Posėdžio stenograma

Trečiadienis, 2005 m. liepos 6 d. - Strasbūras

2. Europos Sąjunga ir Irakas – aktyvesnio dalyvavimo programa

  El Presidente. Procedemos al debate del informe del señor Dimitrakopoulos, en nombre de la Comisíón de Asuntos Exteriores, sobre la Unión Europea e Iraq: un marco para la acción [2004/2168(INI)] (A6-0198/2005).

  Γιώργος Δημητρακόπουλος (PPE-DE), Εισηγητής. – Κύριε Προεδρεύοντα του Συμβουλίου, κυρία Επίτροπε, κυρίες και κύριοι συνάδελφοι, θα ήθελα κατ' αρχήν να εκφράσω τις ευχαριστίες μου προς τους συναδέλφους και τις συναδέλφους της Επιτροπής Εξωτερικών Υποθέσεων για τη συνεργασία την οποία είχαμε, ώστε σήμερα να έχετε μπροστά σας μία έκθεση, που πιστεύω ότι είναι ολοκληρωμένη και δίνει κάποιες ουσιαστικές κατευθυντήριες γραμμές για το πού πρέπει να κινούνται στο μέλλον οι σχέσεις της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης με το Ιράκ.

Δεν υπάρχει καμία αμφιβολία ότι η κατάσταση στο Ιράκ από την ώρα που τελείωσαν οι στρατιωτικές επιχειρήσεις είναι δύσκολη και δυστυχώς κάθε μέρα γίνεται δυσκολότερη. Έτσι η πρώτη παρατήρηση την οποία έχω να κάνω αφορά στον χαρακτηρισμό της ασφάλειας ως του πιο σημαντικού προβλήματος που διαπιστώνεται σήμερα στο Ιράκ. Και είναι σημαντικό όχι μόνο γιατί καθημερινά στοιχίζει χιλιάδες ανθρώπινες ζωές αλλά γιατί η αντιμετώπιση του προβλήματος της ασφάλειας είναι προϋπόθεση για να γίνει οτιδήποτε άλλο.

Βεβαίως δεν αρκεί η διαπίστωση αυτή. Πρέπει να ληφθούν και πολύ συγκεκριμένα μέτρα. Ένα από αυτά βεβαίως είναι η επανασύσταση των ιρακινών δυνάμεων ασφαλείας και από την άλλη πλευρά η επανασύσταση του ιρακινού στρατού, ζήτημα όχι εύκολο. Ταυτόχρονα, επειδή ορισμένα προβλήματα ασφαλείας έχουν την αφετηρία τους στην παρουσία εκεί ξένων στρατιωτικών δυνάμεων, θεωρώ ότι θα ήταν ένα σημαντικό βήμα η αντικατάσταση των στρατιωτικών δυνάμεων με μία ειρηνευτική δύναμη των Ηνωμένων Εθνών. Και αυτό είναι μία από τις βασικές προτάσεις της έκθε�! �ής μου. Βεβαίως είναι κάτι το οποίο δεν μπορεί να γίνει μέσα σε 48 ώρες, βεβαίως είναι μία απόφαση που οπωσδήποτε θέλει συζήτηση, βεβαίως είναι μια απόφαση που πρέπει να βασίζεται σε απόφαση του Συμβουλίου Ασφαλείας των Ηνωμένων Εθνών. Όμως κατά την άποψή μου είναι απαραίτητη.

Η τρίτη παρατήρηση που έχω να κάνω αφορά την ανοικοδόμηση. Μετά τον πόλεμο το Ιράκ είναι ένα κράτος στο οποίο όλοι οι κοινωνικοί ιστοί έχουν διαλυθεί. Έτσι η ανοικοδόμηση δεν πρέπει να εξετάζεται σαν μία απλή λογιστική κατασκευαστική διαδικασία, υπάρχει βεβαίως και θέμα κατασκευών, υπάρχει όμως και θέμα ανάπλασης και προσανατολισμού μιας κοινωνίας, και η ανάπλαση και ο προσανατολισμός μιας κοινωνίας περιλαμβάνει πολιτική, περιλαμβάνει οικονομία, περιλαμβάνει κοινωνικά ζητήματα, περιλαμβάνει τον πολιτισμό.

Κομβικό σημείο στη διαδικασία της σφαιρικής ανοικοδόμησης είναι οπωσδήποτε μια διαδικασία που μόλις τώρα άρχισε, δηλαδή η εκπόνηση του νέου συντάγματος. Είναι σαφές, και πρέπει να είναι σαφές σε όλους μας, ότι το μέλλον του Ιράκ βρίσκεται κατά κύριο λόγο στα χέρια του ιρακινού λαού· και έτσι πρέπει να είναι. Από την άλλη όμως πλευρά είναι πολύ σημαντικό η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση με την παράδοση που έχει στη δημοκρατία να προτείνει, φυσικά μέσα από τη διαδικασία εκπόνησης του συντάγματος, να είναι βέβαιο ότι θα υπάρχει μια δημοκρατική κοινωνία ! προοδευτική, με κοινωνικές ευαισθησίες, μια κοινωνία στην οποία θα αντικατοπτρίζεται ο πλουραλισμός του Ιράκ.

Τέλος - και τελειώνω με αυτό - η παρουσία της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης και στην ανοικοδόμηση αλλά και σε όλη τη διαδρομή του Ιράκ, μιας χώρας με σημαντική ιστορία, είναι κάτι το οποίο προβλέπεται σε αυτή την έκθεση και κάτι το οποίο πρέπει να στηριχθεί.

(Χειροκροτήματα)

  Jack Straw, President-in-Office of the Council. Mr President, it is a very great honour for me to be here today. It is the first occasion on which I have addressed this great body. Thank you very much for the opportunity to do so, first to make a brief speech now in respect of Iraq and later in the morning at greater length on Africa and globalisation.

I begin by thanking the Committee on Foreign Affairs, particularly its chairman, Mr Dimitrakopoulos, for its report and for the presentation this morning. Apologies for my pronunciation. I did Ancient Greek at school, but of course that was written rather than oral. The disagreements within the European Union over military action against Saddam's regime in Iraq are a matter of record and we all acknowledge that strongly held views remain on both sides. Given the strength of feeling, I am particularly grateful to your Committee for the way in which it has looked forward for a future for Iraq rather than backwards to rehearse the arguments over it.

Since the end of military action, the European Union has recognised its strong and common interest in supporting the new Iraq that is now emerging. I think we all condemn those who want to determine Iraq's future through extremism and violence. We condemn all killings and kidnappings, but, given the nature of this body, we particularly condemn the recent kidnapping of the Egyptian Ambassador in Iraq, Mr Ihab al-Sherif, and the attacks on other diplomats from Arab countries.

We are determined to see the success of a peaceful, stable and democratic Iraq, which responds to the needs of all its citizens. Just over a year ago, the European Council endorsed the Commission's communication setting out medium-term objectives for the development of the EU's relationship with Iraq. That strategy is bearing fruit.

Last November, the Council presented a package of European Union assistance to Iraq's then Prime Minister, Dr Allawi. That included a longer-term commitment to starting negotiations on a third country agreement and to promoting EU trade and political cooperation with Iraq; a reminder of the Commission's offer to implement the generalised system of preferences and financial support. Experts from the Commission worked with the United Nations and the Independent Electoral Commission of Iraq, and helped to make a success of Iraq's first democratic elections on 30 January this year. Several Members of the European Parliament also observed those elections.

The General Affairs and External Relations Council in February agreed to build on this package of assistance with further support for Iraq's political process, including the drafting of a new constitution. It agreed on a new Community aid package of EUR 200 million and the launch of an EU integrated Rule of Law and Police Training Mission for Iraq with offices in Baghdad and Brussels. That mission began training Iraqi police, judiciary and penitentiary officials yesterday and is making a valuable contribution to the Iraqi Government's efforts to increase its authority and to entrench the rule of law.

Overall, the European Union is today delivering an impressive and comprehensive programme of assistance to the Government and people of Iraq as they seek to build a peaceful and democratic future. Last month, along with Commissioner Ferrero-Waldner, the High Representative, Javier Solana, and the President of the General Affairs Council, Jean Asselborn, I visited Baghdad. In my view, and I hope Commissioner Ferrero-Waldner shares this view, it was a very important visit, symbolising the European Union's commitment to the new Iraq.

There the Commissioner reiterated the Commission's intention to open an office in Baghdad as soon as possible, so as to strengthen the EU's dialogue and technical assistance. At the International Conference on Iraq in Brussels a fortnight ago, hosted jointly by the United States and the European Union, representatives from 87 countries and international organisations gave a similar and strong message of support to the new Iraq.

Let me just respond in opening to one absolutely key point. I will make my first apology for referring to the rapporteur as the chairman. If this is regarded as a slight on my very good friend Elmar Brok, the chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee, I apologise to him too. Mr Dimitrakopoulos rightly said that the security situation was the key to everything else and the security situation is serious. There is no disguising that. He also intimated that the sooner the Iraqis were able to take control of their own security the better. Let me say, as one of what were the two formal occupying powers in Iraq, the United States and the United Kingdom, and someone with his own personal responsibility for the war, we share this aspiration. Leave aside the arguments of the past. All of us believe that the quicker the Iraqis are able to take responsibility for their own security the better and the quicker the coalition forces will then be able to leave.

The security situation is poor. The better news is the increase in the training and ability of the Iraqi security forces. Now there are 168 000 individuals in the Iraqi security forces overall. More and more of them have a proper capability and are being used. We are well aware that under Security Council Resolution 1546 the mandate for the foreign forces in Iraq will come to an end in December this year, unless it is renewed in some way, and that in any event, as 1546 makes clear, we the coalition forces are only there at the invitation of the Iraqi Government. Were the Iraqi government to ask us to leave, we would leave immediately.

On the issue of whether there could be a United Nations 'blue-hatted' force, I have no difficulty with that in principle. The only issue is encouraging other countries to come forward. Whether we can achieve that remains to be seen. However, on the overall objective of coalition forces being reduced and then leaving and the Iraqis taking full control for themselves, we are absolutely in agreement.

To sum up, the United Kingdom will look during its presidency to pursue a growing relationship between the EU and Iraq, building on what we have already achieved. I welcome the Committee's endorsement of the goal and particularly their call for the Commission to open its office in Baghdad and for the EU to send an observer mission to the elections to be held in Iraq in December.

I greatly welcome the Committee's suggestion that the European Parliament should build on its relationship with the Iraqi Transitional National Assembly.

I look forward to today's debate

  Benita Ferrero-Waldner, Member of the Commission. Mr President, I should like to start by welcoming Mr Straw to the Presidency. I congratulate Mr Dimitrakopoulos warmly on his report. It is an excellent and timely report and gives us a good opportunity for an update on the intensive developments over the last few months. Iraq is still a huge and multiple challenge to all of us. It really is ‘work in progress’ and we have a lot to do there.

Significant events have taken place, one of which was the troika visit to Iraq on 9 June, because we, the 25, showed that we are all united now in reconstructing and assisting Iraq. It was not easy, because there have been times when we have not been united. It was also very well received by the Iraqis themselves.

I also think it was very important that we had the international conference in Brussels. Many members of the Iraqi Government were present and they were able to present their ideas and wishes and suggest where we could assist them. The deplorable abduction of the Egyptian diplomat and other recent kidnappings have driven home to all of us the conditions under which people are living.

I decided, therefore, that the Commission should also have a presence in Baghdad and, as Mr Straw has already mentioned, we will be setting up a delegation. We will, of course, do that under the protection of the British and we hope that safety can be guaranteed as far as possible. We know it is not an easy undertaking, but I think it is important that politically we also show our flag and help the Iraqi people.

The situation in that country is still very difficult and I agree with Mr Dimitrakopoulos that ensuring military and civilian security must be the main priority of the new Iraqi administration. The only way to establish security is to address the underlying causes of the violent attacks by some sections of the Iraqi population. I see two concrete prerequisites for this. The first is an inclusive and broad-based constitution and the second is an environment in which reconstruction can bring visible improvements to the daily lives of the Iraqi people. I would even add that, thirdly, it is very important that neighbouring countries also contribute to more unity in the country and less conflict.

I shall say a few words about the new constitution. This must represent the interests of all Iraqis and was a central topic of our Iraq Conference in Brussels. It must be a product of inclusive, broad-based consultation and all Iraqis must feel it belongs to them, can protect them and guarantee their rights. The inclusion of Sunnis in the main drafting body is therefore a promising start, but, as we know, the process will not be easy. We in Europe know from our recent experience the myriad difficulties a constitution can pose and, by the way, we also discussed that very frankly with the Iraqis.

We are also ready to offer technical expertise if requested. We already provided technical expertise in the last elections, especially for the United Nations, and we have said that we will assist the United Nations experts again this time, especially with funding, but also by providing some of our own experts. Of course that always depends on whether the Iraqis want us to help.

We rely very much on the United Nations to advise the Iraqis on compliance with the principles of international law. Once the Constitution has been drafted and elections are scheduled, we also intend in principle to offer the Iraqis an election observation mission to oversee them, but it depends on the security situation. We have not yet taken a final decision on that.

The Iraqi people need to see concrete improvements in their everyday lives. Since 2003 we in the Commission have been working on health, education, basic needs, sanitation and water, and also on creating jobs, because what is most important is that people themselves are able to feed their families. Of the EUR 200 million committed we will soon have finalised EUR 145 million, to be channelled through the World Bank’s International Reconstruction Fund Facility for Iraq to meet basic needs.

The forthcoming donor conference in Amman will then offer an opportunity for the Iraqis themselves to take the lead, based on the last conference in Brussels, in setting up a real donor coordination mechanism. They already announced it at the conference and we would like to work with them.

In addition to reconstruction aid, the international community also needs to do more to reduce or reschedule Iraq’s debts. The Commission will be pushing EU Member States on this, because we think it is fundamental.

It is a prerequisite that neighbouring countries especially contribute more and more, because they will really play a central role in shifting the balance in the region. These countries need the assistance and cooperation of their neighbours. The neighbours have made this commitment in principle, but now we have to see whether it can be put into practice.

Iraq is an extraordinary country with a great but turbulent past. It is now the inspiration for a new era of international cooperation. We know that the agenda that we have set out is very ambitious, but I think we can deliver if we just stay the course. The Iraqi people have shown tremendous courage and resilience, particularly in turning out in such large numbers to vote, but also in their everyday lives against a background of violence and intimidation. They deserve compassion, but also solidarity and financial and other assistance. That is what we have to do on moral and also political grounds.

(Applause)

  El Presidente. Puedo comunicar al Consejo y a la Comisión que el Parlamento ofrece cursos de griego moderno, en caso de necesidad, para pronunciar con más facilidad el nombre del señor Dimitrakopoulos.

  Luisa Morgantini (GUE/NGL), relatrice per parere della commissione per lo sviluppo. Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, mi trovo in una posizione un po' buffa, essendo stata l'unica ad astenersi dal parere espresso dalla commissione per lo sviluppo. Non vi sono stati voti contrari. Dichiaro con franchezza che la mia astensione è dipesa dal respingimento di due paragrafi che ritengo importanti, vale a dire il riferimento all'occupazione militare e al rifiuto della guerra con il conseguente ritiro delle truppe di occupazione, nonché la critica della sovranità e della sottrazione di sovranità economica connessa alla gestione corrotta e negativa di Bremen.

Caro Ministro Straw, il presente è storia. Lo testimoniano i morti quotidiani e l'assassinio dell'agente Calipari.

Ieri sono stati ospiti rappresentanti della città civile irachena, che oggi sono presenti in tribuna e che saluto con grande rispetto. Si tratta di persone che vivono ogni giorno nell'insicurezza, ma che non rinunciano all'impegno di agire per un Iraq libero dall'occupazione militare, da azioni terroristiche o di resistenza armata. Vivono a Falluja, Bassora e Baghdad, credono nella giustizia e nella partecipazione popolare e sono state vittime della dittatura di Saddam Hussein.

Ieri ho capito quanto sia importante dare forza a queste persone. Come afferma il nostro parere, è necessario che il processo di ricostruzione preveda il loro coinvolgimento e il sostegno economico dei loro progetti.

Il nostro parere pone inoltre un forte accento sulla promozione di azioni di sviluppo a favore delle donne, le quali devono acquisire e non perdere diritti, e dei giovani traumatizzati dalla dittatura, dall'embargo e dalla guerra, nonché di azioni mirate ad aiutare il paese a liberarsi dalle mine e dalla bombe a grappolo e a riaffidare il controllo e i progetti di ricostruzione del paese alle autorità irachene.

Il nostro parere chiede inoltre il coinvolgimento dalle Nazioni Unite. Soprattutto, chiede il rispetto dei diritti umani, tragicamente e vergognosamente violati, e la continuità, espressa qui anche dal Consiglio e dalla Commissione, dell'impegno dell'Unione europea con la presenza sul territorio iracheno.

Infine, essendo terminato il tempo a mia disposizione, chiedo che la cancellazione del debito, che il Commissario signora Waldner ritiene necessaria, non venga considerata sostitutiva agli aiuti.

  Daniel Caspary (PPE-DE), Verfasser der Stellungnahme des mitberatenden Ausschusses für internationalen Handel. – Herr Präsident, meine sehr geehrten Damen und Herren! Nach Jahren der Unterdrückung und Unfreiheit haben die Menschen im Irak heute trotz aller bestehenden Schwierigkeiten eine Chance auf eine Zukunft in Frieden und Freiheit. Wir müssen alles daran setzen, diese Chance zu nutzen!

Was bedeutet dies aus handelspolitischer Sicht?

Erstens: Mein Ausschuss begrüßt die von der Kommission vorgeschlagene Strategie für ein Engagement im Irak und fordert alle Beteiligten auf, die Umwandlung des Irak in eine diversifizierte Marktwirtschaft zu unterstützen.

Zweitens: Die geplante Aufnahme in die WTO ist ein entscheidender Schritt zur Eingliederung des Irak in die Weltwirtschaft. Hierfür müssen jedoch die entsprechenden Strukturen in Wirtschaft und Verwaltung geschaffen werden.

Drittens: Den Vereinten Nationen muss bei der Koordinierung des Wiederaufbaus eine führende Rolle zukommen.

Viertens: Mit seinen Erdölvorkommen verfügt der Irak über viele natürliche Ressourcen. Die Wiederaufnahme des Öl- und Erdgashandels liegt auch in unserem Interesse und wird einen beträchtlichen Beitrag zur Sicherheit unserer Energieversorgung liefern. Es ist deshalb für beide Seiten wichtig, dass auch im Energiesektor die Rechtsvorschriften angeglichen und adäquate Voraussetzungen für Investitionen geschaffen werden. Die Erlöse müssen jedoch wieder im Irak investiert werden. Sonst ist ein nachhaltiger Wiederaufbau nicht denkbar.

Fünftens: Wir brauchen eine enge Zusammenarbeit der beteiligten Partner, was internationale Finanzhilfen oder einen Schuldenerlass anbelangt.

Und wir brauchen, sechstens, eine enge regionale Zusammenarbeit des Irak mit seinen Nachbarn, denn nur so kann ein fruchtbares Klima für Investitionen in der gesamten Region entstehen.

Abschließend danke ich den Mitgliedern des federführenden Ausschusses für auswärtige Angelegenheiten, der unsere Stellungnahme fast vollständig übernommen hat.

Meine Damen und Herren, das Zeitfenster für Veränderungen im Irak wird nicht unbegrenzt offen stehen. Lassen Sie es uns im Interesse der Menschen nutzen!

  José Ignacio Salafranca Sánchez-Neyra, en nombre del Grupo PPE-DE. – Señor Presidente, quisiera en primer lugar felicitar al señor Dimitrakopoulos por el excelente trabajo realizado en una materia dura, compleja y difícil como es la relativa a Iraq, tal como podemos ver por los acontecimientos que recientemente se han producido: el asesinato de más de 40 personas este fin de semana, el secuestro del jefe de la misión diplomática de Egipto en la calle, a plena luz del día, el estancamiento de la producción del petróleo y el espectacular recrudecimiento de la violencia que se ha producido en el curso del último año.

Sin embargo, señor Presidente, en mi opinión, la tarea de rehabilitación, reconstrucción, democratización y pacificación de Iraq no es una tarea que deba corresponder a los más implicados —y miro al Ministro Straw, que está hoy con nosotros, al que damos también la bienvenida—, sino que es una tarea que debe corresponder al conjunto de la comunidad democrática internacional.

Y la Unión Europea tiene que apoyar de forma muy decidida las tareas que tiene pendientes Iraq en estos momentos: una Constitución en la que habrá que ponderar con prudencia y con tino el factor nacionalista y el factor religioso, la celebración de nuevas elecciones, la constitución de un nuevo gobierno y el proceso a Sadam Husein. Y todo ello, señor Presidente, dando cabida y una mayor participación en las estructuras de poder a la comunidad suní.

Si tuviese que poner el acento en un aspecto del informe del señor Dimitrakopoulos, lo pondría en la apuesta de futuro que este informe presenta, porque no se puede construir el futuro solamente narrando y evocando el pretérito. Si no tenemos ante nuestros ojos el horizonte de nuestras ambiciones y de nuestros proyectos para este país, ni podremos construir el futuro, ni podremos, siquiera, comprender el pasado.

Por eso es muy importante, señor Presidente, que la Unión Europea apueste claramente en favor de la paz, de la comprensión, de la concordia y de la reconciliación en ese país, como ha manifestado la Comisaria Ferrero-Waldner y como nos ha dicho también el Presidente en ejercicio del Consejo de Ministros de la Unión Europea. Pero creo, señor Presidente, que tendremos que intentar entre todos transformar las discordias del pasado en las armonías del presente, como nos sugiere el ponente, señor Dimitrakopoulos.

  Véronique De Keyser, au nom du groupe PSE. – Monsieur le Président, on m'a dit "il faut tourner la page". Je la tourne. Je ne parlerai pas des charniers de Faludja, je ne parlerai pas des dizaines de victimes chaque jour, je ne donnerai pas de chiffres. Je ne parlerai pas du ghetto où sont enfermés les ressortissants étrangers. Je ne parlerai pas des journalistes kidnappés ni de mes amis irakiens assassinés. Je ne parlerai pas de cet Irak chaotique et libre qui ressemble souvent à un enfer. Je ne parlerai pas de l'effroyable corruption et du détournement des richesses pétrolières. Et, surtout, je ne dirai pas que, du début à la fin, cette guerre a été une tragique erreur. Je tourne la page.

Mais, ne me demandez pas de dire que tout le peuple irakien qui résiste s'est transformé en terroristes. Des terroristes il y en a, oui, hélas! Mais il y a aussi une insurrection populaire. Ne me demandez pas de fermer les yeux sur la gestion lamentable du conflit alors que Bush lui-même se fait attaquer sur ce point au sein de son propre parti. Ne me demandez pas de taire que de l'argent de l'Union européenne dort sans être dépensé dans le trust de la Banque mondiale, dirigée par Wolfowitz, alors que dans sa résolution de septembre 2003, le Parlement réclamait que tous ses dons soient gérés par les Nations unies. Ne me demandez pas, Monsieur Dimitrakopoulos, vous qui avez été un excellent rapporteur, de faire encore un petit effort et d'oublier nos amendements 11, 12 et 13. C'est notre ligne rouge.

Pourquoi? Mais tout simplement parce que les Irakiens nous regardent et nous lisent et qu'ils attendent de l'Europe de l'espoir mais aussi de la vérité. Madame le Commissaire, vous avez eu des mots très justes et pleins de compassion et nous vous soutenons. Nous voulons reconstruire l'Irak, mais avec les Irakiens, pour les Irakiens et seulement pour eux.

  Cecilia Malmström, för ALDE-gruppen. – Herr talman, fru kommissionär! Utrikesminister Straw, på den liberala gruppen gruppens vägnar vill jag välkomna er hit och önska er lycka till med ert arbete.

Det går knappast en dag utan att det rapporteras om nya attacker i Irak. Självmordsattentat, terrordåd, kidnappningar och andra övergrepp mot irakiska och utländska civila, journalister och militärer håller tyvärr på att bli vardagsmat. De flesta av oss behöver bara se det på tv, men det irakiska folket lever mitt i denna situation. Det är en prioriterad uppgift för hela världssamfundet att stötta de irakiska myndigheterna för att få slut på våldet, bygga upp landet och införa demokrati, fred och stabilitet. Europa har ett stort ansvar att stödja denna process med pengar, handel, bistånd, närvaro och all annan möjlig hjälp, t.ex. polisutbildning och valutbildning.

Vi har här många gånger grälat om den amerikanska invasionen, men nu måste vi se framåt. Jag vill på min grupps vägnar gratulera föredraganden, Dimitrakopoulos, för hans arbete med betänkandet och för att han försöker vara så konstruktiv och framåtsyftande. Vi behöver inte gräva ner oss i skyttegravar. Vi behöver inte älta det gamla. Jag vill vädja till alla grupper att försöka se framåt.

Att nu kräva att alla trupper drar sig tillbaka vore en katastrof för det irakiska folket. Det behövs fler människor i Irak, och vi stöder verkligen uppmaningen att försöka få till stånd en FN-ledd trupp med europeisk närvaro om det är möjligt.

Det irakiska folket är modigt och tåligt. Det visade de under valet, och det visar de varje dag. Den irakiska regeringen har ambitiösa mål med sin författning. Vi stöder naturligtvis arbetet med att få fram demokratiska institutioner, ett kraftfullt skydd för kvinnor och minoriteter samt ett stöd för rättssamhället. Vi vill också vädja till Irak att på sikt avskaffa dödsstraffet.

EU kan vara behjälpligt om så krävs för att tillhandahålla expertis i det konstitutionella arbetet. Vägen framåt mot demokrati och säkerhet är svår och kommer att bli lång. Om man lyckas, kommer Irak att bli ett fantastiskt föredöme i hela regionen, men då krävs ett ökat stöd från Europa och från oss här i Europaparlamentet med kontakter med de valda irakiska ledamöterna.

  Joost Lagendijk, namens de Verts/ALE-Fractie. – Voorzitter, collega's, laat ik beginnen de rapporteur een compliment te maken voor de sterke punten in zijn verslag. Bijvoorbeeld het op termijn vervangen van de Amerikaanse en Britse troepen door VN-veiligheidstroepen. Dat zal een belangrijke verbetering van de veiligheidssituatie teweegbrengen. Ik ben dat met de rapporteur eens en ik zou de heer Straw ertoe willen oproepen zich daar sterker voor in te zetten. Niet alleen hier in het Parlement zeggen dat hij het hiermee eens is, maar bijvoorbeeld ook door er zich harder voor te maken in de Veiligheidsraad.

Een ander sterk punt is de noodzaak van nationale verzoening en het bestraffen van alle vormen van straffeloosheid. Ik waardeer het dat de rapporteur in zijn verslag wil aansluiten bij een aantal positieve ontwikkelingen in Irak, zoals de verkiezingen in januari 2005. Dat gezegd zijnde, kan ik echter niet heen om twee belangrijke minpunten in het verslag.

1. De verslechterende veiligheidssituatie. Het is waar dat op termijn de vervanging van die troepen de situatie zal verbeteren, maar op dit moment is het tempo simpelweg te laag en de richting te onduidelijk. Ik ben er ten diepste van overtuigd dat de veiligheidssituatie alleen maar structureel zal verbeteren als de overdracht van bevoegdheden radicaler en sneller plaatsvindt.

2. Ik moet erop terugkomen, de dubbelzinnigheid over het begin van de oorlog, met name in de eerste overwegingen. Ik ben het met de rapporteur eens dat de Europese Unie en ook het Europees Parlement zich zullen moeten richten op de toekomst, de toekomstige samenwerking tussen de Europese Unie en Irak. Echter, zonder een evenwichtige beoordeling van het verleden is een effectief en eensgezind optreden niet mogelijk, ook niet in het Parlement. Daarom heeft mijn fractie een aantal amendementen ingediend, o.a. over het gebrek aan legitimering door de VN, die dat nog eens onderstrepen. Voor het overgrote deel van mijn fractie is de aanneming van die amendementen van cruciaal belang voor hun steun voor het verslag.

Voorzitter, collega's, wie niet leert van fouten uit het verleden loopt het gevaar ze opnieuw te maken. En dat moeten we ten koste van alles voorkomen.

  Francis Wurtz, au nom du groupe GUE/NGL. – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Commissaire, Monsieur le Président du Conseil, le rapport qui nous est soumis sur l'engagement de l'Union européenne en Irak estime, dès son article 1, je cite, que: "il faut se détacher des événements passés pour se tourner vers l'avenir". Autrement dit, motus sur la guerre, ses responsables et ses conséquences. Cette démarche me paraît éthiquement désinvolte, politiquement douteuse et stratégiquement illusoire.

Elle est éthiquement désinvolte. De quel droit pourrions-nous décider de passer par pertes et profits les indicibles souffrances que cette guerre a déjà imposées au peuple irakien, les 100 000 morts innocents, les destructions, l'insécurité absolue, les pénuries, l'humiliation de l'occupation? Rappelons une fois encore que cette guerre a été engagée contre la volonté de la communauté internationale et sur la base d'un double mensonge: l'existence en Irak de stocks d'armes de destruction massive et la présence d'Al-Qaida dans le pays avant 2003. Nous ne pouvons pas davantage tenir pour négligeable la légitime colère de nombre d'Américains, de Britanniques et d'autres contre leurs dirigeants, à qui ils n'entendent pas pardonner de les avoir trompés en les entraînant dans cette sanglante et peu glorieuse aventure.

Occulter les origines du fiasco d'aujourd'hui serait en outre politiquement douteux. Les premiers responsables actuels de la Commission et du Conseil sont précisément ceux qui furent parmi les plus fervents soutiens du Président américain. Imaginons que, par les hasards du calendrier, le récent sommet transatlantique ait dû être retardé de deux semaines. Nous aurions eu une photo saisissante de la rencontre: MM. Bush, Blair et Barroso, la quasi-reproduction du Sommet des Açores de 2003. Et ils n'auraient rien à nous dire sur l'évaluation des conséquences pour l'Europe de leurs décisions d'alors et sur les leçons qu'ils en tirent aujourd'hui? Ce serait trop facile, Monsieur Straw, de saluer l'esprit nouveau pour solder au passage un aussi lourd passif. Loin d'avoir permis d'éradiquer le terrorisme, cette guerre a transformé l'Irak, pour reprendre l'analyse de la CIA elle-même - je cite - en un laboratoire terroriste où les djihadistes viennent s'ex! ercer au combat de rue, et ce pour peut-être douze ans encore, selon M. Rumsfeld. Vous avez des comptes à nous rendre!

Enfin, il me paraît illusoire de croire à la réussite durable d'une solution politique en Irak, qui ferait l'économie d'une condamnation de cette guerre. Ni l'Europe, ni l'ONU n'ont vocation à jouer les supplétifs d'occupants embourbés. C'est le moment d'adresser à toute cette région meurtrie des signaux positifs forts, par exemple la décision de proscrire dans l'avenir tout recours à la guerre pour régler les problèmes du monde, ou encore la mise en œuvre effective des engagements du quartet jamais tenus en faveur des droits fondamentaux du peuple palestinien, ou encore une aide substantielle à l'émergence d'une société civile - et je salue les représentants de la société civile que mon groupe avait accueillis hier - et d'une autorité, pleinement libre et souveraine, en Irak. L'Europe, Monsieur le Président, nous dit-on, a besoin de s'atteler d'urgence à un grand dessein et bien en voici un.

  Bastiaan Belder, namens de IND/DEM-Fractie. – Voorzitter, aanhoudende zelfmoordaanslagen belemmeren de wederopbouw van Irak. De Europese instellingen kunnen een wezenlijke bijdrage leveren tot de indamming van dit nagenoeg exclusief Arabische jihadisme. Hoe? Door Iraks naaste buurland Syrië eindelijk eens duidelijk de wacht aan te zeggen, want tot op heden fungeert Syrië als dé springplank voor islamistische terroristen uit het tweestromenland. Onder deze omstandigheden, Raad en Commissie, kan er toch geen sprake zijn van een associatie-akkoord met Damascus? Daarnaast zou ik graag van de Raad vernemen in hoeverre er sprake is van rekrutering van Al Quaeda-jihadisten binnen de Europese Unie, alsmede van financiering van tegen Irak gericht terrorisme door in Europa gevestigde moskeeën.

Duidelijke taal over de ontwrichtende Arabische invloed op Iraks algehele reconstructieproces mis ik nu ten enen male in het verslag-Dimitrakopoulos. Veel beter kan ik uit de voeten met zijn heldere verzoek aan de Commissie om een zorgvuldige verantwoording over alle EU-projecten in Irak. Daar hebben de belastingbetalers in de EU-lidstaten immers alle recht op. Bovendien snijdt collega Dimitrakopoulos hier een tweede groot obstakel voor Iraks wederopbouw aan. Het wijdverbreide kwaad van de corruptie binnen 's lands bestuurlijke apparaat. Ook hier kan de Europese Unie een waardevolle bijdrage leveren tot het toekomstperspectief voor het tweestromenland. Corruptie en veiligheid hangen nauw samen. "Alleen transparantie kan ons uit dit moeras trekken", constateerde de Koerdische politicus Mohammed Toufik terecht. Schone hulptaken in Irak voor de Europese Unie.

Mijnheer de Voorzitter, ik wil hieraan nog toevoegen dat ik veel respect heb voor en alle sterkte toewens aan de troepen van de Verenigde Staten, Groot-Brittanië en andere internationale troepen in hun streven te komen tot een beter ...

(spreker wordt onderbroken door de Voorzitter).

IN THE CHAIR: MR McMILLAN-SCOTT
Vice-President

  Ryszard Czarnecki (NI). – Panie Przewodniczący! W czasach komunizmu w Polsce krążyła taka anegdota o rzekomym sloganie reklamowym jednego z biur podróży: "odwiedź Związek Sowiecki, zanim Związek Sowiecki odwiedzi Ciebie". Frazesując ten dowcip, można dziś powiedzieć: zajmijmy się Irakiem, zanim iraccy terroryści zajmą się nami.

Ostatnio przedstawiciel Unii w Afganistanie powiedział, że nasza polityczna obecność tam i spore zagrożenie finansowe jest konieczne, ponieważ Unia zrobiła błąd w ogóle, nie interesując się tym krajem w latach 1990-2001. Nie powtarzajmy tego błędu z Irakiem, nie zostawiajmy Iraku Amerykanom. Sądzę, że sprawa stabilizacyjnej roli Europy w tym kraju i w tym regionie połączy, bo połączyć powinna, zarówno zwolenników amerykańskiej interwencji w Iraku, jak i jej przeciwników, w tym np. mnie.

Popełniliśmy duży błąd, jako Unia niewysyłając obserwatorów na wybory w Iraku w styczniu 2005 roku. Nieobecni nie mają racji, nieobecni nie mają też wpływu na pożądany rozwój wydarzeń.

Kończąc, chciałem podziękować panu Ministrowi Straw za spotkanie w ostatni czwartek w Londynie i powiedzieć, że od tego czasu nie zmieniliśmy szefa Komisji, nadal jest nim Elmar Brok.

  Elmar Brok (PPE-DE). – Herr Präsident, Frau Kommissarin, Herr Ratspräsident, meine Damen und Herren! Wir hatten vor vierzehn Tagen im Ausschuss eine Delegation des provisorischen Parlaments des Irak, unter Leitung des Parlamentspräsidenten und seiner Stellvertreter. Es waren alle Gruppen vertreten, Schiiten, Sunniten und Kurden. Ich war angenehm überrascht, als ich sah, in welcher Weise diese Spitzenvertreter ihrer Gruppen daran interessiert sind, eine Lösung zu finden, die eine Versöhnung umfasst und die religiösen und ethnischen Gruppen miteinander verbindet, und dass dies in einer ernsthaften Diskussion versucht wird. Der Vorsitzende des Verfassungsausschusses war auch dort. Ich glaube, dass eine entscheidende Voraussetzung für die dauerhafte Befriedung dieses Landes ist, dass man eine Machtbalance in einer Art föderaler Struktur findet, die durach die Verfassung – auch für schlechte Zeiten – abgesichert ist. Auf diese Art ließe sich eine Praxis erreichen, bei der jeder das Gef! ühl hat, dass seine Interessen gewahrt sind, dass aber auch seine religiöse und ethnische Identität gewahrt wird, und dass dies auch in den kulturellen Bereich einfließt.

Ich glaube, das ist eine entscheidende Voraussetzung für das Gelingen. Oft war es ja so, dass in diesen Staaten, die früher unter Kolonialherrschaft standen, eine kleine Gruppe die Herrschaft innehatte, in diesem Falle waren das die Sunniten. Ich glaube, dass darin auch eine Hauptursache des Terrorismus liegt. Es muss uns gelingen, dies deutlich zu machen – so wie Sie, Frau Kommissarin, das auch sagten –, damit der Nutzen für die Bevölkerung sichtbar wird. Sie muss erkennen, dass die Terroristen versuchen, Demokratie und Machtteilung unmöglich zu machen, dass sie keine Stabilität wollen, weil Stabilität Voraussetzung für Investitionen ist, die die Lage des Landes verbessern würden. Auf diese Art und Weise wollen sie ihre alten Machtpositionen wiedererlangen oder aus ideologischen Gründen überhaupt keine demokratische Entwicklung zulassen.

Ich war damals gegen den Krieg, aber das spielt jetzt keine Rolle. Jetzt geht es darum, gemeinsam Frieden und Demokratie zu gewinnen. Die alten Trenngräben, die wir bei uns hatten, müssen überwunden werden, um in einem multilateralen Ansatz die Möglichkeit zu schaffen, dass dieses Land Stabilität und Demokratie bekommt, und dass auf dieser Grundlage in der gesamten Region auch für uns Nutzen entsteht.

  Lilli Gruber (PSE). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, questa relazione poteva e doveva essere più coraggiosa, perché stiamo parlando di questioni di vita e di morte e del futuro strategico della nostra Unione.

Sicuramente il testo è stato migliorato, ma in troppe parti è superato dalla realtà sul campo. Questa guerra è ormai persa e ha aiutato molto i terroristi jihadisti, anziché indebolirli. Se Bush fosse saggio, annuncerebbe un ritiro integrale, senza mantenere basi strategiche, e lo attuerebbe con un calendario preciso.

Come sempre, nei conflitti asimmetrici non c'è una soluzione militare, ma solo una soluzione politica. Il nuovo governo iracheno ci sta provando. Infatti, non sta trattando con i terroristi, ma con i resistenti, includendoli nel processo di ricostruzione. Per questo, collega Dimitrakopoulos, sarà importante inserire la parola "resistenza" nella relazione, perché oggi in Iraq ci sono sia gli insorti contro l'occupazione, sia i terroristi, e i loro obiettivi sono diversi.

Inoltre, era altrettanto importante ricordare che la guerra contro l'Iraq è stata freddamente voluta da Bush e deliberatamente sostenuta da un turbine di menzogne. L'Iraq, infatti, non possedeva armi di distruzioni di massa, né aveva legami con Al Qaida. A invasione compiuta c'era il dovere morale di ricostruire almeno materialmente l'Iraq, ma l'arroganza, l'incompetenza, la corruzione e l'inettitudine politico-militare lo hanno impedito. Così, anche passando attraverso l'onta di Abu Grahib, hanno perso senza conquistare il cuore e le menti degli iracheni.

Mi rivolgo pertanto anche ai rappresentanti del Consiglio e della Commissione, affermando che è il momento di uscire dalla debolezza delle passate divisioni, puntando ancora di più su una politica comune per uscire dalla situazione di impotenza tipica dei coalizzati minori.

L'Europa vale se pensa, decide e lavora insieme. Altrimenti è solo una simpatica collezione di bonsai schiacciati dal primo elefante di passaggio.

  Lapo Pistelli (ALDE). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, sulla guerra in Iraq l'Europa ha conosciuto uno dei punti di massima divisione, per cui la relazione Dimitrakopoulos compie un mezzo miracolo nel cercare un equilibrio possibile. Tuttavia, vi sono ancora molte carenze.

Le reale situazione sul campo conferma purtroppo tutti i dubbi espressi da coloro che si erano detti contrari all'intervento militare. Abbiamo atteso la svolta con la caduta e la cattura di Saddam Hussein e successivamente abbiamo sperato che tale svolta arrivasse dopo le elezioni del gennaio scorso e con l'effettiva capacità del governo Allawi di stabilizzare il paese. In realtà, sappiamo che le cose vanno in modo diverso. Se si considerando le vittime civili dei kamicaze, gli atti di violenza non censiti degli iracheni sugli iracheni e l'aumento degli attacchi settimanali alle truppe occupanti, l'Iraq è il più grande campo di addestramento terrorista del pianeta.

Ora però non dobbiamo guardare al passato ma dobbiamo concentrarci sul futuro, per cui abbiamo dato il nostro endorsement al governo Allawi, ci siamo impegnati nella ricostruzione e abbiamo sostenuto le recenti risoluzioni. A tale riguardo ci siamo prefissi tre obiettivi, vale a dire l'impegno preventivo - come dice la dottrina Solana - con i paesi dell'area, i quali ci possono dare una mano, non soltanto a non esportare terroristi ma anche ad aiutare l'Iraq a uscire dal tunnel, l'addestramento delle forze di sicurezza, che sono indispensabili a programmare l'uscita delle truppe occupanti, e infine l'accordo costituzionale.

Questo è davvero l'ultimo punto di svolta. O siamo capaci di tenere unito il paese con l'accordo costituzionale o deflagrerà un'inesorabile guerra civile. I segni di tensione presenti anche nel Kurdistan ci fanno pensare che questa è davvero l'ultima chance che l'Europa ha per uscire con una situazione migliore nei prossimi mesi.

  Vittorio Agnoletto (GUE/NGL). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, collega Dimitrakopoulos, le vie dell'inferno sono lastricate di buone intenzioni. Intendo dire che se non si fanno i conti con il passato, il passato prima o poi si ripresenterà, con un conto estremamente salato e drammatico.

Se oggi non si condanna la guerra, non si può comprendere quello che accade in questo momento in Iraq. La guerra e il terrorismo continuano ad alimentarsi a vicenda. Prima della guerra in Iraq non c'era il terrorismo. Bisogna avere il coraggio di dire che gli eserciti occupanti sono un elemento che produce insicurezza e non sicurezza. Bisogna avere il coraggio di dire che gli Stati Uniti e i loro alleati sono andati in Iraq perché in Iraq c'è il petrolio e perché volevano impadronirsene, non certo per propagandare la democrazia.

Ieri abbiamo incontrato i rappresentanti della società civile, delle organizzazioni dei diritti umani, dei sindacati e delle donne, che ci hanno spiegato che questa società è attiva e vuole essere protagonista del suo futuro. L'Europa deve guardare anche a questo e non solo al rapporto con un governo eletto in elezioni che si sono svolte sotto un'occupazione militare straniera.

  Γεώργιος Καρατζαφέρης (IND/DEM). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, την αλήθεια τη φοβόμαστε ή τη ντρεπόμαστε; Τη φοβόμαστε ή τη ντρεπόμαστε, Γιώργο; Η αλήθεια είναι μία: ότι έχουμε στρατό κατοχής και έχουμε αναίτια εισβολή Αμερικάνων, Άγγλων και Ισπανών. Αυτή είναι η αλήθεια!

Και στην κατοχή την οποία εμείς δοκιμάσαμε και εσείς δοκιμάσατε το '40 με τους Γερμανούς είχαμε και εκτελέσεις και απαγωγές. Αυτό κάναμε στον κατακτητή. Και αυτό κάνει σήμερα και ο λαός του Ιράκ. Και καλώς το κάνει!

Να φύγουν οι δυνάμεις κατοχής! Να αφήσουν ελεύθερο αυτό το κράτος να βρει το δρόμο του! Να αποζημιώσουν για το κακό που έκαναν! Να τους αφήσουν το πετρέλαιο και με 60 δολάρια το πετρέλαιο θα βρουν το δρόμο τους!

Όσο υπάρχει στρατός κατοχής θα υπάρχουν και εγκλήματα. Ας το καταλάβουν! Είναι μια μεγάλη αλήθεια. Το ζήσαμε εμείς. Όταν ο Στάλιν μπήκε στα εσωτερικά της Ελλάδος το '44 με '49, σκοτωνόμαστε για πολλά χρόνια. Πρέπει να φύγει ο στρατός κατοχής. Αυτό είναι το δίκαιο.

Να πούμε την αλήθεια! Να μην ντρεπόμαστε! Μην ερχόμαστε εδώ και να νομοθετούμε από τη σιγουριά του Στρασβούργου και των Βρυξελλών! Να πάμε να πούμε αυτά που λέμε στη Βασόρα! Να πάμε να πούμε αυτά που λέμε στη Βαγδάτη! Εκεί είναι ο λαός, εκεί είναι η αλήθεια, εκεί είναι το πρόβλημα. Ζήτω η δημοκρατία! Ζήτω η ελευθερία! Ζήτω η αυτοδιάθεση των λαών!

  Andreas Mölzer (NI). – Herr Präsident! Unter dem Vorwand der Existenz von Massenvernichtungswaffen sind die USA bekanntlich in den Irak eingedrungen und versuchen nun, dem irakischen Volk ihre Vorstellung von Demokratie aufzuzwingen. Nicht nur die Dauer dieser Intervention, sondern auch ihre Kosten und Auswirkungen wurden unterschätzt. Der nun rechtsfreie Raum des Irak bietet Extremisten die ideale Gelegenheit, sich neu zu gruppieren und Kampferfahrung zu sammeln. Durch die US-Invasion hat sich das Land in ein Ausbildungslager für Terroristen aus aller Welt gewandelt, die nun nur darauf warten, ihre neuen Erkenntnisse auch bei uns einsetzen zu können.

Bereits jetzt müssen wir also alle für die amerikanischen Fehler büßen, sei es in Form verstärkter Terrorismusaktivitäten, sei es durch immer neuen Zulauf zu islamisch-extremistischen Gruppierungen. Es geht nicht an, dass Europa womöglich noch mehr für diesen Irrweg der USA in Form von Truppenentsendungen zahlt. Frieden im Irak und eine Lösung der Probleme können nur von innen kommen. Deshalb sollten wir eher den Wiederaufbau der Bildung, die Wirtschaft und die Bekämpfung der blühenden Korruption unterstützen. Das wäre eine lohnende Aufgabe für Europa.

  Anna Ibrisagic (PPE-DE). – Herr talman! Jag skulle vilja börja med att gratulera Dimitrakopoulos till det enorma arbete som han lagt ned på denna komplicerade men ytterst viktiga fråga.

Efter åtal av Saddam Husseins regim har det irakiska folket nu fått möjlighet att bygga upp sitt land fritt och på ett demokratiskt sätt. Parlamentsvalet som genomfördes under stort tryck från krafter som inte var intresserade av vare sig demokrati eller fria val var det första steget i demokratiseringsprocessen. Det var också en chans för politiken att vinna över terrorn och våldet, men så blev det inte.

Även om en övergångsregering har bildats och utarbetandet av den nya konstitutionen har påbörjats, har inte säkerhetssituationen i Irak stabiliserats så som den borde ha gjort. Tvärtom är situationen sådan att det under lång tid framöver kommer att krävas ansträngningar och en stark internationell närvaro.

Det är självklart bättre ju tidigare Irak självt tryggar säkerheten i landet. Lärda av andra konflikter i vår närhet, t.ex. krigen på Balkan som jag själv har upplevt, kan vi dock inte förvänta oss några snabba resultat. Att bygga upp fred och demokrati tar tid, även om alla krafter i landet vore positiva. Ännu mer tid krävs det i länder som Irak eller Bosnien där det finns olika grupperingar som motarbetar demokratiseringsprocessen. Vi måste dock ha tid och tålamod. Att inte visa tillräckligt stöd för Iraks politiska demokratiseringssträvanden eller att för hastigt dra tillbaka de internationella styrkorna från Irak, skulle nämligen inte bara äventyra freden i själva Irak utan även i dess omgivning, och det har vi inte råd med. Därför är det enda alternativet för oss att fortsätta stödja Irak, både politiskt och genom en stark internationell närvaro så länge det krävs.

Ferrero-Waldner påpekade mycket riktigt att Europa i dag står enat i sina ansträngningar att återuppbygga Irak. Enligt min mening är just enandet det som skulle leda till att situationen i Irak kan stabiliseras och att de problem som vi har i dag övervinnas.

  Marek Maciej Siwiec (PSE). – Panie Przewodniczący! Stoimy w obliczu trudnego, wydyskutowanego przez wiele tygodni kompromisu. Chciałbym zaapelować do tych wszystkich, którzy na tej sali uprawiają wiecową demagogię, dla których czas zatrzymał się dwa lata temu, którzy ciągle używają języka historycznego, aby pochylili się nad tym kompromisem i zastanowili się, co jest produktywne dla Irakijczyków - ten kompromis czy ich wiecowa demagogia?

Jeżeli nie odróżniają anonimowych zbrodniarzy, którzy zabijają cywilów, od wojsk koalicyjnych - żołnierzy, którzy ryzykują swoje życie tam w Iraku, po prostu są kłamcami. Protestuję przeciwko temu.

Dwa postulaty do Rady i do Komisji. Po pierwsze: trzeba aktywizować presję na sąsiadów w Iraku, ponieważ to, co wydarzyło się ostatnio w Iranie (mówiono tutaj o Syrii), to są zjawiska, za które te kraje muszą czuć odpowiedzialność, muszą czuć presję wspólnoty międzynarodowej i część odpowiedzialności za to, co dzieje się w Iraku. Nie mogą uprawiać anonimowej polityki wysyłając mylne sygnały. Po drugie: dialog polityczny, który prowadzony jest ze społecznością polityczną Iraku musi być intensyfikowany. To te podziały etniczne i religijne są utrwalone w przejściowym parlamencie, ale my musimy z tymi ludźmi rozmawiać. Ci, którzy nie walczą, są naszymi partnerami.

Na koniec, postulat wysłania sił pokojowych jest piękny, ale naiwny. Jaka to armia, jakie to wojsko pojedzie w błękitnych hełmach i będzie chronić Irakijczyków? To muszą być dobrze uzbrojone, przygotowane wojska irackie, bo tylko one są w stanie chronić Irakijczyków.

  Gerard Batten (IND/DEM). – Mr President, reports before this Parliament seldom contain jokes, but there is some humour, if unintentional, in this one. Paragraph 43 suggests that the European Union ‘offers its expertise and assistance with a view to the drafting of the Iraqi Constitution’. Iraqis might think that the European Union’s expertise and experience in this field leaves something to be desired. Its last attempt produced a Constitution that was opaque and confused and ran to almost 500 pages. On the other hand, the United States of America has a clear and concise Constitution that runs to just a few pages of paper, with only about 27 amendments needed over the past 200 years. If the Iraqis need some help, they might prefer to ask the Americans to lend a hand. If the EU becomes involved it might even offer to organise the constitutional referendum for the Iraqis, and that could lead to all kinds of unwanted problems.

  Bogusław Sonik (PPE-DE). – Panie Przewodniczący! Irak jest polem bitwy z terrorystami. Terroryści jasno określili swój cel - zmusimy siły międzynarodowe do wycofania się z Iraku, a następnie zdławimy rodzącą się w tym kraju demokrację. Świat nie może dopuścić do realizacji tych celów, tych planów, a państwa Unii Europejskiej nie mogą sobie na taki scenariusz pozwolić.

Walka z terroryzmem jest globalnym wyzwaniem, przed jakim stanął nasz świat w pierwszych latach XXI wieku i tę walkę musimy wygrać, gdyż przeciwnik nie zna pojęć: umowa, porozumienie, kompromis, dialog, pokój. Współczesny terroryzm chce zniszczyć cywilizację w której żyjemy. Teraz celem są Stany Zjednoczone, ale za parę miesięcy będzie Europa. Dlatego Unia powinna zdecydować o podjęciu wspólnych, śmiałych i konkretnych decyzji, gdyż udzielenie wsparcia w wysokości 200 milionów euro już nie wystarcza.

Unia powinna przede wszystkim odpowiedzieć na podstawowe problemy ludności, a są nimi: brak wody - 2 miliony mieszkańców pozbawionych jest wody, brak żywności - według najnowszego raportu ONZ, co czwarte dziecko głoduje, brak pracy - bezrobocie sięga 70%, brak poczucia bezpieczeństwa i strach przed atakami terrorystycznymi. Sabotażyści niszczący rurociągi i inne obiekty naftowe narazili Irak w ciągu minionych 2 lat na straty w wysokości 11 miliardów dolarów. To są kwestie, które winny znaleźć się na liście priorytetów określających cele wsparcia Unii Europejskiej dla Iraku.

Nie może być tak, by najbardziej spektakularnym wysiłkiem z naszej strony w procesie odbudowy Iraku była zapowiedź otwarcia przedstawicielstwa Komisji Europejskiej w Bagdadzie, lub wysłanie misji obserwacyjnej na grudniowe wybory. Na tę konkretną pomoc oczekują przede wszystkim zwykli Irakijczycy. Konieczne jest większe i bardziej systematyczne zaangażowanie się w Iraku. Trzeba wizji na miarę wspólnoty zrzeszającej 25 krajów.

Porażka będzie nas drogo kosztować. Jeśli siły demokratyczne poniosą klęskę, to terroryści się wzmocnią i konsekwencje tego będzie można odczuć nie tylko w Iraku, ale i na całym świecie, w postaci nowej fali terroryzmu. Pokój będzie miał znaczenie dla rozwoju stosunków transatlantyckich oraz pokoju w całym regionie. Trzeba wywierać presję na Syrię i Iran, by zaprzestali wspierania terrorystów w Iraku.

  Monika Beňová (PSE). – Už dlhšie počúvame, že sa netreba vracať do minulosti a že nie je dôležité hovoriť o opodstatnenosti invázie Spojených štátov amerických a ich ad hoc koalície alebo spojencov do Iraku. Prepáčte, ale ja hlboko nesúhlasím s takýmto názorom, pretože Američanmi vytvorená a riadená ad hoc koalícia napadla suverénny štát bez akéhokoľvek medzinárodného a právne akceptovateľného mandátu.

Dámy a páni, pán minister Straw, história nám už mnohokrát v minulosti dokázala, že mnohým chybám sa ľudstvo mohlo vyhnúť, ak by bolo dôsledne analyzovalo vlastné omyly a morálne zlyhania. Žiaľ, asi sme v tomto nepoučiteľní.

Pán Dimitrakopoulos, ja nielenže viem vysloviť vaše meno, ja si vás vážim aj ako kolegu zo zahraničného výboru. Napriek tomu nemôžem podporiť uznesenie, ktoré ste predložili, aj keď viem, akú veľkú prácu ste mu venovali a súhlasím s kolegyňou pani De Keyser, že bez toho, aby prešli naše pozmeňujúce a doplňujúce návrhy, nebude mať toto uznesenie vôbec žiadnu vážnosť.

  Simon Coveney (PPE-DE). – Mr President, first I want to pay tribute to Mr Dimitrakopoulos, a name which I have become familiar with in recent months. He has worked extremely hard to get this report right, seeking compromise from all sides to create a report that I think represents the views and aspirations of the vast majority of this Parliament. That is not an easy job when it comes to Iraq.

One of the positive aspects of this report is the recurring theme of the need for us all to look forward with Iraq; concentrating on what can be achieved as Iraq moves ahead into the future and not constantly referring to mistakes and decisions made in the past. The rapporteur has not allowed this report to be hijacked by those who want to rehash the debate on the basis for war in Iraq and the legalities surrounding that decision, or lack of them. This is a valid debate but it adds nothing positive to this report at this stage. Instead, the report concentrates on what the EU's role will and should be in the future, assisting the new authorities in Iraq. Many issues are dealt with; I want to refer to three of them.

First, in relation to political support, I was glad to hear Mr Brok referring to the visit of representatives from the transitional National Assembly to this Parliament recently, and it was a welcome event. They called for assistance, support and help in relation to the drafting of the new constitution in Iraq, which is something I think we should do wholeheartedly and enthusiastically. Primarily, we need to ensure that there is full participation of all groups in the drafting of that constitution.

Second, in relation to security, we should not forget that, as we speak, there are European citizens in Iraq trying to provide security in difficult circumstances. We need to look forward to see what the EU can do collectively. To that end, I welcome the fact that we are going to see an EU delegation in Baghdad in the near future. I also welcome the Rule of Law and Police Training Mission, which will add considerably to the security situation in Iraq, and the new call for a new UN Security Council Resolution on Iraq, which is outlined in detail in the report. That is a brave new call.

Finally, we should not forget our human rights principles, despite the very difficult and extreme circumstances that continue in Iraq, particularly in relation to the death penalty.

  Richard Howitt (PSE). – Mr President, I welcome the emphasis of the rapporteur and of Amendment 12, by the PSE Group, in supporting the EU’s positive commitment to the social, economic and political reconstruction of Iraq, to the success of the January elections, to the doubling of international partners for Iraq, as represented at the Brussels Conference, and to our united condemnation of all violence, kidnappings and human rights abuses within Iraq.

The European Parliamentary Labour Party cannot support those amendments that seek to rekindle the divisions of the past. In that context, I note that Amendment 3, by the Verts/ALE Group, seeks to delete this Parliament’s commitment to fighting both terrorism and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. Everyone should vote against that amendment.

Finally, there is a link between this debate and the next on development. Twenty years under Saddam Hussein left five million Iraqis suffering from chronic poverty, the fastest increase in child mortality of any country in the world, access to safe water for less than half the people in rural areas and 60% wholly dependent on food handouts. Today the European Parliament reaffirms its commitment to the right for development for the Iraqi people, as well as their right to peace.

  Benita Ferrero-Waldner, Member of the Commission. Mr President, the post-Iraq-war phase can be compared to some degree with the period after the Second World War, even if it is not on the same scale. However, we have to get over all our past differences and quarrels and look to the future. That is the only solution. We cannot just talk about the situation, we have to take action, we have to turn the page. That is why the Commission has been seeking over the past two years to contribute, through its support for reconstruction, to promote reconciliation within Iraq and in the international community.

As Mr Brok and Mrs Morgantini pointed out, we must also ensure that the rehabilitation and reconstruction of Iraq produce benefits for all Iraqis. That must be an inclusive approach. Of course we have to look to the constitution. It has to be a constitution that gives ownership to the Iraqis, that really protects the territorial integrity of Iraq but, at the same time, looks to the federal possibilities. That is the only way to secure the right balance between the different ethnic elements. It also has to look to the future, creating a modern society in which women and religious communities must be given an appropriate stake. Therefore, the constitution is of the greatest importance.

It is also very important to build the institutions of the new Iraq. There has been a great deal of talk about energy and trade. I believe that, in order to restore the possibility for Iraqis to develop themselves, there has to be capacity-building with the Ministries of Trade and Energy.

We supported the elections and we will support the next elections if the security situation will allow it. It is also very important to ensure the further development of the Iraqi police and judiciary. The ‘Eujustlex’ mission that began on 1 July will be of great importance and will hopefully make a significant contribution. This involves the training of 770 policemen and judiciary members. We also have to refocus on the social services, such as education, health and sanitation. People must be allowed to live their lives. At the moment they only have electricity for a few hours per day, in a climate where temperatures reach 50 degrees centigrade.

We know how difficult it is. Conditions on the ground are exceedingly difficult. We are also aware of delays in some implementation because of the difficult situation. We therefore have ongoing discussions with the World Bank, the UN and the Iraqis themselves. It is clear that the main responsibility lies with them, but we must give them all our assistance.

I agree that it is very important that the international community encourage Iraq’s neighbours to adopt the same approach, striving towards reconciliation and unity in Iraq. That is the clear message we gave in the international conference.

We support the WTO proposals regarding Iraq. Trade and cooperation agreements could be the next step, subject to negotiations with the Iraqis. There is a chance for them to build – in a new way – on the current situation in which we are providing them with assistance, but this must be done in a much more orderly way.

I am very grateful for the support of the European Parliament. I congratulate Mr Dimitrakopoulos for the excellent work he has done. You see, I can learn and will do better next time.

  Jack Straw, President-in-Office of the Council. Mr President, may I through you thank all Members of the European Parliament for a very constructive debate, which has been very interesting for me as well. Of course, it is right in one sense to say you cannot discuss the future without understanding the past, and there are different analyses of the past. I happen to think that war was justified at the time. I still do. I respect those who take a different view.

What I would say, however, is this: we can argue – and we will argue for a long time – about the legitimacy of the military action, but please do not now argue about the legitimacy of what is a democratically elected Iraqi Government. There were some speakers who challenged the legitimacy of the current government. With respect, that is wrong. The elections that took place on 30 January took place under a United Nations mandate, under intense international scrutiny. They were fair elections: 8.6 million Iraqis voted, and they produced a representative assembly which now has instructions from the United Nations to bring forward a draft constitution in August and to have it ratified in a referendum in October for there to be further elections leading to a more permanent national government in December. I suggest that it is responsibility of the whole of the international community, in support of that unanimous United Nations mandate, to ensure that this process works and ! works effectively. I am deeply grateful to the Commission and to the Parliament for the support that they are giving to that process.

Yes, the situation in Iraq today is serious. Yes, too many are being killed, but I would remind those who describe it simply as some kind of legitimate resistance that the overwhelming majority of the victims of this terrorism are not coalition forces, they are ordinary Iraqis. I would also remind colleagues here that in many – not all – areas of Iraq there is a fair degree of normality. There have been very few incidents. Why? Because the terrorism there has been defeated. Where there is abnormality, it is because of the terrorism. I am not naive. I accept that, where there is this level of terrorism, there has to be a political process to try to bring people in as well as an immediate security response. It is a matter of great regret that most Sunnis decided not to participate in the elections in January.

What has happened since – and Commissioner Ferrero-Waldner and I met representatives of the Sunni community and discussed the matter with members of the Shia and Kurdish communities – is an effort by the Iraqi Government to bring Sunnis in. It has been difficult but, just two days ago, the National Assembly decided to confirm the representation of 15 Sunnis on the constitutional committee. That is of profound importance, a first step in reaching out to the Sunni community. There have to be other steps taken as well, so you end up with an Iraq that represents all the communities.

The other thing I would say is that any analysis of opinion in Iraq suggests that, despite the violence today, most Iraqis prefer what has happened and is happening today to what was going on before. And yes, there was terrorism before the war: it was state terrorism that led to the death of hundreds of thousands of ordinary Iraqis. And no – hundreds of thousands have not been killed since the war, some scores of thousands have been. It is too many, but at least now the Iraqis can look forward to a democratic, peaceful future in which they control their destiny, which they never could under Saddam.

There have been arguments within Europe as elsewhere about this situation in Iraq. Given those, we greatly welcome the very constructive approach adopted by Mr Dimitrakopoulos and his committee. I thank you very much for that. I know, given the range of opinions, that it was a very hard task to bring together a sense of this and of action for the future. It is well illustrated by today’s debate. I am grateful to Mr Dimitrakopoulos and also to the Commission.

For our part, in the Presidency, we will do all we can over the next six months actively to support the work of the European Union as well as accepting our own responsibilities within Iraq as one of the contributors to the Coalition.

  President. The debate is closed.

The vote will take place at noon today.

PRESIDENCIA DEL SR. BORRELL FONTELLES
Presidente