sollte nicht immer sozusagen aus unserer Wertestellung irgendwelche Empfehlungen irgend jemandem geben. Das geht sehr häufig schief. Vielleicht erinnern Sie sich noch alle, wie die Europäische Union einen alkoholkranken russischen Präsidenten Jelzin permanent unterstützt hat.

Wir sollten uns in diesem konkreten Fall darauf verlassen, dass die Entwicklungsgemeinschaft des südlichen Afrikas sehr wohl einen Einfluss hat, und dass sie eine Chance hat, dass die Afrikanische Union Fortschritte erzielen kann mit ihrem Einwirken. Ich bin davon überzeugt, dass wir, wenn wir diese Länder darin unterstützen, auf Simbabwe einzuwirken, dann durchaus auch die Möglichkeit haben, dazu beizutragen, dass die Wahlen, die im März anstehen, vielleicht doch fair und demokratisch verlaufen werden.

 
  
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  Belder (IND/DEM). Voorzitter, het Mugabe-regime zet zijn strategie van politieke gelijkschakeling onverminderd voort. Zo dwongen de Zimbabwaanse autoriteiten in de vorige 18 maanden de sluiting van twee kritische kranten af. Daarnaast maakten en maken Mugabe's medestanders de oppositiepartij Movement for Democratic Change het leven zo zuur mogelijk.

Ongetwijfeld met het oog op de naderende parlementsverkiezingen van maart 2005 verhoogt het Mugabe-bewind de druk op onafhankelijke organisaties, getuige de precies een week geleden in Harare aangenome wet op non-gouvernementele organisaties. In het vervolg mogen deze geen buitenlandse financiële steun meer ontvangen. Wanneer een Zimbabwaanse burger- of mensenrechtenorganisatie ook maar één buitenlandse medewerker telt, heet zij voortaan buitenlands te zijn. Buitenlandse NGO's kunnen krachtens de nieuwe wet niet worden geregistreerd en zullen in de nabije toekomst dus worden verboden.

Het doel van deze nieuwe wetgeving is duidelijk. Talrijke Zimbabwaanse burger- en mensenrechtenorganisaties zijn immers op buitenlandse donoren aangewezen. Op doorzichtige wijze wil de Zimbabwaanse regering hun het zwijgen opleggen. Naar verluidt wensen de getroffen NGO's zich niet neer te leggen bij deze poging tot muilkorving door de staat. Dat is een buitengewoon moedige houding. Voor Raad en Commissie ligt er een mooie taak om hen daarbij met raad en daad terzijde te staan.

 
  
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  Ribeiro e Castro (PPE-DE), em nome do Grupo. Senhor Presidente, Senhora Comissária, Caros Colegas, o Zimbabué, infelizmente, é dos clientes habituais, dos clientes mais frequentes, destes nossos debates das quintas-feiras sobre as urgências dos direitos humanos. Isso diz duas coisas: diz da gravidade persistente da situação e diz também da ineficácia das medidas que temos adoptado.

Aquilo que temos que condenar, desde logo, é a ruína de um país e de um povo promovido deliberadamente por um regime iníquo e autoritário. Como aqui já foi referido as estatísticas da pobreza são cada vez mais impressionantes e o Zimbabué era um país que não só poderia alimentar todo o seu povo como até ajudar a resolver problemas de fome e de carência no continente africano ou noutras partes do mundo se fosse propriamente gerido.

Mas o regime de Mugabe, apesar das advertências internacionais e da União Europeia, continua a agravar a opressão política e nós olhamos com muita preocupação para as eleições anunciadas para Março. Ou se consegue rapidamente algumas transformações e condições minimamente sérias de debate no país ou essas eleições não serão livres e justas e é duvidoso que valha a pena sequer observá-las. É o caso de Roy Bennette, o caso da perseguição movida a Tsvangirai depois de nos ter aqui visitado, é também - e eu queria chamar-vos a atenção para isso - a influência muito negativa que este regime pode desempenhar na região onde se jogam futuros também de regimes democráticos ou de regressos ao autoritarismo. Por exemplo, eu estive recentemente em Moçambique, que realizou eleições (ainda está a concluir-se o apuramento dos resultados) mas nós tomámos conhecimento de que a campanha eleitoral, que os eleitores moçambicanos votavam no estrangeiro e os partidos da oposição eram reprimidos no Zimbabué, os partidos da oposição à Frelimo. Portanto, há condições. O destino do Zimbabué pode influenciar de uma forma decisiva a consolidação da democracia como esperamos nessa região, seguindo o exemplo da África do Sul, e portanto consolidar aspirações democráticas em Moçambique e em Angola, ou pode, ao contrário, representar um regresso a formas de autoritarismos.

Eu queria apelar a que aumentemos a pressão sobre os países vizinhos e que desenvolvamos mais diálogo com a União Africana, significando a importância da União Africana e de exercer também as suas formas de pressão sobre o regime iníquo de Mugabe.

 
  
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  Van den Berg (PSE), namens de fractie. Voorzitter, de Zimbabwanen zijn een sterk volk en Zimbabwe is een sterk land. Het was na de verzelfstandiging economisch ook een kansrijk land. Het is droevig te constateren dat momenteel circa 60% van de mensen daar in een economische crisis en vaak onder de armoedegrens leeft. Dat zegt natuurlijk iets over hoe dat land is bestuurd en wat er geleidelijk aan is misgegaan. Het droevige is dat de ZANU-partij en Mugabe, vooral de directe kring rond Mugabe, degenen zijn die de daden stellen. Er zijn er veel in de ZANU-partij die zich natuurlijk zeer wel bewust zijn van het feit dat men anderen nodig, dat men een andere economische ontwikkeling nodig heeft om te kunnen overleven.

Wij weten dat er vanuit de buurlanden veel informele contacten zijn en pogingen om de zaak los te trekken. Ik denk dat daar ook precies de mogelijkheden liggen voor ons als Europese Unie. Wij moeten met steun van de Afrikaanse Unie, de NEPAD, Mbeki en al die andere contacten de druk te vergroten, want het is alleen via de Afrikaanse route en onze samenhang daarmee als Europese Unie dat wij een kans maken dat er iets los komt.

De verkiezingen van maart zijn ongetwijfeld al voor een groot deel in de verkeerde handen gevallen en gestructureerd. Het zal zeer moeilijk zijn ze fair en open te laten verlopen. Waarnemen heeft dan weinig zin. Toch ligt in dat democratische proces en in de civil society de kracht. Die kracht is nog steeds groot in Zimbabwe, nog steeds geweldloos en nog steeds op vrede en democratische oplossingen gericht. Ik hoop dat we met de smart sanctions, met de route die we volgen als Europese Unie, in samenspraak met die andere landen, het uiterste zullen doen om die democratische stap daar te zetten. De andere weg, bloedvergieten, is een uitzichtloze.

Ik hoop werkelijk dat we in staat zullen zijn om met al onze diplomatieke middelen de druk zo op te voeren dat er rondom Mugabe mensen zijn die de dominostenen laten vallen. Dat moet daar gebeuren, dan heeft de democratische route een kans op succes. Ik hoop dat wij hier aan Europese zijde alle middelen die we daarvoor in handen hebben ook maximaal zullen inzetten.

 
  
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  Meijer (GUE/NGL), namens de fractie. Voorzitter, als erfenis van de kolonie Zuid-Rhodesië zijn de landbouwgronden in Zimbabwe grotendeels in handen van een kleine groep boeren van Europese afkomst. Mijn fractie ondersteunt het verlangen van de zwarte meerderheid van de bevolking om de grond voor een groot deel aan die zwarte meerderheid terug te geven. Dat verlangen wordt helaas ernstig misbruikt door Robert Mugabe, de man die ooit populair was als de leider van de succesvolle bevrijdingsstrijd tegen de koloniale bezetters en de racistische minderheidsregering van Ian Smith. Pas tegen de tijd dat de kiezers hun vertrouwen in hem verloren, werd de reeds lang beloofde landhervorming voor hem een prioriteit. De onteigening van grote landbouwbedrijven is voor Mugabe nu vooral een instrument om zijn oude aanhang van vrijheidsstrijders na tientallen jaren uitstel eindelijk te belonen. Nog meer is het onderdeel van een campagne om politieke tegenstanders door verdachtmaking, intimidatie en dwang uit te schakelen. Als Europa dit regime isoleert, moet dat niet gebeuren op grond van oude koloniale belangen en een oude koloniale arrogantie, maar omdat we ieder land ter wereld willen helpen bij de bevordering van mensenrechten en democratie. Daar gaat het om.

 
  
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  Παφίλης (GUE/NGL). Κάθε λαός έχει το δικαίωμα και την υπευθυνότητα να λύνει τα πολιτικά του προβλήματα και δεν νομιμοποιείται κανένας, και πολύ περισσότερο η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, η Βρετανία και οι Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες Αμερικής, να επεμβαίνουν πολιτικά, οικονομικά και στρατιωτικά ούτε στη Ζιμπάμπουε ούτε σε άλλη χώρα. Επειδή ακριβώς ο λαός της Ζιμπάμπουε κατάφερε με μεγάλους και αιματηρούς αγώνες να αποκτήσει την ανεξαρτησία του από τη Βρετανία και επειδή διεκδικεί τη γη του, το πιο πλούσιο κομμάτι της οποίας ακόμη ανήκει στους ξένους και κυρίως στους Βρετανούς, σαν αποτέλεσμα της αποικιοκρατίας, προετοιμάζεται ένα νέο σχέδιο επέμβασης που έχει στόχο τη μετατροπή της σε σύγχρονη αποικία.

Με πρόσχημα τα όποια προβλήματα υπάρχουν και που κυρίως οφείλονται στη μακρόχρονη καθυστέρηση από την αποικιοκρατία, χρηματοδοτείται από τις κυβερνήσεις της Βρετανίας και άλλων χωρών η αντιπολίτευση της οποίας -σημειωτέον- ο ηγέτης κατηγορείται για απόπειρα δολοφονίας του εκλεγμένου προέδρου. Στήνεται ένα δίκτυο ονομαζόμενων "μη κυβερνητικών οργανώσεων" που οι περισσότερες είναι οργανώσεις φαντάσματα και δεν έχουν καμία σχέση με το λαϊκό και κοινωνικό κίνημα αλλά προετοιμάζουν το έδαφος για επεμβάσεις.

Για το Κομμουνιστικό Κόμμα Ελλάδας, το ψήφισμα αυτό είναι απαράδεκτο, αποσύρθηκε ακόμα και η καταγγελία εμπορίου όπλων από Βρετανούς πράκτορες. Να σταματήσουν οι κυρώσεις, συμπαράσταση στον λαό της Ζιμπάμπουε στον αγώνα του να διατηρήσει την ανεξαρτησία του κατά της νεοαποικιοκρατίας.

 
  
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  Grybauskaitė, Commission. Mr President, we in the Commission understand and take a very serious view of the preparations for the elections in March 2005. The Commission reiterates its attachment to the holding of free and fair elections in that country. The recent introduction by the government of Zimbabwe of a set of electoral reforms which are currently under discussion in the Zimbabwean parliament is an important step. It will have to be assessed whether this will lead to a genuine incorporation into domestic electoral legislation of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) principles and guidelines governing democratic elections, as unanimously agreed in the SADC Summit in Mauritius last August.

The Commission remains deeply concerned about the current political and human rights situation and the respect for fundamental freedoms which at this stage would hardly allow for free and fair elections.

A specific matter of concern is the approval by the Zimbabwean parliament, on 9 December, of the NGO Bill, which heavily restricts NGOs' room for action and activities. The Commission fully supports the proposed EU démarches in Harare and other SADC capitals as well as the issuing of an EU declaration expressing concerns regarding the implications of the bill.

The Commission is also worried about the risk of politicisation of the distribution of food aid, mainly in the context of the upcoming parliamentary elections. In the event of clear verification of partisan use, the Commission, together with its partners, including the WFP, may have to envisage suspending food aid operations.

After the March elections the Commission will reassess the situation. Any lifting or easing of EU measures against Zimbabwe cannot be justified at this stage.

The Commission is aware of the deliberate attempts by the Zimbabwean authorities to undermine the visa ban's credibility by multiplying their travels to Europe and has always advocated a strict application of the exemptions provided for in the Council common position of 19 February 2004.

The Commission will continue to explore all avenues to influence the government of Zimbabwe and to pursue an enhanced political dialogue with neighbouring SADC countries, notably South Africa. Continued international pressure on Zimbabwe and especially regional peer pressure is necessary.

 
  
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  El Presidente. La votación tendrá lugar esta tarde, al término de los debates.

Queda cerrado el debate.

La situación en el Este de la República Democrática del Congo

El Presidente. De conformidad con el orden del día, se procede al debate de 6 propuestas de resolución sobre la situación en el Este de la República Democrática del Congo

 
  
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  Posselt (PPE-DE). Herr Präsident! Die Situation im Kongo lässt sich mit der Deutschlands im Dreißigjährigen Krieg vergleichen. Ein großes Land in der Mitte eines Kontinents ist zerbrochen und die verschiedenen Gruppen verbünden sich mit verschiedenen benachbarten Mächten und auf Jahrzehnte gibt es keinen Frieden. Genau diese Situation herrscht seit Jahrzehnten im Kongo, Millionen von Menschen sterben, ganze Landstriche veröden, die Wirtschaft liegt seit Jahrzehnten darnieder. Und wie nach dem Dreißigjährigen Krieg wird es auch im Kongo keine Lösung geben, wenn nicht dass wie damals die religiösen Gruppen heute im Kongo die ethnischen Gruppen in einen Friedensprozess eingebunden werden, der auch alle Nachbarstaaten umfasst.

Deshalb legen wir Wert darauf, dass massiv Druck auf die Anrainerstaaten des Landes der großen Seen und vor allem auf Ruanda ausgeübt wird, hier endlich stabilisierend zu wirken und nicht aktiv in die Zerstörung des ohnehin schon so leidenden Kongo einzugreifen. Aber das werden wir allein mit Worten nicht schaffen. Deshalb haben der Kollege Langen und ich eine ganzheitliche Strategie zu entwickeln begonnen, die Wirtschaftspolitik, Außenpolitik und Entwicklungspolitik endlich vernetzt. Denn wir können hier nicht allein mit Worten operieren. Europa wird sein Gewicht nur geltend machen können, wenn es seine ökonomischen, politischen und seine diplomatischen Möglichkeiten miteinander strategisch vernetzt und wirklich aktiv an diesem Friedensprozess teilnimmt.

Frau Kommissarin, Sie mögen sich fragen, was diese Debatte am Donnerstag nachmittag in einem nicht sehr vollen Saal bringt? Ich erinnere mich noch an eine Zeit, in der wir hier über die Entkolonisierung Litauens von der sowjetischen Unterdrückung diskutiert haben, heute sitzt eine litauische Kommissarin unter uns. Darüber bin ich glücklich, und ich bin sicher, dass dieses Anliegen - Frieden und Menschenrechte für den Kongo - bei Ihnen in guten Händen ist.

 
  
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  Martin, David (PSE). Mr President, the conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo is the most lethal since the Second World War. The International Rescue Committee reckons that 3.8 million people have now been killed and over a million of those are children. Apart from those killed, 3.4 million have been displaced.

Congolese and foreign military groups continue to use violence to conceal the plundering of gold, timber, ivory, tin and other natural resources. Meanwhile, the fragile and ineffectual transitional Congolese government stumbles from political stalemate to military crisis. Both the transitional government and its international partners have failed to deal with the root causes of the conflict. Natural resource exploitation has funded and fuelled the instability in the country and, indeed, has fuelled instability and violence in the Congo for over a hundred years. What should have been a blessing to that country has turned out to be a source of deep sadness and regret and, indeed, a curse. The Congo's natural wealth has been a source of private funding for military and political elites instead of benefiting the vast majority of the Congolese population.

Our resolution rightly calls for a package of measures to tackle this situation. We must take action to ensure respect for the arms embargo; the UN Security Council must impose sanctions, travel restrictions, a ban on financial services, etcetera, on individuals who have participated in the pillaging of Congolese assets; the EU and its Member States must act against companies involved in exploitation; we need a peacekeeping force in the east of the country; and action must be taken to disarm all illegally armed groups.

Only if such measures are taken can we hold out any hope that the elections due next year will make any difference to the tragic situation in that country. The problem in the Congo is neither ethnic nor racial. It is about economics, and only if we tackle economics will we solve the problems.

 
  
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  Hall (ALDE). Mr President, I speak in place of Mr Van Hecke, who has had to leave Strasbourg early as he is travelling to the Democratic Republic of the Congo tomorrow.

The current situation in eastern Congo shows that the Congolese peace process is still very fragile. Indeed, there have been reports of new exchanges of fire yesterday. The ALDE Group warmly welcomed the initiative to draft an urgency resolution on the Congo. Ultimately, however, our group decided not to endorse the compromise resolution. We feel that the compromise text fails to identify the core problem of the continuing instability in the region and of the difficult relationship between the Democratic Republic of the Congo and its neighbouring countries, especially Rwanda.

The issue is this: since the end of the Rwandan genocide in 1994 a large group of extremist Hutus have been hiding in a remote area of the Congolese rainforest in the east of the Congo. After all these years they have still not been disarmed. The presence of these heavily armed militias is a constant threat to the peace process in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and to security in the entire Great Lakes region. The massacre at the Burundian refugee camp of Gatumba last August was only one in a long series of provocative actions. MONUC, the UN Peacekeeping Mission in the Congo, was supposed to disarm and neutralise the rebels, but has failed to do so.

Although MONUC's mandate has been strengthened and there are extra troops, they are poorly trained and there is a serious lack of information and technical assistance. We feel that the joint resolution does not acknowledge that if Rwanda is crossing the border into the Congo to put an end to the activity of the armed gangs, it is happening in the context of MONUC having failed to do the disarming.

We would suggest that the European Union and the Member States need to get more actively involved in the DRC and the Great Lakes region, focusing very much on rapid disarmament of the rebel forces. Perhaps European troops could be used to strengthen the UK peacekeeping forces. The troops from Pakistan, Nepal, Uruguay and other countries that are in the Congo at the moment simply do not have enough experience with military operations in sub-Saharan Africa. Europe has that experience.

We have to consider all the options in order to make disarmament happen. It is by far the most important prerequisite to get the peace process back on track.

In summary, we feel that although the resolution has many points that we support, it is unbalanced. So, with regret, I will abstain.

 
  
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  Lambert (Verts/ALE). Mr President, my Group welcomes the opportunity to discuss the current situation in the DRC, but like others deeply regrets the need to come back to this. In the report on asylum and sustainable solutions that Parliament adopted yesterday, one of the things we agreed was that the European Union's common foreign policy and common security policy needed to focus on conflict resolution and prevention, paying special attention to long-term conflict situations. This is exactly what we have in the DRC where, as has already been pointed out, the desire to control natural resources plays an absolutely key role in the massive displacements of people and in the massive numbers of deaths.

We stress the need for an effective means of arms control and an effective disarmament programme to be put in place. We would also endorse the call made for the UN to deal with those profiteering from the pillage of natural resources, not least through the freezing of bank accounts and actions against companies. We feel perfectly able to do this in the case of what we believe to be terrorist organisations, but seem totally incapable of doing it with those who cause massive numbers of deaths elsewhere in the world.

We also regret the need but welcome the fact that the UN Department of Peace-Keeping Operations has set up a special investigative team to look at the cases of sexual abuse and exploitation perpetrated by some of its own members in the UN organising mission in the DRC, particularly in Bunia. We know, since this Parliament has discussed it on many occasions, that rape is used as a means to demoralise opponents by demonstrating the people cannot even protect their own families.

This Parliament has recognised on many occasions that victims of rape, child victims of sex abuse, are particularly vulnerable. So we consider it despicable that such crimes are also being committed by those sent to protect an already traumatised population. We look for the perpetrators to be brought to justice, as well as those profiteering from the tragedy in the DRC.

 
  
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  Ribeiro e Castro (PPE-DE), em nome do Grupo. Senhor Presidente, Senhora Comissária e caros Colegas, a situação nos Grandes Lagos e, em particular, na República Democrática do Congo, é uma chaga, um vulcão, no coração de África sempre prestes, infelizmente, a explodir. Depois de um conflito que causou, ao longo de seis anos, três milhões de mortos mas que, continua ainda a causar, segundo informa o "International Rescue Commitee", 31.000 mortos por cada mês, há sinais de que a situação continua instável e infelizmente extremamente errática.

Recentemente reuniu em Haia a Assembleia Parlamentar Paritária dos Países ACP e, curiosamente, essa nossa reunião abriu com uma boa notícia - a notícia da Conferência em Dar-es-Salam e do compromisso aí tomado por todos os Chefes de Estado de que tinham acabado os conflitos - mas, na quinta-feira, quando encerrámos a reunião, a nossa co-Presidente Glenys Kinnock dava-nos a triste notícia: o exército ruandês tinha atravessado as fronteiras e entrado na República Democrática do Congo. Portanto, nós precisamos de ser mais efectivos neste domínio para estabilizar a região. Eu apreciei a imagem do colega Posselt comparando com a situação da Guerra dos Trinta Anos e tenho esperança de que tenha razão porque isso significa que este conflito vai terminar e que estas regiões do continente africano vão ser prósperas, estáveis e modernas como é hoje a Alemanha. É isso que nos anima. E estabilizar o continente africano em sociedades abertas e democráticas.

Aqui o que é que temos que fazer? Temos que reconhecer que não agimos suficientemente quanto a milícias do antigo poder ruandês e que são um pólo de instabilidade e um pretexto de instabilidade permanente no Leste da República Democrática do Congo e temos que agir mais energicamente para a desarmar. Temos que tornar claro que é inaceitável qualquer invasão e que o respeito das fronteiras dos países é um princípio que tem que ser respeitado por todos os Estados da região. Temos que concluir a transição democrática na República Democrática do Congo e consolidar a estabilização do país, incluindo a necessidade de reunificar o exército do Congo. Temos que reforçar os meios da missão das Nações Unidas para conseguir, de facto, assegurar a paz e a estabilidade no Leste da RDC e conseguir criar condições no terreno que não nos façam voltar para trás, isto é, que levem todos a honrar os acordos de paz de 2003, que levem todos a honrar os compromissos assumidos na Tanzânia no passado dia 20 de Novembro e que levem todos a cumprir pontualmente as resoluções do Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas.

 
  
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  Krupa (IND/DEM), w imieniu grupy politycznej. Spośród różnych przypadków łamania praw człowieka i zasad demokracji w Afryce szczególnie udział dzieci w konfliktach zbrojnych stanowi ogromnie ważny problem. Chciałam zapytać, czy jakakolwiek debata, nawet w Parlamencie Europejskim, potrafi przeciwdziałać biedzie w krajach trzeciego świata, gdzie ponad 5 miliardów ludzi żyje za jednego lub dwa dolary dziennie, a w Kongo trwa krwawa wojna dzieci, które w liczbie ponad 300 tysięcy są wykorzystywane w interwencjach zbrojnych, gdzie ostatnio zginęło ponad 3 miliony ludzi. Czy zabieranie dzieciństwa poprzez zmuszanie do pracy, wojskowej rekrutacji, albo przez wykorzystywanie seksualne nie świadczy o braku odpowiedzialności i klęsce różnych humanitarnych i międzynarodowych organizacji?

Aby przeciwdziałać tego rodzaju dramatom, trzeba poznać przyczyny, spośród których podstawową jest wieloletnia i wszechstronna eksploatacja krajów trzeciego świata przez niektóre mocarstwa, także europejskie, czyniące siebie bogatszymi, a ograbione kolonie biedniejszymi. Zdewastowane Kongo jest ofiarą eksploatatorów, dla których bogate naturalne zasoby tego kraju są ważniejsze niż życie ludzkie. Myślę, że miarą rozwoju cywilizacyjnego człowieka, w tym również rządzących, powinien być odpowiedzialny stosunek do najsłabszych, którym jednak też nie można tylko pozornie pomagać poprzez wprowadzanie moralnej dewastacji, antykoncepcji, aborcji, ale należy otoczyć ich opieką, umożliwić rozwój i leczyć malarię, gruźlicę, AIDS, które szaleje tam, a także pomagać rodzinie w jej zdrowym rozwoju. Myślę też, że zamiast wysyłać wojska i instruktorów do Iraku, należałoby podjąć działania, aby wreszcie w Kongo zagościł pokój.

 
  
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  Grybauskaitė, Commission. Mr President, the European Commission shares the concerns of Parliament about the increasing tensions between Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo and their consequences for the human rights situation in the region.

Indeed, we are very concerned by the threats of Rwanda to use force against the territorial integrity of the Congo in order to neutralise the ex-FAR and Interahamwe troops, and by the multiple reports of military operations by the Rwandan army in the eastern Congo. The humanitarian crisis that these actions generate is an additional reason for our concern.

It is essential to the stability of the region that Rwanda withdraws without delay any forces it may have in the territory of the DRC, and refrain from any action or statement that contravenes international law.

The European Commission is deeply convinced that until the problem of the presence of ex-FAR elements in the eastern DRC is definitively solved, it will undermine peace and security in the region, be a source of instability and a threat to civilian populations.

In this context, the European Commission is convinced that the local government should make use of existing mechanisms, including the Joint Verification Mechanism and the Tripartite Commission, to find a peaceful solution. Furthermore, the Congo should implement without delay its plan, established with the support of the United Nations Organisation’s Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUC), aimed at accelerating the disarmament and demobilisation of foreign armed groups. It should also speed up the integration and the training of its national army in order to effectively disarm the ex-FAR militias.

Indeed, the establishment of peace and security in the region through bringing together the countries is our priority. In this context, we see the resolution of the ex-FAR issue as essential and inescapable.

The Community is actively supporting the Congolese authorities in the reconstruction of the country through development projects for an overall amount of EUR 0.5 billion.

The European Union is and remains the largest humanitarian aid donor in Congo and will continue its assistance.

 
  
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  El Presidente. Gracias, señora Comisaria.

La votación tendrá lugar al término de los debates.

Queda cerrado el debate.

Bhopal

El Presidente. - De conformidad con el orden del día, se procede al debate de 6 propuestas de resolución sobre Bhopal

 
  
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  Libicki (UEN). Panie Przewodniczący, Proszę Państwa, dzisiaj mówimy w tej debacie o rzeczach innych niż zwykle. Na ogół debatujemy w sprawach ważnych, ale w sprawach, które dotyczą perspektyw finansowych, rozwiązań komunikacyjnych, spraw gospodarczych - bardzo ważnych, ale nie tragicznych.

Dzisiejsze trzy punkty naszej popołudniowej debaty, ale szczególnie ten trzeci punkt o Bhopalu mówi o jednej z największych tragedii, która zdarzyła się w ostatnich kilkudziesięciu latach. Mówi o tragedii, kiedy wybuch gazu doprowadził do skutków, które natychmiast spowodowały tragedię kilkudziesięciu tysięcy ludzi i do skutków, które trwają niestety po dziś dzień z winy instytucji i osób, które będziemy za chwilę wymieniać.

Proszę Państwa, te organizacje, które były winne temu, co się wówczas stało, przyznały się, bo zapłaciły odszkodowania za 15 248 zgonów. Zapłaciły odszkodowania, starając się zapłacić jak najmniejszej ilości ludzi, za 554 895 przypadków chorób lub kalectwa. Proszę Państwa, według ogólnych ocen osób, które ucierpiały w wyniku wybuchu gazu w Bhopalu przed dwudziestu pięciu laty, jest ponad 100 tysięcy, a tych, którzy cierpią po dziś dzień na skutek zatrutego środowiska są miliony. I co się stało później? Proszę Państwa, w wyniku porozumienia, w wyniku różnych wyroków sądowych winny - Union Carbide Corporation India - zapłacił 470 milionów dolarów odszkodowania. Wydawałoby się kwota całkiem duża, ale ofiary tego wybuchu otrzymały z tego niecałe 10%. Kto wziął resztę pieniędzy? Resztę pieniędzy wzięli prawnicy (warto tak na marginesie powiedzieć: przed stu pięćdziesięciu laty Dickens lubił opisywać drapieżnych prawników, ale nawet w powieściach Dickensa sprzed stu pięćdziesięciu lat nie znajdziemy przypadku, gdy ofiara nie dostaje właściwie nic). Proszę Państwa, kwota znikła. Poza prawnikami koszty były rzekomo duże, bo trzeba było zapłacić skorumpowanym urzędnikom.

Sytuacja, w której na tej tragedii zarabiają wszyscy, tylko nie jej ofiary, jest nie do przyjęcia. Proszę Państwa, jesteśmy świadkami pewnej zmowy i to musi być naprawione i nasza rezolucja, którą dzisiaj mamy uchwalić, właśnie ma temu służyć. Proszę Państwa, musimy starać się, aby na nowo oceniono szkody, aby wypłacono odszkodowania tym, którym się te odszkodowania należą. Musimy doprowadzić do powołania takich ciał, które ten problem rozwiążą w sposób sprawiedliwy.

 
  
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  Gill (PSE). Mr President, today we remember one of the worst industrial disasters in history. As we have heard, in the dead of night on 2 December 1984, a deadly 40 tonnes of known and unknown poisons leaked into the air. The people of Bhopal tried to escape the poisonous cloud. Their efforts were, however, futile and nearly 4 000 people died instantaneously; to date 25 000 innocent people have died.

These are the bare brutal facts and today the people of Bhopal are still suffering from this horrifying legacy. That is why we cannot just remember, but must act as a community to help another. We need to ask why after 20 years the pursuit of justice has been so difficult for the survivors. We need to ask why the transnational corporation involved denies any continuing liability, either for the state of the Bhopal site or the victims' health.

We need to ask why the site has not been cleaned of toxic waste and continues to pollute the water the surrounding communities rely on. We need to know just how Dow Chemicals can close the door on what was one of the worst industrial disasters in this century.

We also need to ask why so many people are still awaiting adequate compensation. I appreciate the issue of compensation is mired in endless arguments as to the calculations, but this is not a sufficient reason for the people of Bhopal to have to relive the experience day after day.

Whilst I support the major part of the resolution and the sentiment behind it, I do not believe the proposed amendments add anything constructive to this resolution. It is vital when we talk about disasters such as Bhopal that we do not descend into polemics and irrationality. The allocation of blame is all too often misplaced and we often condemn all agents without establishing all the facts.

As chair of Parliament's South-Asia SAARC delegation, I would urge you to keep all these matters in perspective, and the budget of each country is particularly relevant. We must recognise the limitation of certain countries, which may not yet have developed the technologies or know-how to deal with such disasters as quickly and as safely as we have come to expect in our own countries. We must also attempt to see each angle of an issue such as the Bhopal disaster, and we should acknowledge the work that has already been done by the Indian Government and the Madhya Pradesh Government with regard to medical care, economic and social assistance, environmental clean-up, and finally financial compensation.

This short list goes to prove that a lot of work has already been done. I feel it would be unproductive to vilify a government that has made efforts to remedy and address the plethora of problems stemming from Bhopal. Rather, we need to employ all our diplomatic efforts to keep the pressure on the Indian Government to maintain its current efforts in providing compensation and working on detoxification of the area. Nevertheless, if we demand that action is taken and money is spent, we should also be prepared to help in any way we can, including offering technical and financial support.

We must not condemn without first examining what we, as a community, can do to help. We should continue to be constructive and offer the humanitarian, ecological and medical expertise we have to the Government of Madhya Pradesh. This is a role for the Commission, Member States and governments alike. I would urge you, therefore, to pressure all those who can bring any relief to those who have already suffered in Bhopal.

 
  
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  Lynne (ALDE). Mr President, while Dow Chemicals and the Indian Government argue over who is to blame for the Bhopal disaster, the people continue to suffer and die from their two-decade legacy. More than 7 000 people died within days, but inaction has seen 15 000 further deaths which could have been avoided. Even today, 20 years on, neither side seems to care about the suffering, only about their reputations. As many as 100 000 people are suffering chronic and debilitating illnesses, with 10 to 15 people a month continuing to die.

The survivors still wait for justice: compensation and medical assistance in many cases. The plant site, which continues to pollute, will cost an estimated GBP 15 million to decommission, compared with Dow's yearly sales of GBP 16 billion and India's GDP of GBP 320 billion. The Indian Government has also yet to spend USD 330 million of the original compensation given to them by Union Carbide. The pollution in the water supply in nearby slums is also 500 times above the maximum recommended WHO levels.

How can the international community, a multinational company and one of the world's main countries, stand by and watch this happen? Just now it should not be about who is to blame, but who is going to stop the suffering. Bhopal resident, Abdul Jabbar Khan, who runs the Bhopal Women Gas Victims' Industrial Association, said in the Guardian newspaper in the UK: 'In New York after 9/11 there was compensation, punishment and clean-up in just a few months. In Bhopal, after 20 years, we have nothing.'

 
  
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  Meijer (GUE/NGL). Voorzitter, sinds de koloniale tijd leveren de landen van de Derde Wereld goedkope producten van landbouw, mijnbouw en kleine ambachtelijke nijverheid aan de rijke landen. Zij zijn voor de import van dure producten die berusten op een nieuwe industriële technologie afhankelijk van de rijke landen in het noorden. Dat maakt deze landen in extreme mate afhankelijk van import en export en heeft een voor hen zeer ongunstige handelsbalans tot gevolg. Deze verdeling leidt voor de Derde Wereld, net als in de tijd toen Europese landen met militaire dwang de bestuursmacht uitoefenden, nog steeds tot permanente armoede en achterstand.

Het is dan ook heel goed te begrijpen dat de regeringen in die landen dachten dat elke nieuwe industrie in hun voordeel was, in het bijzonder grootschalige industrie op het gebied van metaal en chemie. Voor dit soort industrie waren deze landen in het verleden niet aantrekkelijk, niet alleen omdat de werknemers nog onvoldoende geschoold waren, maar vooral omdat de afnemers zich voornamelijk in rijkere delen van de wereld bevonden en transport van een gereed eindproduct duur was. De enige industrie die ontstond, kwam voort uit staatsbedrijven of bediende uitsluitend de lokale markt en de toeristen.

De behoefte in die landen aan een sterkere industrie werd en wordt misbruikt door industriële bedrijven uit het rijke noorden, want deze bedrijven willen wel expansie, maar als afzetgebied zijn de zuidelijke landen nog steeds niet erg belangrijk zolang de koopkracht er gering is. Investeringen in het zuiden worden voor hen echter wel aantrekkelijk als de lonen laag zijn en vooral als de milieu- en veiligheidseisen er beneden de maat zijn of zeer slecht worden gecontroleerd. Dat maakt het mogelijk dat er rampen ontstaan waarbij veel mensen ongeneeslijk ziek worden of het leven verliezen. Dat gevaar bedreigt niet alleen de werknemers in die bedrijven, maar ook de omwonenden. Als er rampen gebeuren, willen bedrijven daar niet de kosten van dragen. De gasexplosie van twintig jaar geleden in Bhopal en de afhandeling daarvan heeft daar alles mee te maken.

Union Carbide, Dow Chemical en de Indiase regering willen niet voldoende betalen voor ruim de 20.000 doden, voor de meer dan 100.000 levenslang beschadigde mensen en voor het opruimen van de verontreiniging van bodem en grondwater. Dat moet worden opgelost, en een dergelijke ramp mag nooit opnieuw plaatsvinden. Laten wij in Europa onze verantwoordelijkheid nemen, indien nodig meebetalen en vooral regelen dat bedrijven vanuit Europa dit soort fouten niet herhalen.

 
  
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  Romeva i Rueda (Verts/ALE). Señor Presidente, veinte años después de la fuga de gas tóxico en una planta de fertilizantes de Union Carbide Corporation, en Bhopal, los efectos nocivos y la contaminación medioambiental continúan hoy afectando la vida de miles de personas.

En la noche del 2 al 3 de diciembre de 1984, más de 7 000 personas murieron debido a esta fuga de gas, pero los efectos del accidente han causado desde entonces la muerte de otras 15 000 personas y siguen causando enfermedades crónicas a más de 100 000 personas.

Ni el Gobierno de la India, ni las empresas Union Carbide o Dow Chemical, la actual empresa propietaria de la planta de fertilizantes, se han responsabilizado del impacto del accidente en la vida de miles de personas y del medio ambiente.

Es preciso, tal y como recoge la resolución que hoy votamos, que se lleve a cabo una investigación independiente sobre la situación actual de Bhopal, que podría efectuarse bajo los auspicios de la Comisión de Derechos Humanos de las Naciones Unidas, con la intervención de expertos, para examinar, en visitas a la India, las consecuencias de las actividades de Union Carbide y del desastre de Bhopal para la contaminación de las aguas subterráneas y el medio ambiente, y, por consiguiente, para los derechos humanos de las zonas y de las comunidades afectadas.

Pero, además, el triste caso de Bhopal pone de manifiesto cómo, en un contexto de globalización económica, urge exigir a las empresas que cumplan con las mismas responsabilidades que los Estados, que sean sujeto de los tratados y convenios internacionales y que se evalúe su impacto, tanto en el respeto de los derechos humanos como en situaciones de conflicto armado y de tensión.

En este sentido van las enmiendas que hemos presentado el grupo de los Verdes. Les pido por favor que las lean con cuidado para poder valorar su votación afirmativa o no, haciéndome eco además de la propuesta de la Escuela de Cultura de Paz de la Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona, quiero desde aquí instar a la Cámara -y también a la Unión Europea- a promover el día 3 de diciembre como día internacional de la responsabilidad empresarial y los derechos humanos para que las empresas se comprometan con la promoción y la protección de los derechos humanos en todo el mundo.

Esta fecha conmemorativa debería servir para que todos los actores internacionales - Estados, organismos internacionales y sociedad civil, pero especialmente las empresas- reflexionen sobre la responsabilidad común que tienen para construir un mundo más justo y más sostenible.

 
  
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  Bowis (PPE-DE). Mr President, if you go to Bhopal today – not 20 years ago, but today – you will see thousands of tonnes of toxic waste in piles, pools of mercury, skips of poisoned waste and bags of chemicals lying in the open air, seeping, whenever the rains come, into the puddles, streams and groundwater; and you will see people suffering because they drink that water. They suffer from pains in the stomach, headaches, anaemia and gynaecological problems because they have no alternative but to drink from those wells.

That is the problem we are facing in Bhopal today, and we are facing it 20 years after that catastrophe, when so many people died. The figures range from 3 000 to 7 000 on one night; 15 000 later on and 100 000 people still suffering from debilitating diseases. We are talking about 15 years after the settlement which gave US$500 million to the Indian Government to disburse for compensation and rectification of that landscape. It is still a picture of desolation and danger for those people.

We in this Parliament do not do well when we seek to be judge and jury in these cases. That is why I cannot accept the Green amendments that have been referred to. The motion itself stands well because it calls on the European Union to work with the Government of India to use the money that is available to make sure that there is a clean-up of those sites, treatment of affected people and compensation to those affected; and now, not in another 20 years. That is our message to all those affected: to the European Union; to the Indian Government; by all means, to Dow Chemicals and its responsibilities and to the courts which will be looking at that. But today we seek justice for those people and renovation of the environment in that part of the world and the health of its people.

 
  
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  Mann, Thomas (PPE-DE), im Namen der Fraktion. Herr Präsident! Ich freue mich, direkt nach John Bowis reden zu können, der auf eindrucksvolle Art gezeigt hat, wo wir uns befinden 20 Jahre nach dem 3. Dezember 1984 mit den 35 Tonnen hochgiftigen Gasgemisches, den 7.000 Menschen, die an Atemlähmung und Herzstillstand starben. Und heute sind es etwa 25.000, die als Opfer des größten Chemieunfalls in der Geschichte beklagt werden. Rund 500.000 Menschen leiden dauerhaft an diesen Behinderungen.

Was aber wurde getan für die Betroffenen? Die Recherchen haben deutlich ergeben, vor 15 Jahren gab es einen Schadensersatz von 470 Millionen US-Dollar, ausgehandelt zwischen Union Carbide und der indischen Regierung. Bisher haben die 100.000 offiziell registrierten Leidtragenden jeweils 300 Dollar bekommen. Es gibt 2.500 Häuser für Witwen, es gibt sieben Krankenhäuser, es gibt viele Einrichtungen, die gebaut wurden. Aber was ist geschehen mit den anderen ungefähr 400 Millionen US-Dollar? Frau Gill, da muss man wirklich die Frage nach der Schuld stellen. Der Boden ist immer noch kontaminiert. Das Grundwasser ist verseucht, nachhaltig verseucht mit Quecksilber. Giftige Rückstände werden offen gelagert. Kein Wunder, dass Situationen, wie sie schon John Bowis geschildert hat, entstehen: chronische Leiden, Hirnschäden, Missgeburten. Der indische Premierminister Singh muss sich dafür einsetzen, dass die medizinische Versorgung der Betroffenen wesentlich verbessert wird. Und die Regierung sollte dem Urteil des obersten Gerichtshofes folgen, endlich den Fonds freizugeben, damit Entschädigungsgelder restlos ausgezahlt werden können. Noch immer produzieren viele chemische Unternehmen in Indien und auch in anderen Teilen der Welt mit Arbeitsstandards und Umweltstandards weit unter dem, die in der Europäischen Union oder in den USA gelten.

Ich bin Berichterstatter für das Programm REACH im Ausschuss für Beschäftigung und soziale Angelegenheiten und ich kann nur die Forderung aus dem Arbeitspapier wiederholen: Wir brauchen eine Regelung der Europäischen Union, aber genauso eine Regelung auf der Ebene der WTO-Standards, damit wir Vergleichbarkeit erreichen können. Wer nur nach Profitsteigerung giert und deshalb ausnahmslos niedrigste Umweltauflagen zulässt, der nimmt billigend in Kauf, dass uns eines Tages ein zweites Bhopal droht, und das kann sich keiner leisten.

 
  
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  Μπεγλίτης (PSE), εξ ονόματος της ομάδας. Κύριε Πρόεδρε, συμπληρώνονται είκοσι χρόνια από την τραγωδία του Μποπάλ στην Ινδία με τις τεράστιες ανθρωπιστικές και οικολογικές συνέπειες και πιστεύω ότι είναι ιδιαίτερα σημαντική η πρωτοβουλία των πολιτικών ομάδων για τη υιοθέτηση ψηφίσματος από την ολομέλεια του Ευρωπαϊκού Κοινοβουλίου.

Όμως, κύριε Πρόεδρε, δεν αρκεί μόνο η ενεργοποίηση της μνήμης, δεν αρκεί μόνο η καταγγελία της ασύδοτης πολλές φορές λειτουργίας των πολυεθνικών εταιριών στις αναπτυσσόμενες χώρες, δεν αρκεί μόνο η εκδήλωση της ανθρωπιστικής μας ευαισθησίας με λόγια. Μια τέτοια τραγωδία μπορεί να τη ζήσουν και πάλι οι άνθρωποι σε κάποιο άλλο μέρος του κόσμου εάν δεν υπάρξει διεθνής κινητοποίηση για τη διαμόρφωση διεθνών μηχανισμών ελέγχου της λειτουργίας των πολυεθνικών εταιριών, για την προστασία του περιβάλλοντος, για την προστασία των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων και των δικαιωμάτων των εργαζομένων.

Και εδώ, ο ρόλος της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης στο πλαίσιο του ΟΗΕ και στο πλαίσιο των άλλων διεθνών οργανισμών μπορεί να είναι περισσότερο αποτελεσματικός. Το σχέδιο ψηφίσματος, κύριε Πρόεδρε, καταγράφει τα προβλήματα που συνεχίζουν να υφίστανται και πολλοί συνάδελφοι μίλησαν γι' αυτά στην ευρύτερη περιοχή του Μποπάλ. Κατά τη γνώμη μου όμως, δεν αποτυπώνει με πληρότητα τις προσπάθειες που έχουν καταβάλει οι ομοσπονδιακές και οι περιφερειακές αρχές της Ινδίας όλα αυτά τα τελευταία χρόνια στους τομείς της ιατρικής, της οικονομικής, της κοινωνικής και της περιβαλλοντικής αποκατάστασης. Και έχουν υλοποιηθεί σημαντικές πολιτικές τις οποίες δεν πρέπει να παραγνωρίζουμε.

Τελειώνοντας, κύριε Πρόεδρε, θεωρώ ότι ο καλύτερος τρόπος να εκφράσουμε τη συμπάθειά μας στα θύματα και στις οικογένειές τους, είναι να αναλάβει πρωτοβουλίες η Ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή σε συνεργασία με τον Παγκόσμιο Οργανισμό Υγείας για την υλοποίηση προγραμμάτων ιατρικής και περιβαλλοντικής αποκατάστασης.

 
  
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  Czarnecki, Ryszard (NI). Panie Przewodniczący, Pani Komisarz, Panie i Panowie, gratuluję Pani Komisarz objęcia stanowiska i życzę powodzenia.

Ernest Hemingway radził „Nie pytaj komu bije dzwon, bije on tobie”. To dobrze, że Parlament Europejski zajmuje się tymi regionami świata, które są odległe od Europy i robi to niezależnie od wymogów interesu politycznego. Bowiem z jednej strony Unia Europejska deklaruje strategiczne partnerstwo z Indiami, a z drugiej strony w rezolucji naszego Parlamentu stwierdza, że - cytuję - „rząd indyjski niewiele uczynił dla ochrony ludności w kontekście skutków katastrofy w Bhopal”. Mówimy słusznie o zaniedbaniach władzy w Indiach, ale powiedzmy też mocno o odpowiedzialności amerykańskiego koncernu, który zaprezentował dziki dziewiętnastowieczny kapitalizm, nie przestrzegając nawet części warunków bezpieczeństwa, które były dogmatem w USA. Przypomnijmy liczby: 7 tysięcy zabitych bezpośrednio po katastrofie, w ciągu 20 lat po niej zmarło do 30 tysięcy ludzi, ponad 100 tysięcy choruje do tej pory. Statystyka oczywiście nie oddaje ludzkiego cierpienia, liczby tylko przesłaniają ból i łzy.

Bhopal musi być przestrogą: dla rządów, aby tworzyły systemy ratownicze i nie zostawiały ludzi samych, dla międzynarodowych koncernów, aby chęć zysku nie zastępowała bezpieczeństwa, dla struktur i organizacji międzynarodowych, aby wspierać regiony dotknięte katastrofami. I kończąc, Panie Przewodniczący, także dla nas, by rozliczać z tej pomocy tych, którzy ją od nas lub kogokolwiek przyjmują.

 
  
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  Grybauskaitė, Commission. Mr President, the Commission welcomes Parliament's initiative to launch an urgent debate on this issue. It is an important opportunity for us to reflect on the way in which we can offer help to the victims and how to prevent that set of disasters from occurring in future. Let me assure Parliament that the Commission has been ready to support India in dealing with this tragedy and will do so in the future.

Through our decentralised cooperation budget line, we have supported local non-governmental organisations in Bhopal with rehabilitation and skills training for victims of the disaster, as well as giving support to women’s self-help groups.

Through our Health and Family Welfare Programme, we have supported the Bhopal District Hospital, as well as patient welfare societies of district hospitals and community centres in the region. Special assistance was given to the Municipal Corporation of Bhopal for the preparation of an urban reproductive and child health plan.

In addition, the Commission has provided a grant of EUR 10 million for the funding of the Government of India's National Disaster Risk Management Programme.

At the recent EU-India summit held in The Hague, India reconfirmed its interest in pursuing an environment dialogue with the European Union and proposed the organisation of an EU-India environment forum. This forum will be a first step in tackling the enormous environmental problems that threaten both India and the European Union.

Let me finish by expressing our deepest sympathy for all the victims and our firm hope that such a catastrophe will never occur again.

 
  
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  El Presidente. Gracias, señora Comisaria.

Procedemos a la votación de estas propuestas de resolución.

Queda cerrado el debate.

 
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