Verbatim report of proceedings

Wednesday, 6 July 2005 - Strasbourg

2. EU/Iraq - A framework for engagement

  President. The next item is the debate on the report by Mr Dimitrakopoulos, on behalf of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, on the European Union and Iraq - A framework for engagement [2004/2168(INI)] (A6-0198/2005).

  Giorgos Dimitrakopoulos (PPE-DE), rapporteur. – (EL) Mr President-in-Office of the Council, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, I should like to start by expressing my thanks to my honourable friends in the Committee on Foreign Affairs for their cooperation, which means that today you have before you a report which, I believe, is an integrated report laying down certain substantial guidelines on how relations between the European Union and Iraq need to move in future.

Without doubt, since combat operations ended, the situation in Iraq has been difficult and, unfortunately, is deteriorating by the day. Thus, the first comment I have to make concerns the security situation, the most important problem identified in Iraq today. It is important not only because it costs thousands of human lives every day, but also because nothing else can be done unless the security problem is addressed.

Of course, this conclusion is not enough. Very specific measures also need to be taken. One of these is, of course, the restoration of the Iraqi security forces and, on the other hand, the restoration of the Iraqi army, which is no easy matter. At the same time, as certain security problems are caused by the presence there of foreign military forces, I consider that replacing the military forces with a UN peace force would be an important step. This is one of the basic proposals in my report. Of course, it is something which cannot be achieved in 48 hours; of course, it is a decision which requires debate; of course, it is a decision which must be based on a UN Security Council resolution. However, in my opinion, it is necessary.

The third comment I have to make concerns reconstruction. Following the war, Iraq is a country in which the entire social fabric has broken down. Thus, reconstruction must not be examined as a mere logistical construction process; there is, of course, the question of construction, but there is also the question of reshaping and orientating a society, and reshaping and orientating a society includes political, economic, social and cultural issues.

The epicentre of the overall reconstruction process is, without doubt, a procedure which has just started, by which I mean the drafting of the new constitution. It is clear – and it must be clear to all of us – that the future of Iraq is primarily in the hands of the Iraqi people, and that is how it should be. On the other hand, however, it is very important for the European Union, with its tradition of democracy, to propose – through the procedure to draft the constitution of course – that care be taken to ensure that there will be a democratic, progressive society, with social awareness; a society which reflects the pluralism of Iraq.

Finally, and this is my last point, the presence of the European Union both in the reconstruction and in the entire course of events of Iraq, which is a country with an important history, is something for which provision is made in this report and something which should be supported.

(Applause)

  Jack Straw, President-in-Office of the Council. Mr President, it is a very great honour for me to be here today. It is the first occasion on which I have addressed this great body. Thank you very much for the opportunity to do so, first to make a brief speech now in respect of Iraq and later in the morning at greater length on Africa and globalisation.

I begin by thanking the Committee on Foreign Affairs, particularly its chairman, Mr Dimitrakopoulos, for its report and for the presentation this morning. Apologies for my pronunciation. I did Ancient Greek at school, but of course that was written rather than oral. The disagreements within the European Union over military action against Saddam's regime in Iraq are a matter of record and we all acknowledge that strongly held views remain on both sides. Given the strength of feeling, I am particularly grateful to your Committee for the way in which it has looked forward for a future for Iraq rather than backwards to rehearse the arguments over it.

Since the end of military action, the European Union has recognised its strong and common interest in supporting the new Iraq that is now emerging. I think we all condemn those who want to determine Iraq's future through extremism and violence. We condemn all killings and kidnappings, but, given the nature of this body, we particularly condemn the recent kidnapping of the Egyptian Ambassador in Iraq, Mr Ihab al-Sherif, and the attacks on other diplomats from Arab countries.

We are determined to see the success of a peaceful, stable and democratic Iraq, which responds to the needs of all its citizens. Just over a year ago, the European Council endorsed the Commission's communication setting out medium-term objectives for the development of the EU's relationship with Iraq. That strategy is bearing fruit.

Last November, the Council presented a package of European Union assistance to Iraq's then Prime Minister, Dr Allawi. That included a longer-term commitment to starting negotiations on a third country agreement and to promoting EU trade and political cooperation with Iraq; a reminder of the Commission's offer to implement the generalised system of preferences and financial support. Experts from the Commission worked with the United Nations and the Independent Electoral Commission of Iraq, and helped to make a success of Iraq's first democratic elections on 30 January this year. Several Members of the European Parliament also observed those elections.

The General Affairs and External Relations Council in February agreed to build on this package of assistance with further support for Iraq's political process, including the drafting of a new constitution. It agreed on a new Community aid package of EUR 200 million and the launch of an EU integrated Rule of Law and Police Training Mission for Iraq with offices in Baghdad and Brussels. That mission began training Iraqi police, judiciary and penitentiary officials yesterday and is making a valuable contribution to the Iraqi Government's efforts to increase its authority and to entrench the rule of law.

Overall, the European Union is today delivering an impressive and comprehensive programme of assistance to the Government and people of Iraq as they seek to build a peaceful and democratic future. Last month, along with Commissioner Ferrero-Waldner, the High Representative, Javier Solana, and the President of the General Affairs Council, Jean Asselborn, I visited Baghdad. In my view, and I hope Commissioner Ferrero-Waldner shares this view, it was a very important visit, symbolising the European Union's commitment to the new Iraq.

There the Commissioner reiterated the Commission's intention to open an office in Baghdad as soon as possible, so as to strengthen the EU's dialogue and technical assistance. At the International Conference on Iraq in Brussels a fortnight ago, hosted jointly by the United States and the European Union, representatives from 87 countries and international organisations gave a similar and strong message of support to the new Iraq.

Let me just respond in opening to one absolutely key point. I will make my first apology for referring to the rapporteur as the chairman. If this is regarded as a slight on my very good friend Elmar Brok, the chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee, I apologise to him too. Mr Dimitrakopoulos rightly said that the security situation was the key to everything else and the security situation is serious. There is no disguising that. He also intimated that the sooner the Iraqis were able to take control of their own security the better. Let me say, as one of what were the two formal occupying powers in Iraq, the United States and the United Kingdom, and someone with his own personal responsibility for the war, we share this aspiration. Leave aside the arguments of the past. All of us believe that the quicker the Iraqis are able to take responsibility for their own security the better and the quicker the coalition forces will then be able to leave.

The security situation is poor. The better news is the increase in the training and ability of the Iraqi security forces. Now there are 168 000 individuals in the Iraqi security forces overall. More and more of them have a proper capability and are being used. We are well aware that under Security Council Resolution 1546 the mandate for the foreign forces in Iraq will come to an end in December this year, unless it is renewed in some way, and that in any event, as 1546 makes clear, we the coalition forces are only there at the invitation of the Iraqi Government. Were the Iraqi government to ask us to leave, we would leave immediately.

On the issue of whether there could be a United Nations 'blue-hatted' force, I have no difficulty with that in principle. The only issue is encouraging other countries to come forward. Whether we can achieve that remains to be seen. However, on the overall objective of coalition forces being reduced and then leaving and the Iraqis taking full control for themselves, we are absolutely in agreement.

To sum up, the United Kingdom will look during its presidency to pursue a growing relationship between the EU and Iraq, building on what we have already achieved. I welcome the Committee's endorsement of the goal and particularly their call for the Commission to open its office in Baghdad and for the EU to send an observer mission to the elections to be held in Iraq in December.

I greatly welcome the Committee's suggestion that the European Parliament should build on its relationship with the Iraqi Transitional National Assembly.

I look forward to today's debate

  Benita Ferrero-Waldner, Member of the Commission. Mr President, I should like to start by welcoming Mr Straw to the Presidency. I congratulate Mr Dimitrakopoulos warmly on his report. It is an excellent and timely report and gives us a good opportunity for an update on the intensive developments over the last few months. Iraq is still a huge and multiple challenge to all of us. It really is ‘work in progress’ and we have a lot to do there.

Significant events have taken place, one of which was the troika visit to Iraq on 9 June, because we, the 25, showed that we are all united now in reconstructing and assisting Iraq. It was not easy, because there have been times when we have not been united. It was also very well received by the Iraqis themselves.

I also think it was very important that we had the international conference in Brussels. Many members of the Iraqi Government were present and they were able to present their ideas and wishes and suggest where we could assist them. The deplorable abduction of the Egyptian diplomat and other recent kidnappings have driven home to all of us the conditions under which people are living.

I decided, therefore, that the Commission should also have a presence in Baghdad and, as Mr Straw has already mentioned, we will be setting up a delegation. We will, of course, do that under the protection of the British and we hope that safety can be guaranteed as far as possible. We know it is not an easy undertaking, but I think it is important that politically we also show our flag and help the Iraqi people.

The situation in that country is still very difficult and I agree with Mr Dimitrakopoulos that ensuring military and civilian security must be the main priority of the new Iraqi administration. The only way to establish security is to address the underlying causes of the violent attacks by some sections of the Iraqi population. I see two concrete prerequisites for this. The first is an inclusive and broad-based constitution and the second is an environment in which reconstruction can bring visible improvements to the daily lives of the Iraqi people. I would even add that, thirdly, it is very important that neighbouring countries also contribute to more unity in the country and less conflict.

I shall say a few words about the new constitution. This must represent the interests of all Iraqis and was a central topic of our Iraq Conference in Brussels. It must be a product of inclusive, broad-based consultation and all Iraqis must feel it belongs to them, can protect them and guarantee their rights. The inclusion of Sunnis in the main drafting body is therefore a promising start, but, as we know, the process will not be easy. We in Europe know from our recent experience the myriad difficulties a constitution can pose and, by the way, we also discussed that very frankly with the Iraqis.

We are also ready to offer technical expertise if requested. We already provided technical expertise in the last elections, especially for the United Nations, and we have said that we will assist the United Nations experts again this time, especially with funding, but also by providing some of our own experts. Of course that always depends on whether the Iraqis want us to help.

We rely very much on the United Nations to advise the Iraqis on compliance with the principles of international law. Once the Constitution has been drafted and elections are scheduled, we also intend in principle to offer the Iraqis an election observation mission to oversee them, but it depends on the security situation. We have not yet taken a final decision on that.

The Iraqi people need to see concrete improvements in their everyday lives. Since 2003 we in the Commission have been working on health, education, basic needs, sanitation and water, and also on creating jobs, because what is most important is that people themselves are able to feed their families. Of the EUR 200 million committed we will soon have finalised EUR 145 million, to be channelled through the World Bank’s International Reconstruction Fund Facility for Iraq to meet basic needs.

The forthcoming donor conference in Amman will then offer an opportunity for the Iraqis themselves to take the lead, based on the last conference in Brussels, in setting up a real donor coordination mechanism. They already announced it at the conference and we would like to work with them.

In addition to reconstruction aid, the international community also needs to do more to reduce or reschedule Iraq’s debts. The Commission will be pushing EU Member States on this, because we think it is fundamental.

It is a prerequisite that neighbouring countries especially contribute more and more, because they will really play a central role in shifting the balance in the region. These countries need the assistance and cooperation of their neighbours. The neighbours have made this commitment in principle, but now we have to see whether it can be put into practice.

Iraq is an extraordinary country with a great but turbulent past. It is now the inspiration for a new era of international cooperation. We know that the agenda that we have set out is very ambitious, but I think we can deliver if we just stay the course. The Iraqi people have shown tremendous courage and resilience, particularly in turning out in such large numbers to vote, but also in their everyday lives against a background of violence and intimidation. They deserve compassion, but also solidarity and financial and other assistance. That is what we have to do on moral and also political grounds.

(Applause)

  President. I can inform the Council and the Commission that Parliament offers courses in modern Greek, if needed, in order to help with the pronunciation of Mr Dimitrakopoulos’s name.

  Luisa Morgantini (GUE/NGL), draftsman of the opinion of the Committee on Development. – (IT) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, I find myself in the slightly ridiculous position of being the only person to have abstained from the opinion issued by the Committee on Development. There were no votes against the opinion. To be quite frank, my abstention was the result of the rejection of two paragraphs that I consider important, namely the reference to the military occupation and to the rejection of the war with the resulting withdrawal of occupation troops, as well as the criticism of the rule and the loss of economic sovereignty connected with Ambassador Bremer’s corrupt and negative management.

Mr Straw, the present is a consequence of the past. The deaths occurring daily and the killing of Mr Calipari, the secret agent, bear witness to this fact.

Yesterday, representatives of Iraqi civil society were received; they are present in the Chamber today and I welcome them with great respect. These are people who live in insecurity every day, but who do not give up on their commitment to fight for an Iraq free of the military occupation, terrorism and armed resistance. They live in Fallujah, Basra and Baghdad, they believe in justice and democratic participation by the people and they were victims of Saddam Hussein’s dictatorship.

Yesterday, I realised how important it is to give these people power. As our opinion states, it is necessary for the reconstruction process to provide for their involvement and financial support for their projects.

Our opinion also strongly emphasises the promotion of development measures in favour of women, who must acquire and not lose rights, and of children traumatised by the dictatorship, the embargo and the war, as well as measures designed to help the country to clear the mines and cluster-bombs and to place control and reconstruction projects back in the hands of the Iraqi authorities.

Our opinion also calls for the involvement of the United Nations. Above all, it calls for respect for human rights, which have been tragically and shamefully violated, and a continued commitment by the European Union through its presence in Iraq, as the Council and the Commission have also called for here.

Finally, since the time available to me has ended, I urge that the debt cancellation that Commissioner Waldner believes necessary should not be considered a substitute for aid.

  Daniel Caspary (PPE-DE), draftsman of the opinion of the Committee on International Trade. – (DE) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, after years of oppression and deprivation of freedom, and the prevailing difficulties notwithstanding, the people of Iraq now have a chance of a peaceful and free future. It is an opportunity we must do everything in our power to seize.

What does this mean in terms of trade policy?

Firstly, my committee welcomes the strategy proposed by the Commission for involvement in Iraq, calling on all parties to help transform the country into a diversified market economy.

Secondly, Iraq’s planned accession to the WTO is a crucial step in integrating the country into the global economy, although the economic and administrative structures for this have yet to be created.

Thirdly, reconstruction must involve a leading and coordinating role for the United Nations.

Fourthly, Iraq possesses many natural resources, particularly its reserves of oil. It is not least in our interest that the trade in oil and natural gas be resumed; as it will help secure our energy supplies to a considerable degree, it is important to both sides that legislation be approximated in the energy sector, too, and that adequate conditions under which investment can take place be established. It has to be said, though, that sustainable reconstruction is inconceivable if the proceeds are not reinvested in Iraq.

Fifthly, as regards international financial aid or the cancellation of debt, there must be close cooperation between the partners involved.

There also – and this is my sixth point – needs to be close cooperation between Iraq and its neighbours, on which the development of a favourable investment climate across the region as a whole depends.

I will conclude by thanking the members of the lead committee, the Committee on Foreign Affairs, for adopting our opinion with scarcely any reservations.

The window of opportunity that we have for change in Iraq will not be open for ever. Let us make good use of it for the people’s benefit!

  José Ignacio Salafranca Sánchez-Neyra, on behalf of the PPE-DE Group. – (ES) Mr President, I would like firstly to congratulate Mr Dimitrakopoulos on the excellent work he has done on Iraq, a tough, complex and difficult issue, as we can see from the events that have taken place recently: the murder of more than 40 people this weekend, the kidnap of the head of the Egyptian diplomatic mission in the street in broad daylight, the standstill in oil production and the spectacular increase in violence over the last year.

Nevertheless, Mr President, I believe that the task of rehabilitation, reconstruction, democratisation and pacification of Iraq is not a task that should fall to the countries most closely involved — and I can see Minister Straw, who is with us today, and we welcome him as well — but rather it is a task that should fall to the whole of the international democratic community.

The European Union must give decisive support to the tasks required in Iraq at the moment: a Constitution that will have to provide a prudent and sensible balance in terms of the nationalist and religious factors, the holding of new elections, the establishment of a new government and the trial of Saddam Hussein. And all of this, Mr President, must accommodate the Sunni community and allow it greater participation in the structures of power.

If I had to emphasise one aspect of Mr Dimitrakopoulos’s report, it would be that it looks to the future, because the future cannot be built solely by talking in the past tense. If we do not have a clear view of our ambitions and our projects for that country, we will not be able to build the future and we will not be able to understand the past.

It is therefore very important, Mr President, for the European Union to clearly promote peace, understanding, concord and reconciliation in that country, as Commissioner Ferrero-Waldner has said and as the President-in-Office of the Council of Ministers of the European Union has also told us. But I believe, Mr President, that we will have to try, amongst all of us, to turn the discords of the past into the harmonies of the present, as suggested by the rapporteur, Mr Dimitrakopoulos.

  Véronique De Keyser, on behalf of the PSE Group. – (FR) Mr President, I have been told that the page must be turned. I am turning it. I shall not speak about the mass graves in Fallujah. I shall not speak about the dozens of people killed each day. I shall not give any figures. I shall not speak of the ghetto to which foreign nationals are confined. I shall not speak of the journalists who have been kidnapped or of my Iraqi friends who have been murdered. I shall not speak of this chaotic, free Iraq which often seems like hell. I shall not speak of the appalling corruption and the misappropriation of oil revenue. Above all, I shall not say that this war has been a tragic mistake from beginning to end. I am turning the page.

Do not ask me, however, to say that all those Iraqis who are resisting have become terrorists. Yes, alas, there are terrorists, but there is also a popular uprising. Do not ask me to shut my eyes to the appalling management of the conflict when even Bush himself is coming under attack for this within his own party. Do not ask me to hide the fact that European Union money is lying unspent in Mr Wolfowitz’s World Bank Trust Fund, despite the call made by the European Parliament, in its resolution of September 2003, for all of its donations to be managed by the United Nations. You have been an excellent rapporteur, Mr Dimitrakopoulos, but do not ask me to give yet more ground and forget our Amendments 11, 12 and 13. That is our bottom line.

Why? Quite simply because the Iraqis are watching us and reading us and because they expect from Europe not only hope but also truth. Commissioner, your words were well chosen and full of compassion and we support you. We want to rebuild Iraq, but with the Iraqis, for the Iraqis and for them alone.

  Cecilia Malmström, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – (SV) Mr President, Commissioner, Foreign Secretary Straw, on behalf of the Group of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe, I wish to welcome you here and wish you good luck with your work.

Scarcely a day goes by without new attacks in Iraq being reported. Suicide attacks, acts of terrorism, kidnappings and other outrages directed against Iraqi and foreign civilians, journalists and soldiers are unfortunately now becoming everyday fare. Most of us only need see it on TV, but the Iraqi people are living in the middle of this situation. It is a priority task for the whole of the world community to support the Iraqi authorities in bringing the violence to an end, rebuilding the country and introducing democracy, peace and stability. Europe has a big responsibility to support this process through its presence and through money, trade, aid and all other possible forms of help, for example police training and training in the holding of elections.

We have had many harsh exchanges in this House about the American invasion, but we must look to the future now. On behalf of my group, I wish to congratulate the rapporteur, Mr Dimitrakopoulos, for his work on the report and for trying to be so constructive and forward-looking. We do not need to dig ourselves into trenches. We do not need to harp on what is past. I wish to appeal to all the groups to try to look forwards.

To demand now that all the troops be withdrawn would be a disaster for the Iraqi people. More people are needed in Iraq, and we genuinely support the call to try to bring about a UN-led force with a European presence, if that is possible.

The Iraqi people are courageous and patient. They showed this during the election, and they show it every day. With its constitution, the Iraqi Government has ambitious goals. We naturally support the work on creating democratic institutions, strong protection for women and minorities and support for a society founded on the rule of law. We would also appeal to Iraq to abolish the death penalty in the longer term.

If required, the EU can help in making expertise in constitutional work available. The road towards democracy and security is difficult and long. Success would turn Iraq into a fantastic model for the whole region, but that will require increased aid from Europe and from ourselves here in the European Parliament, involving contact with the elected Iraqi Members of Parliament.

  Joost Lagendijk, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – (NL) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, I will start by congratulating the rapporteur on his report’s strong points, for example, the replacement of American and British troops by UN security troops, which will, in time, improve the security situation to a vast degree. I think the rapporteur is right, and I would like to urge Mr Straw to show more commitment in this area, not only telling this House that he is in agreement, but also, among other things, by adopting a tougher line in the Security Council.

Another strong point is the need for national reconciliation and for no crime to go unpunished. I appreciate the fact that, in his report, the rapporteur refers to a number of positive developments in Iraq, including the elections in January 2005. Having said that, there are two important failings in the report that I would like to mention.

The first one is the deteriorating security situation. Although this will, in time, be improved by troop replacements, at the moment, the speed at which things are being done is simply too slow and the direction too unclear. I am entirely convinced that there will be no fundamental improvement in the security situation without a more radical and a more rapid transfer of powers.

Secondly, I simply have to return to the issue of the ambiguity surrounding the start of the war, particularly in the first recitals. Like the rapporteur, I believe that both the European Union and this House will need to focus on the future and future cooperation between the European Union and Iraq, but not even in this House can there be any effective and concerted action without an objective assessment of the past. That is why my group has tabled a number of amendments that underline this, addressing, among other things, the lack of legitimisation by the UN. The overwhelming majority of my group will not vote to endorse the report unless those amendments are adopted.

If we do not learn from past mistakes, we risk repeating them, and that is something we should avoid at all costs.

  Francis Wurtz, on behalf of the GUE/NGL Group. – (FR) Mr President, Commissioner, Mr President-in-Office of the Council, the report that has been submitted to us on the European Union’s engagement in Iraq states, as early as its first paragraph, and I quote, that we ‘need to move on from past events and to look towards the future’. In other words, keep mum about the war, those responsible for it and its consequences. This approach seems to me to be ethically irresponsible, politically suspect and strategically unrealistic.

It is ethically irresponsible. What right do we have to write off the unspeakable suffering that this war has already brought to the Iraqi people: the 100 000 innocent victims, the destruction, the total lack of security, the deprivations and the humiliation of the occupation? Let us remember once again that this war was started against the wishes of the international community and on the basis of a twofold lie: that there were weapons of mass destruction in Iraq and that Al-Qaeda had been in the country before 2003. We can no longer regard as insignificant the legitimate anger of many Americans, British and others towards their leaders, whom they do not intend to forgive for deceiving them and drawing them into this bloody and inglorious venture.

Covering up the origins of the present fiasco would also be politically suspect. The current leaders of the Commission and the Council are precisely those who were among the most ardent supporters of the American President. Let us imagine that the vagaries of scheduling had forced the recent transatlantic summit to be put back by two weeks. We should have had a startling photo of the meeting: Mr Bush, Mr Blair and Mr Barroso, almost a repeat of the Azores Summit of 2003. Would they then have had nothing to say to us about their assessment of the consequences for Europe of the decisions they took then and the lessons that they have now learned? It would be too easy, Mr Straw, to welcome the new spirit only, in so doing, to pay off such a heavy liability. Far from eradicating terrorism, this war has transformed Iraq, according to the CIA itself – and I quote – into a terrorist laboratory where the Jihadists come to train in urban warfare, and this for maybe another twelve years, according to Mr Rumsfeld. You owe us some explanations!

Finally, I believe that it is unrealistic to believe in the lasting success of a political solution in Iraq, which would save us from condemning this war. Neither Europe nor the United Nations has the authority to provide back-up troops for occupiers in difficulties. Now is the time to send this entire battered region some strong political signals, such as a decision to proscribe all recourse to war in future as a way of resolving the world’s problems, or the implementation of the Quartet’s commitments, that have never been kept, to restore the fundamental rights of the Palestinian people, or substantial aid for the creation of civil society – and I salute the representatives of civil society who were welcomed by my group yesterday – and a totally free and sovereign authority in Iraq. Mr President, we are told that Europe urgently needs to engage in a major project and this is one!

  Bastiaan Belder, on behalf of the IND/DEM Group. – (NL) Mr President, among the elements slowing down Iraq’s reconstruction are the ongoing suicide attacks. The European institutions can make a substantial contribution to keeping this almost exclusively Arabic jihadism under control. How? By finally giving Iraq’s closest neighbour, Syria, a clear warning, because to date, Syria has acted as the perfect springboard for Islamic terrorists from Mesopotamia. What I would say to both the Council and Commission is that we cannot, surely, under these circumstances, entertain the idea of an association agreement with Damascus. Moreover, I would like the Council to tell us to what extent Al-Qaeda jihadists are being recruited from within the European Union, and to what extent terrorism against Iraq is being funded by mosques based in Europe.

Although Mr Dimitrakopoulos, in his report, fails to spell out the disruptive Arab influence on Iraq’s general reconstruction process, I do welcome his unambiguous request to the Commission for a meticulous justification of all EU projects in Iraq. Indeed, that is something that taxpayers in the EU Member States have every right to have at their disposal. Mr Dimitrakopoulos does, however, address another, second, obstacle to Iraq’s reconstruction in the shape of the widespread evil of corruption within that country’s administrative apparatus. Once again, the European Union can make a valuable contribution to Mesopotamia’s prospects. Corruption and security are closely related. ‘Only transparency can get us out of this quagmire’, said the Kurdish politician Mohammed Toufik, and he was right. This represents a new set of aid tasks for the European Union in Iraq.

I would like to add that I have a great deal of respect for the US, British and other international troops, and wish them much strength in their endeavours to achieve a better …

(The President cut off the speaker)

IN THE CHAIR: MR McMILLAN-SCOTT
Vice-President

  Ryszard Czarnecki (NI).  – (PL) Mr President, during the Communist era in Poland, a joke did the rounds about a travel agency that allegedly used the following advertising slogan; ‘visit the Soviet Union before the Soviet Union visits you’. An updated version of this joke might be; ‘let us take care of Iraq before Iraqi terrorists take care of us’.

The EU Special Representative for Afghanistan recently said that our political presence and substantial financial involvement in the country were necessary because the EU had made the mistake of failing to take any interest whatsoever in Afghanistan between 1990 and 2001. We should avoid making the same mistake with Iraq, and we should not leave the country to the Americans. In my opinion, both supporters and opponents of US intervention in Iraq – and I include myself in the latter camp – can and should agree on the fact that the EU must act as a stabilising force in Iraq and the surrounding region.

The EU committed a grave error by failing to send observers to the January 2005 elections in Iraq. He who is absent is always in the wrong, and has no say in how he would like events to unfold.

I should like to end by thanking Mr Straw for our meeting last Thursday in London, and to tell him that the Committee on Foreign Affairs still has the same chairman, namely Elmar Brok.

  Elmar Brok (PPE-DE). – (DE) Mr President, Commissioner, Mr President-in-Office of the Council, ladies and gentlemen, a fortnight ago, our committee welcomed a delegation from the provisional parliament of Iraq, led by its President and his deputy, and including all factions – Shiites, Sunnis and Kurds together. I was pleasantly surprised to note the interest these leading representatives of their communities had in finding a solution that would include reconciliation and would join the religious and ethnic groups together, and the way they engaged in serious discussions to this end. The chairman of the Committee on Constitutional Affairs was also present. One thing on which, or so I believe, the long-term peace of this country depends, is a balance of power in the form of a sort of federal structure, one secured, in bad times and good, by means of a constitution. We could thereby arrive at a way of doing things that would give everyone the feeling that their interests were secure, as was also, though, their religious and ethnic identity, and that would also have an influence in the cultural sphere.

On this, I believe, the success of the enterprise largely depends, for it was often the case, in these states formerly under colonial rule, that a small group held the reins of power, and in Iraq, this was the Sunnis, something I regard as one of the main reasons behind this terrorism, and we must – as you, Commissioner, said – succeed in spelling that out, or else it will not be clear to the public where the benefit for them lies. They have to see that the terrorists are attempting to make democracy and power-sharing impossible; that they do not want stability, for stability will bring the investments that will improve conditions in the country. It is by these means that they seek to regain their former positions of power, or for purely ideological reasons, to nip democracy in the bud.

At the time, I was an opponent of the war, but that is now irrelevant. What matters now is that we, together, win the peace and establish democracy. We have to bridge the gulfs by which we have long been divided and, by means of a multilateral approach, make it possible for this country to become stable and democratic, with consequent benefits – not least for us – right across the region.

  Lilli Gruber (PSE). – (IT) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, this report could have and should have been more courageous, since what we are discussing are issues of life and death and of the strategic future of our Union.

The text has certainly been improved, but in too many places it has become detached from the reality on the ground. This war is now lost, and it has done much to aid the jihadist terrorists, instead of weakening them. If Mr Bush were wise, he would announce a wholesale withdrawal, without maintaining any strategic bases, and he would implement it in accordance with a precise timetable.

As always, in asymmetrical conflicts there is no military solution, but only a political solution. The new Iraqi Government is demonstrating this to us. In point of fact, it is not negotiating with the terrorists, but with the resistance, including it in the reconstruction process. For this reason, Mr Dimitrakopoulos, it is important to insert the word ‘resistance’ into the report, since today in Iraq there are both insurgents resisting the occupation and terrorists, and their objectives are different.

In addition, it was also important to point out that the war against Iraq was cold-bloodedly sought by Mr Bush and deliberately sustained through a tissue of lies. Iraq, in fact, did not possess weapons of mass destruction, nor did it have links with Al-Qaeda. Once the invasion had been completed there was a moral duty to reconstruct Iraq, at least in physical terms, but political and military arrogance, incompetence, corruption and ineptitude have prevented this. Thus, even passing over the disgrace of Abu Ghraib, they have lost, without winning the hearts and minds of the Iraqi people.

I therefore also address the Council and Commission representatives: now is the time to abandon the weaknesses of past divisions and to focus even more firmly on a common policy in order to escape the impotence that dogs minority coalitions.

Europe is worthwhile only if we think, decide and work together. Otherwise, it is just a charming collection of little bonsais crushed by the first passing elephant.

  Lapo Pistelli (ALDE). – (IT) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, on the war in Iraq Europe has experienced one of its greatest divisions of opinion, and because of this the Dimitrakopoulos report accomplishes a semi-miracle in seeking a possible equilibrium. Many deficiencies, however, still remain.

The actual situation on the ground unfortunately confirms all the doubts expressed by those who declared themselves opposed to military intervention. We waited for the turning point with the fall and capture of Saddam Hussein, and later we hoped that the turning point would come after the elections in January, and that the Allawi government would actually be able to stabilise the country. In reality, we know that things have turned out differently. If we look at the civilian victims of the suicide attackers, the unrecorded acts of violence by Iraqis on Iraqis and the increase in the weekly attacks on the occupying forces, Iraq is the largest terrorist training ground on the planet.

Today, however, we should not look towards the past but concentrate on the future, which is why we have given the Allawi government our endorsement, committed ourselves to the reconstruction and supported the recent resolutions. On this point, we have set ourselves three objectives, namely the prior commitment – as the Solana doctrine calls it – with neighbouring countries, which can lend us a hand, not only not to export terrorists but also to help Iraq to emerge from the abyss; the training of the security forces, who are vital in planning the withdrawal of the occupying troops; and, finally, the constitutional agreement.

This is truly the last turning point. Either we are able to keep the country united with the constitutional agreement, or an inexorable civil war will break out. The signs of tension that are also present in Kurdistan give us cause to believe that this is really the last chance Europe has to achieve a better situation in the coming months.

  Vittorio Agnoletto (GUE/NGL). – (IT) Mr President, Mr Dimitrakopoulos, ladies and gentlemen, the road to hell is paved with good intentions. What I mean is that if accounts are not settled with the past, the past will sooner or later come back to haunt us, presenting us with a very expensive and dramatic bill.

If we do not condemn the war today, it is not possible to understand what is happening in Iraq at the moment. The war and terrorism continue to feed off each other. Before the war in Iraq there was no terrorism. We have to have the courage to say that the occupying armies are an element producing insecurity and not security. We have to have the courage to say that the United States and its allies went into Iraq because there is oil there and because they wanted to get hold of it, and certainly not to spread democracy.

Yesterday we met representatives of civil society, human rights organisations, trade unions and women’s organisations, who explained to us that this society is active and wants to have a say in its own future. Europe should look at this issue too, and not just at its relationship with a government voted in in elections that were held under foreign military occupation.

  Georgios Karatzaferis (IND/DEM). – (EL) Mr President, are we afraid or are we ashamed of the truth? Are we afraid or are we ashamed of it, Giorgos? The simple truth is that we have an occupying army and we have an irresponsible invasion by the Americans, British and Spaniards. That is the truth.

With the occupation which we went through and which you went through in 1940, we too had executions and abductions. That is what we did to the victor and that is what the people of Iraq are doing today and rightly so.

The occupying forces must leave. They must leave this country free to find its way. They must pay compensation for the wrong they have done. They must leave them the oil, and with oil at 60 dollars a barrel they will find their way.

As long as there is an occupying army, there will also be crimes. They need to understand that. That is the real truth. We have lived through it. When Stalin interfered in Greece's internal affairs from 1944 to 1949, we slaughtered each other for many years. The occupying army must leave. That is the right thing to do.

Let us speak the truth. We should not be ashamed. We should not come here and legislate from the safety of Strasbourg and Brussels. Let us go and say what we have to say in Vasora. Let us go and say what we have to say in Baghdad. That is where the people are, that is where the truth is, that is where the problem is. Long live democracy. Long live freedom. Long live self-determination.

  Andreas Mölzer (NI). – (DE) Mr President, that the alleged presence of weapons of mass destruction was used by the USA as a pretext for forcing their way into Iraq, and that the Americans are currently engaged in forcing their conception of democracy onto the Iraqi people, are matters of common knowledge. It is not only the duration of this intervention, but also its cost and side-effects that were underestimated. Iraq is now a lawless place, offering extremists the ideal opportunity to regroup and amass combat experience. The American invasion has turned the country into a training camp for terrorists from every corner of the world, and these have now only to wait for the opportunity to put their newly-acquired skills into practice on our soil.

Even now, then, we all have to pay the price for America’s mistakes, be it in the shape of more terrorist activity or of a constant increase in recruitment by extremist Islamic groups. The idea that Europe should cough up even more, by sending troops, for this aberrance on the part of the USA, is quite unacceptable. It is because Iraq will know peace and a resolution of its problems only if these things come from within itself that we should rather give our support to the restoration of education, the reconstruction of the economy and the fight against rampant corruption. Those are things Europe could do, and they would bear fruit.

  Anna Ibrisagic (PPE-DE). – (SV) Mr President, I should like to begin by congratulating Mr Dimitrakopoulos on the huge amount of work he has put into this complicated but extremely important issue.

After years of Saddam Hussein’s regime, the Iraqi people have now been given the opportunity to construct their country in a free and democratic way. The parliamentary election, which was conducted under great pressure from forces that were interested in neither democracy nor free elections, was the first step in the democratisation process. It was also a chance for politics to triumph over terrorism and violence, but that did not happen.

Even though a transitional government has been formed and work has begun on devising the new constitution, the security situation in Iraq has not been stabilised as it should have been. On the contrary, the situation is such that, for a long time to come, efforts will have to go on being made and a strong international presence will be required.

Obviously, the earlier Iraq itself guarantees security in the country, the better. On the basis of what we have learned from other conflicts in our own neighbourhood, for example the wars in the Balkans that I myself experienced, we cannot however expect any quick results. Constructing peace and democracy takes time and would do so even if all the forces in the country were well disposed towards these goals. Still more time is required in countries such as Iraq or Bosnia where there is a variety of groups opposing the democratisation process. We need time and patience, however, for, if we were not to show sufficient support for Iraq’s efforts at political democratisation or too quickly to withdraw the international forces from Iraq, we should be jeopardising the peace not only in Iraq itself but also in the surrounding region, and that is something we cannot afford to do. Therefore, our only alternative is to continue to support Iraq, both politically and through a strong international presence for as long as that is required.

Commissioner Ferrero-Waldner pointed out quite correctly that Europe now stands united in its efforts to rebuild Iraq. In my opinion, unification is precisely what would make it possible to stabilise the situation in Iraq and to overcome the problems we have there at present.

  Marek Maciej Siwiec (PSE).  – (PL) Mr President, we have before us a difficult compromise, which has emerged after many weeks of debate. I should like to call on all the rabble rousers in the Chamber, for whom time stopped two years ago and who still use the language of that period, to study this compromise and to ask themselves whether Iraqis will gain more from this compromise or from their rabble-rousing.

Anyone who fails to differentiate between anonymous, civilian-killing criminals and the coalition forces, made up of soldiers risking their lives in Iraq, is quite simply a liar, and I would protest against such lies.

I have two suggestions for the Council and the Commission. Firstly, more pressure should be brought to bear on Iraq’s neighbours. Previous speakers have already referred to Syria, and recent events both there and in Iran have shown that these countries must bear responsibility for what is happening within their borders. The international community must put pressure on them, and they must also bear part of the responsibility for what is happening in Iraq. These countries cannot pursue policies in secret, while sending out misleading signals. Secondly, we must strengthen our dialogue with the political leadership in Iraq. Even though deep-rooted ethnic and religious divisions exist within the interim parliament, we must still talk to these people. Those who do not fight are our partners.

Finally, the suggestion to send peacekeeping troops to the country is a splendid but naïve idea. Which army would be able to go out in blue helmets and protect the Iraqis? This is a task for a well-armed and well-prepared Iraqi army, as they are the only ones capable of protecting their own people.

  Gerard Batten (IND/DEM). – Mr President, reports before this Parliament seldom contain jokes, but there is some humour, if unintentional, in this one. Paragraph 43 suggests that the European Union ‘offers its expertise and assistance with a view to the drafting of the Iraqi Constitution’. Iraqis might think that the European Union’s expertise and experience in this field leaves something to be desired. Its last attempt produced a Constitution that was opaque and confused and ran to almost 500 pages. On the other hand, the United States of America has a clear and concise Constitution that runs to just a few pages of paper, with only about 27 amendments needed over the past 200 years. If the Iraqis need some help, they might prefer to ask the Americans to lend a hand. If the EU becomes involved it might even offer to organise the constitutional referendum for the Iraqis, and that could lead to all kinds of unwanted problems.

  Bogusław Sonik (PPE-DE).  – (PL) Mr President, Iraq is the frontline of the war against terrorists. These terrorists have made it quite clear that their goal is to force foreign powers to withdraw from Iraq, and then to crush the beginnings of democracy in the country. The world cannot allow them to achieve their goals or to carry out their plans, and the EU Member States cannot afford to allow such a thing to happen.

The war on terror is a global challenge with which the world was confronted at the beginning of the 21st century. This is a war that we must win, because our opponent does not understand the meaning of such words as treaty, agreement, compromise, dialogue or peace. The aim of modern terrorism is to destroy the civilisation in which we live. Its current target is the United States, but it will be Europe’s turn in a few months’ time. The EU should therefore resolve to take joint decisions that are both courageous and practical, as it is no longer enough to provide EUR 200 million in aid.

The EU should start by responding to the basic problems faced by the Iraqi population. These include a lack of water, to which two million Iraqis have no access, a lack of food – according to the latest UN report, one in four children goes hungry – a lack of work, with unemployment standing at 70%, a lack of security and the fear of terrorist attacks. The destruction of pipelines and other oil installations by saboteurs has meant that Iraq has suffered losses of USD 11 billion over the past two years. These are issues that should be included on the EU’s list of priority areas for aid to Iraq.

We cannot allow our most notable effort towards reconstructing Iraq to be the announcement that a Commission representation will be opened in Baghdad, or the sending of an observation mission to the December elections. It is ordinary Iraqis who are waiting most impatiently for concrete assistance. We must step up our involvement in Iraq, and this involvement must be better organised. We need a vision that is worthy of a community comprising 25 Member States.

The cost of failure would be high. A defeat for the democratic forces would strengthen the terrorists’ position, and this would have a knock-on effect in the shape of a new wave of terrorism, not only in Iraq but all over the world. Peace in Iraq will be key for the development of transatlantic relations and for peace in the region as a whole. Pressure must be brought to bear on Syria and Iran to ensure that these countries no longer provide support to terrorists there.

  Monika Beňová (PSE). – (SK) For some time now we have been hearing that we should not be referring to the past and that there is no need to talk about the reasons for the invasion of Iraq by the United States and its ad-hoc coalition and allies. I am sorry, but I disagree deeply with this view, because the ad-hoc coalition created and led by the Americans invaded a sovereign state without any international or legally acceptable mandate.

Ladies and gentlemen, Mr. Straw, history has shown us on numerous occasions that mankind could have avoided many of its mistakes if it had carefully analysed its errors and moral failures. Unfortunately, we seem to be unable to learn from our own mistakes.

Mr. Dimitrakopoulos, not only am I able to pronounce your name, but I respect you as a colleague from the Foreign Affairs Committee. Yet, I cannot support your resolution, even though I am aware of the amount of effort you have put into it, and I agree with Mrs De Keyser, that without the passage of our draft amendments, this resolution would have no authority whatsoever.

  Simon Coveney (PPE-DE). – Mr President, first I want to pay tribute to Mr Dimitrakopoulos, a name which I have become familiar with in recent months. He has worked extremely hard to get this report right, seeking compromise from all sides to create a report that I think represents the views and aspirations of the vast majority of this Parliament. That is not an easy job when it comes to Iraq.

One of the positive aspects of this report is the recurring theme of the need for us all to look forward with Iraq; concentrating on what can be achieved as Iraq moves ahead into the future and not constantly referring to mistakes and decisions made in the past. The rapporteur has not allowed this report to be hijacked by those who want to rehash the debate on the basis for war in Iraq and the legalities surrounding that decision, or lack of them. This is a valid debate but it adds nothing positive to this report at this stage. Instead, the report concentrates on what the EU's role will and should be in the future, assisting the new authorities in Iraq. Many issues are dealt with; I want to refer to three of them.

First, in relation to political support, I was glad to hear Mr Brok referring to the visit of representatives from the transitional National Assembly to this Parliament recently, and it was a welcome event. They called for assistance, support and help in relation to the drafting of the new constitution in Iraq, which is something I think we should do wholeheartedly and enthusiastically. Primarily, we need to ensure that there is full participation of all groups in the drafting of that constitution.

Second, in relation to security, we should not forget that, as we speak, there are European citizens in Iraq trying to provide security in difficult circumstances. We need to look forward to see what the EU can do collectively. To that end, I welcome the fact that we are going to see an EU delegation in Baghdad in the near future. I also welcome the Rule of Law and Police Training Mission, which will add considerably to the security situation in Iraq, and the new call for a new UN Security Council Resolution on Iraq, which is outlined in detail in the report. That is a brave new call.

Finally, we should not forget our human rights principles, despite the very difficult and extreme circumstances that continue in Iraq, particularly in relation to the death penalty.

  Richard Howitt (PSE). – Mr President, I welcome the emphasis of the rapporteur and of Amendment 12, by the PSE Group, in supporting the EU’s positive commitment to the social, economic and political reconstruction of Iraq, to the success of the January elections, to the doubling of international partners for Iraq, as represented at the Brussels Conference, and to our united condemnation of all violence, kidnappings and human rights abuses within Iraq.

The European Parliamentary Labour Party cannot support those amendments that seek to rekindle the divisions of the past. In that context, I note that Amendment 3, by the Verts/ALE Group, seeks to delete this Parliament’s commitment to fighting both terrorism and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. Everyone should vote against that amendment.

Finally, there is a link between this debate and the next on development. Twenty years under Saddam Hussein left five million Iraqis suffering from chronic poverty, the fastest increase in child mortality of any country in the world, access to safe water for less than half the people in rural areas and 60% wholly dependent on food handouts. Today the European Parliament reaffirms its commitment to the right for development for the Iraqi people, as well as their right to peace.

  Benita Ferrero-Waldner, Member of the Commission. Mr President, the post-Iraq-war phase can be compared to some degree with the period after the Second World War, even if it is not on the same scale. However, we have to get over all our past differences and quarrels and look to the future. That is the only solution. We cannot just talk about the situation, we have to take action, we have to turn the page. That is why the Commission has been seeking over the past two years to contribute, through its support for reconstruction, to promote reconciliation within Iraq and in the international community.

As Mr Brok and Mrs Morgantini pointed out, we must also ensure that the rehabilitation and reconstruction of Iraq produce benefits for all Iraqis. That must be an inclusive approach. Of course we have to look to the constitution. It has to be a constitution that gives ownership to the Iraqis, that really protects the territorial integrity of Iraq but, at the same time, looks to the federal possibilities. That is the only way to secure the right balance between the different ethnic elements. It also has to look to the future, creating a modern society in which women and religious communities must be given an appropriate stake. Therefore, the constitution is of the greatest importance.

It is also very important to build the institutions of the new Iraq. There has been a great deal of talk about energy and trade. I believe that, in order to restore the possibility for Iraqis to develop themselves, there has to be capacity-building with the Ministries of Trade and Energy.

We supported the elections and we will support the next elections if the security situation will allow it. It is also very important to ensure the further development of the Iraqi police and judiciary. The ‘Eujustlex’ mission that began on 1 July will be of great importance and will hopefully make a significant contribution. This involves the training of 770 policemen and judiciary members. We also have to refocus on the social services, such as education, health and sanitation. People must be allowed to live their lives. At the moment they only have electricity for a few hours per day, in a climate where temperatures reach 50 degrees centigrade.

We know how difficult it is. Conditions on the ground are exceedingly difficult. We are also aware of delays in some implementation because of the difficult situation. We therefore have ongoing discussions with the World Bank, the UN and the Iraqis themselves. It is clear that the main responsibility lies with them, but we must give them all our assistance.

I agree that it is very important that the international community encourage Iraq’s neighbours to adopt the same approach, striving towards reconciliation and unity in Iraq. That is the clear message we gave in the international conference.

We support the WTO proposals regarding Iraq. Trade and cooperation agreements could be the next step, subject to negotiations with the Iraqis. There is a chance for them to build – in a new way – on the current situation in which we are providing them with assistance, but this must be done in a much more orderly way.

I am very grateful for the support of the European Parliament. I congratulate Mr Dimitrakopoulos for the excellent work he has done. You see, I can learn and will do better next time.

  Jack Straw, President-in-Office of the Council. Mr President, may I through you thank all Members of the European Parliament for a very constructive debate, which has been very interesting for me as well. Of course, it is right in one sense to say you cannot discuss the future without understanding the past, and there are different analyses of the past. I happen to think that war was justified at the time. I still do. I respect those who take a different view.

What I would say, however, is this: we can argue – and we will argue for a long time – about the legitimacy of the military action, but please do not now argue about the legitimacy of what is a democratically elected Iraqi Government. There were some speakers who challenged the legitimacy of the current government. With respect, that is wrong. The elections that took place on 30 January took place under a United Nations mandate, under intense international scrutiny. They were fair elections: 8.6 million Iraqis voted, and they produced a representative assembly which now has instructions from the United Nations to bring forward a draft constitution in August and to have it ratified in a referendum in October for there to be further elections leading to a more permanent national government in December. I suggest that it is responsibility of the whole of the international community, in support of that unanimous United Nations mandate, to ensure that this process works and works effectively. I am deeply grateful to the Commission and to the Parliament for the support that they are giving to that process.

Yes, the situation in Iraq today is serious. Yes, too many are being killed, but I would remind those who describe it simply as some kind of legitimate resistance that the overwhelming majority of the victims of this terrorism are not coalition forces, they are ordinary Iraqis. I would also remind colleagues here that in many – not all – areas of Iraq there is a fair degree of normality. There have been very few incidents. Why? Because the terrorism there has been defeated. Where there is abnormality, it is because of the terrorism. I am not naive. I accept that, where there is this level of terrorism, there has to be a political process to try to bring people in as well as an immediate security response. It is a matter of great regret that most Sunnis decided not to participate in the elections in January.

What has happened since – and Commissioner Ferrero-Waldner and I met representatives of the Sunni community and discussed the matter with members of the Shia and Kurdish communities – is an effort by the Iraqi Government to bring Sunnis in. It has been difficult but, just two days ago, the National Assembly decided to confirm the representation of 15 Sunnis on the constitutional committee. That is of profound importance, a first step in reaching out to the Sunni community. There have to be other steps taken as well, so you end up with an Iraq that represents all the communities.

The other thing I would say is that any analysis of opinion in Iraq suggests that, despite the violence today, most Iraqis prefer what has happened and is happening today to what was going on before. And yes, there was terrorism before the war: it was state terrorism that led to the death of hundreds of thousands of ordinary Iraqis. And no – hundreds of thousands have not been killed since the war, some scores of thousands have been. It is too many, but at least now the Iraqis can look forward to a democratic, peaceful future in which they control their destiny, which they never could under Saddam.

There have been arguments within Europe as elsewhere about this situation in Iraq. Given those, we greatly welcome the very constructive approach adopted by Mr Dimitrakopoulos and his committee. I thank you very much for that. I know, given the range of opinions, that it was a very hard task to bring together a sense of this and of action for the future. It is well illustrated by today’s debate. I am grateful to Mr Dimitrakopoulos and also to the Commission.

For our part, in the Presidency, we will do all we can over the next six months actively to support the work of the European Union as well as accepting our own responsibilities within Iraq as one of the contributors to the Coalition.

  President. The debate is closed.

The vote will take place at noon today.

IN THE CHAIR: MR BORRELL FONTELLES
President