Verbatim report of proceedings

Tuesday, 15 November 2005 - Strasbourg

28. Enlargement II

  President.   The next item is the Commission statement on Enlargement II.

  Olli Rehn, Member of the Commission. Mr President, a few weeks ago, I reported to you on the Commission’s findings concerning Bulgaria and Romania. Today, I am glad to present to you the Commission’s views on enlargement strategy as a whole, on the candidate countries Turkey and Croatia, and on the potential candidates of the Western Balkans.

Enlargement is one of the EU’s most powerful policy tools: it exemplifies the EU’s ‘soft power’, or the power of transformation, which has helped to transform countries to stable democracies and more prosperous societies, with higher levels of economic development and social welfare. It remains in Europe’s and our citizens’ fundamental interest to continue a carefully managed accession process.

The trademark of the Barroso Commission’s strategy on enlargement is consolidation. We have to be cautious about taking on any new commitments, but, at the same time, we must stand by the commitments that we have made, once the countries fulfil the strict conditions for accession. Conditionality is the key to our transformative power, but it is a two-way street: conditionality only works if the countries can believe in the EU’s commitment to their eventual membership.

Moreover, we have to communicate more effectively the objectives and challenges of the accession process and how we deal with the countries. Broad public support is essential for a sustainable enlargement policy, now more than ever. It is also up to the Member States in particular to make the case for and defend the policies they have agreed unanimously.

The Commission certainly does its part, and I am well aware of the very significant efforts of the European Parliament and of many of you back home.

With Turkey and Croatia, we started screening the chapters for accession negotiations some three weeks ago. The progress reports analyse where the countries stand, and the accession partnerships set both short-term and medium-term goals to address the problems identified.

It is a mixed picture, frankly. In Turkey, bold and significant reforms that enhance the rule of law and human rights have now entered into force, but at the same time their implementation remains uneven. The report underlines that Turkey must make further serious efforts in freedom of expression, women’s rights, religious freedoms, trade union rights, cultural rights and the fight against torture and ill-treatment, where a zero-tolerance policy must be applied in practice. The Accession Partnership for Turkey addresses these issues among the priorities for action in the short term.

On a positive note, the Commission now recognises Turkey as a functioning market economy, as long as stabilisation and reform measures are firmly maintained.

Croatia is doing well in transposing EU legislation, but it still needs to make important efforts to reform the judicial system, to fight corruption, to improve the situation of minorities and to facilitate refugees’ return, as well as to strengthen the administrative structures for the enforcement of the acquis communautaire. Needless to say, Croatia must also maintain full cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia so that the remaining fugitive is finally brought to justice; we shall monitor this commitment very closely.

The Commission’s opinion on the application of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia for EU membership is an objective and fair assessment. Only a few years after being on the brink of civil war, the country has achieved remarkable political stability and democratic development, particularly thanks to the implementation of the Ohrid Framework Agreement. The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia is currently the only functioning multi-ethnic state in the Western Balkans, and thus a case in point that such a multi-ethnic model can really work. For these reasons, the Commission can recommend the status of candidate country for the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia; however, the country is not ready to start accession negotiations yet. Candidate status for the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia would be an important political signal for the whole region. At the same time, the Commission is not rushing ahead to recommend accession negotiations before the country is ready. We will assess the situation regularly and will recommend opening negotiations only once a sufficient level of compliance with the Copenhagen criteria is reached.

As regards Albania, Serbia and Montenegro, Bosnia and Herzegovina, the time has come to anchor our relationship more strongly by negotiating a stabilisation and association agreement with each of these countries. With Albania, we should be able to do so in the near future. For the other two countries, I expect that we may do so towards the end of 2006, if they make serious progress on reform. A stabilisation and association agreement is the first stepping stone towards the European Union, and it needs to be implemented rigorously before any further steps can be envisaged.

Following the objective report and recommendation of the UN Standards Envoy Mr Eide, the talks on the future status of Kosovo are about to begin. The Commission fully supports the efforts of the UN Status Envoy, President Ahtisaari, to prepare a balanced and sustainable settlement in Kosovo, and we shall of course work closely with him.

Our common goal must be a status with standards; it is of paramount importance that the rights of minorities and the protection of cultural and historical sites are ensured in order to achieve a sustainable settlement that facilitates the stability of the whole region. To this effect, I shall soon present a joint paper on the EU’s policy on Kosovo with Mr Solana. We also need to facilitate the status process with appropriate financial resources, and the Commission asks Parliament to work closely with it on that matter; I count on your support for this very important issue for the security and stability of Europe.

Each and every country in the Western Balkans is taking a step forward towards the European Union this autumn. Thus we send a clear message that the EU remains committed to their mid- or long-term perspective of EU membership, once each and every country meets our strict conditions. These are indeed two sides of the same coin: the prospect of EU accession comes closer step-by-step in response to real progress in fulfilling the EU’s conditions and criteria.

The Commission remains committed to the EU perspective on the Western Balkans. I am sure that I can count on your support in this very important endeavour.

(Applause)

  Elmar Brok, on behalf of the PPE-DE Group. – (DE) Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, I should like to thank the Commission for its attention to detail, and for its committed efforts to push the process forward. I should also like to thank the many countries that have endeavoured to meet the criteria. Yet there must be no mistaking the fact that the conditions must be met, and not merely put off to a later date. These conditions include the EU’s capacity to absorb new members, even though we are still waiting for an explanation of how this concept can be made operational. Following the debate held on 3 October, I hope that the Commission will soon put forward a proposal on this issue.

I concur with the Commissioner’s view that enlargement is one of the European Union’s most successful foreign policy strategies, since it has brought stability to Europe and contributed to the spread of democracy and the rule of law there. The prospect of EU membership is an important tool that enables countries to push through internal reforms that would in the majority of cases be otherwise impossible, in all likelihood for domestic political reasons.

Yet in view of the fact that the European Union has just undergone enlargement to include a further 10 countries, and may well shortly be joined by another two, I believe that we must make it quite clear that we need a period of consolidation, in the same way that any business needs to consolidate after a period of growth. The question we must ask ourselves is whether we want to restore the balance between deepening and widening, to reaffirm our plans to ensure that the enlarged European Union is able to act and to focus once again on the issue of political unity, or to allow the EU to wither away to nothing but a free trade area.

Although this report has been labelled a strategy report, I believe that it fails to clarify certain issues, including the question of what shape an overall strategy should take, and what the future internal structure and external borders of this EU of ours should be. It goes without saying that a report of this kind cannot give detailed answers to the latter question, because it relates to an ongoing process. In my opinion, however, it is high time that we had some idea of where we stand on these matters so that we can make progress, and so that we do not spend all our time dealing with isolated cases, which result in the kind of automated processes that place the European Union at risk. Thought should also be given to whether it would not be a good idea to find an alternative to full membership and the neighbourhood policy, at least on a short-term basis. This would allow countries the prospect of EU membership in order to focus their development efforts, but at the same time avoid any negative impact on the EU’s capacity for development. This alternative could resemble the European Economic Area of previous decades. I find it regrettable that the Commission has not proposed such initiatives, and is instead too caught up in the details, without daring to think big.

  Jan Marinus Wiersma, on behalf of the PSE Group. – (NL) Mr President, the successful integration of the Western Balkans into Europe is of great significance for that region and for Europe as a whole. In fact, it is one of the political priorities of my group, the Socialist Group in the European Parliament. Accordingly, we have drafted a position on the European future of the Western Balkans that has been recorded in an extended strategy paper, which has now been published. First and foremost, we will continue to give our full support to the Thessaloniki agenda. We need to attain sustainable peace, stability and prosperity in the Balkans within a process of integration in the European Union and with the prospect of ultimately joining, of course.

One priority within that process is that we endeavour to solve the problems that are endemic throughout that region. Whilst successful integration into the European Union is conditional on the consolidation of democracy and rule of law, economic development, immigration policy, cooperation with the Hague Tribunal and the fight against corruption and crime, these things are also closely related to regional security and stability in that region, which is still fragile. That is why these problems not only affect the bilateral relation between the Balkan countries and the European Union, but it is the countries themselves that stand to gain most in this process.

Consequently, the mutual cooperation between the countries of the Western Balkans is an essential component of our strategy. The EU must provide a solid framework, but the dynamic to solve these problems must ultimately come from that region itself. That also applies to the obstacles that are still around. Regional politicians will need to shoulder their responsibility when it comes to deciding on the state structure of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the relationship between Serbia and a probably independent Montenegro and on the status of Kosovo.

We must also acknowledge the positive developments, though, albeit with a healthy dose of cautious optimism. Bosnia has made a breakthrough in the reform of its police apparatchik, which was an important concession from the Serb part of that country. The fact that the Commission wants to give Macedonia (FYROM) the status of candidate country is indicative of the steady progress that country has made.

Finally, we support the Commission in its three Cs for enlargement, namely consolidation, conditionality and communication, but I hope to return to the latter point soon, for broad support, in our own countries too, for further enlargement is crucial to its success.

  István Szent-Iványi, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – (HU) Mr President, the most important outcome of the enlargement package is that it gives the countries of the Western Balkans clear prospects for the future. The section recommending candidate status for the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia is particularly positive. In doing so it recognises the development that Macedonia has undergone and the efforts it has made in recent years. At the same time, it is appropriate that no date has been set for commencing accession negotiations, since neither Macedonia nor the European Union is ready for this at present. Let us hope that both Macedonia and Europe will be ready for negotiations to begin within a few years.

The European Union expects two things from the countries of the Western Balkans: that they should close the tragic chapter of their recent history, and that they should hand over war criminals – Ante Gotovina, Mladic and Karadzic alike – to the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia in The Hague. It also expects them to do everything in their power to restore ethnic peace. In other words, they must enhance minority rights and ensure that this is done on a broad basis, be it in Vojvodina or Kosovo. We also expect them to intensify efforts to comply with the terms for accession, to explore the potential offered by regional cooperation, and to open up their borders.

The true measure of the Western Balkans’ capacity for integration is whether they are capable of cooperating with one another. I hope that they will be capable and that they will prove it by completing preparations for European integration.

  Joost Lagendijk, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – (NL) Mr President, I am convinced that many historians will write doctoral theses on what exactly happened in the spring of 2005 in Europe in terms of attitude, climate and the mood as regards enlargement. Was it the fact that we had not yet digested the enlargement of 2004? Was it the two no’s in the Constitutional referendums? I do not know, and it will not become evident until later on, but the fact is that the EU’s enlargement is under fire. Many people have the impression that the majority of the people of the European Union are opposed to it, and many politicians are only too pleased to hide behind those sceptical citizens.

That is why I am pleased, not only that the Commission has taken a firm stand, but also that it makes a reasoned case – which I endorse – for the EU’s enlargement, as we have seen it to date, being one of the EU’s success stories, and that it would therefore be extremely short-sighted on our part to go back on the promises that were made to Romania and Bulgaria, Turkey and Croatia, or the countries of the Western Balkans.

I am also pleased, though, that the Commission has drawn certain pertinent conclusions from the process we have known to date. The conclusions are that bringing enlargement into practice is more important than making promises, that – and I am echoing Mr Brok when I say this – the European Union itself should also be capable of including new countries and that an assessment per country must be based on facts and not on automatisms and finally, that future enlargement rounds will only succeed if politicians show political leadership and are prepared to defend enlargement in the face of the scepticism that may exist among the public.

If the Commission remains committed to enlargement of that kind – namely one that is based on facts, not on promises, not on automatisms, enlargement based on political vision and analysis rather than opinion polls – then my group, too, will back it wholeheartedly.

  Cristiana Muscardini, on behalf of the UEN Group. – (IT) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, the second enlargement phase represents a further step towards the full reunification of Europe. 1 May 2004 is a date that has entered the annals of our continent, on account not only of the additional political weight that we have acquired but also of the cultural enrichment that we have gained from it.

It is important to continue on this road, but only after consolidating the present Union and without losing sight of the fundamental prerequisite for other countries to join: respect for the acquis communautaire and the fundamental principles of the Union. This point is not a mere formality and becomes a matter of substance when the laws of countries that have applied for membership violate these principles.

As I emphasised in my written question of 26 October 2005, discrimination continues in Croatia against Italian citizens in access to the property market – access that is guaranteed to other Union states. Commissioner, I ask you if it is acceptable that a country wishing to join the Union should place preconditions on nationals of a Member State in clear violation of Community principles, and if the Commission is disposed to include recognition of free access to the Croatian property market for Italian nationals in the negotiations.

Discrimination has an incalculable human and civil impact, quite apart from its negative juridical significance. Institutions that practise it cannot be regarded as credible or trustworthy. The principle of equality before the law marks out civilised and democratic countries from those that cannot be so regarded if such a principle is not enshrined in their legal system.

We are not opposed to Croatia becoming a member of the Union, but only on condition that it respects the rules accepted throughout the West concerning real estate and that it finally settles the lengthy litigation with Giulian-Dalmatian exiles who are still awaiting justice.

  Camiel Eurlings (PPE-DE). – (NL) Mr President, I am echoing the view of many when I say that enlargement has been one of Europe’s success stories, both for the new countries and the old Union. At the same time, we have to realise that an imbalance has, to some extent, been created between the deepening and widening processes. The deepening process should have been accomplished at Nice, but was not, while there was widening at a later date. We must be concerned about the fact that the deepening process is still outstanding. To my Dutch fellow-Member Mr Wiersma, I would like to say that 80% of my party were in favour of the Constitution. If his party votes similarly next time, then we might be able to do well in the Netherlands.

At the same time, before the enlargement process begins, we must regain a degree of credibility, and that means that we must take the enlargement criteria more seriously than ever. When criteria are stipulated, both for finances and enlargement, then these need to be met; if they are not, our credibility will suffer. One of the criteria is absorption capacity. We will need sufficient support, both institutionally and also in terms of support base, in order to make future enlargement possible.

I would now like to turn to the criteria of the countries themselves. At that level too, we must be seen to take those seriously. As far as Romania and Bulgaria are concerned, I truly hope that they will be able to join in 2007, but it will depend on the progress they make in the next six months. As for Turkey, if we want things to go well, we will need to make it clear that laws on personal expression and freedom of expression will need to be changed, that the problem involving Cyprus will need to be solved, acknowledging both sides of the story, and that in terms of religious freedom, for example, we cannot wait another few years until there is another election in Turkey before something is actually done in that area.

The Commission has now clearly stated that things can be done in the short term. We give the Commission our backing in this, and I think that the way forward is with prudence concerning the admission of new candidate countries at the moment. At the same time, we should put our own House in order and, above all, show that we take the procedures very seriously indeed. Commissioner, we as Europeans must all take a firm stand against the populists who alarm people about enlargement, but it would be wrong to mistake them for people who are genuinely concerned about the right balance being struck between deepening and widening.

  Hannes Swoboda (PSE). – (DE) Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, I should like to tell Mr Eurlings that part of the problem may well be that too many politicians talk about the difficulties and problems involved in enlargement, and too few about its advantages.

One point I will concede to him, however, is that we must plan the next enlargements carefully and using our best judgment. I should like to comment briefly on three Balkan states, starting with Croatia. As rapporteur on Croatia, I am delighted that we are opening negotiations with that country. Many challenges still remain, and the Commissioner has mentioned some of them. I should like in particular to add law enforcement to this list, since it is still a source of enormous problems in certain regions of Croatia, where jurisdiction and administration are not really up to today’s standards. While on the subject of today, I should also like to remind Croatia that now is not the time to talk about when accession will take place, since none of us know the answer to that question. Instead, we should be talking about taking the necessary measures to ensure that the desired date of accession can be achieved.

As far as Macedonia is concerned, I am aware that some of the country’s citizens may well be disappointed that negotiations have not yet begun. Yet they should in fact regard it as an incentive to take the steps that must be taken before negotiations can begin, and before a date can be set for the start of these negotiations. As I see it, the compromise reached by the various ethnic groups in Macedonia can rightly be considered a success, in particular with regard to the implementation of the Ohrid Agreement.

Moving on to Kosovo, I believe that the line taken by the Commissioner in his report is of absolutely critical importance, and I would ask him to continue to take this line. It is plain to see that this report is inspired by sympathy for the country, yet at the same time it voices criticism of the intolerable circumstances that continue to prevail there, both in political and economic terms and with regard to minorities. This is one of the few Commission reports to be genuinely critical and objective.

The question of status and standards crops up time and time again. In my opinion, we cannot grant any country independence or offer it a closer relationship with the European Union unless it meets European standards. I am very much in favour of our giving Kosovo a helping hand, but I am also very much in favour of it meeting European standards. This also applies to the majority in Kosovo, for whom we have fought so hard over the past years.

  Sarah Ludford (ALDE). – Mr President, Commissioner Rehn is right that a carefully managed enlargement process is one of the EU’s most powerful and successful policy tools. We have to try hard to enthuse our citizens. To be a bit frivolous, perhaps if we could feature gorgeous young men like the one that figures in the Polish plumber ads, we might find marketing enlargement easier, but I must not be sexist.

We must also offer citizens of aspirant countries some tangible reward for the tough effort that they have to make towards EU membership, but the EU visa regime in the Western Balkans is an overwhelming barrier to communication through travel. It stifles the very sectors of society that the EU should be doing its best to encourage.

In May of this year, Commissioner Rehn told a conference that he was optimistic about the prospects for progress on easing the visa burden. I hope that date is coming closer. I realise that full visa liberalisation is some considerable way down the line, but visa facilitation for certain groups, similar to that being discussed or negotiated with Russia, Ukraine and China, would surely go a long way towards demonstrating the EU’s commitment to future enlargement. In the short term it would boost the morale, the prospects and the horizons of those in the Western Balkans. The fact that 70% of university students in Serbia have never left that country must feed into the introverted political culture there.

EU considerations of internal security are important, but they must not be so overwhelming as to compromise wider regional security. Let us not make the criminal minority hold the rest to ransom.

  Gisela Kallenbach (Verts/ALE). – (DE) Mr President, Commissioner, I should like to congratulate you on the conclusions you have drawn from the progress reports on the Western Balkan states. These conclusions reflect Parliament’s own position, which means that you are helping to ensure that Europe demonstrates reliability and continuity in standing by its previous decisions. As I see it, this is all the more important at a time such as this, when debates unfortunately focus all too often on the crisis in Europe, and the limits to its capacity to absorb new members. Europe’s attempts at crisis management in the former Yugoslavia in the early 1990s were a failure; it is in our own best interests now to provide the region with a roadmap towards future EU membership.

If I may, I should also like to make a few specific recommendations. Lessons should be learnt from the previous rounds of enlargement, and civil society building should be supported through programmes promoting education and democratisation. Citizens should be better prepared for EU membership than has been the case to date, and they should be involved from the very outset. It is to be welcomed that particular attention has been focused on the protection and integration of minorities, but if we are to safeguard such things in the long term we need new instruments to ensure that the EU continues to exert an influence and to have control mechanisms at its disposal in any post-accession period. As soon as association agreements are concluded, instruments that have already proved themselves to be efficient and successful should be implemented immediately to make local politicians real stakeholders. In this connection, I would draw your attention, inter alia, to Parliament’s decision that all the governments in the region should draw up national development plans.

  Georgios Papastamkos (PPE-DE). – (EL) Mr President, as regards the dialectic relationship between consolidating, deepening and enlarging, Mr Brok has covered my point.

Allow me to focus my speech on the creative role of Greece, as a factor of political and economic stability in the area, a role which I trust is visible and known.

First, we gave real support to the accession of Bulgaria and Romania to the European Union. We were the first to ratify the accession acts of these two countries to the European Union.

Secondly, we supported the European orientation of Turkey, with the prospect of its complying with international law and the acquis communautaire. Nonetheless, the occupation of territory in the Cyprus Republic, the casus belli, violation of Greek airspace, the campaign against religious freedom and the threats against the Ecumenical Patriarchate continue.

Thirdly, Albania is being largely maintained economically by the currency imported by its citizens working in Greece. Greece, as a host country for immigrants is, on a pro rata basis, the first country in the European Union, on the basis of the size of its population.

Fourthly, we support the European orientation of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia.

The Commissioner recently emphasised in Skopje that Greece is the biggest investor in this country; this is true and I was delighted to hear it. In return, Mr Swoboda, we are on the receiving end of intransigence on the question of the name, propaganda which disregards history and historical and cultural aggression.

Why do we support the European prospects of the countries in our region is the logical question. It is because we seek the diffusion and consolidation of peace, stability and prosperity in the area as a whole.

Ladies and gentlemen, full acceptance and application of the principles, values and rules of the Union are the responsibility of the countries in question. However, it is the right of the European Union, of all its political and institutional agencies and of its Member States to control the course of their integration.

It is a joint challenge.

  Borut Pahor (PSE). – (SL) I agree in the main with the Commission’s report because I am in favour of the further enlargement of the European Union. I note, however, the absence of any indication that the extent of the enlargement must be commensurate with the absorption capacity of the European Union.

The conclusion of the report also places recurring emphasis on the requirement for individual countries seeking membership in the European Union to meet all the conditions. I think that this requirement is both legitimate and just as it puts all the countries seeking accession to the European Union in an equal position.

I am, however, like many of my colleagues, convinced that the European Union itself must meet the conditions for further enlargement. Personally, I cannot imagine that an enlarged Union will be able to operate successfully unless it adopts the Constitutional Treaty beforehand or unless it, in some other manner, introduces the necessary amendments to the current treaties.

In order to avoid any misunderstanding, I am indeed in favour of the further enlargement of the Union, but at the same time I think that there is also a need for the European Commission, when producing reports on enlargement of this kind, to place a particular emphasis on the importance of the Union’s continued consolidation.

Finally, as we happen to have the Commissioner with us today, I would like to ask him a question with regard to Kosovo, to which he has devoted particular attention. Slovenian President Drnovšek recently submitted an initiative for the independence of Kosovo. The initiative, which I find valuable, sets a number of substantive conditions for Kosovo to attain independence. I would like to ask the Commissioner if he is familiar with this initiative and if he would like to make any comments on it.

  Zbigniew Zaleski (PPE-DE).  – (PL) Mr President, EU enlargement is a challenge that involves risks, but that is also worthy of our efforts. The EU has decided to undergo enlargement to include another two countries, Croatia and Turkey. Various objections have been voiced, mainly with regard to the latter, and it will be a long time before EU citizens, rather than the Commission or Parliament, come round to the idea of its accession to the EU.

The EU has taken special measures, which go by the name of pre-accession instruments, to support the transformations expected to take place in Croatia. The working group proposed that a separate instrument should be set up to promote human rights, but I regret to say that this proposal was rejected. It is a pity that this instrument was not put in place, because a democratic society and state can only be built upon a suitable foundation. It is frequently the case that this foundation is not a government or an elected parliament or president, but a nation of free and responsible citizens who love their homeland. A nation may well need to be given more assistance in forming subjective beliefs of this kind than in developing its economy or administration.

The second issue to which I should like to alert the Commission is Parliament’s role in formulating a pre-accession aid strategy and in monitoring the application of this strategy and the development of internal social, political and religious processes. With all due respect for the Commission’s capabilities, I should like to make it clear that it should not be solely in charge of the instruments and of the policy as a whole. At the very least, Parliament must be an equal partner with codecision rights, and it must play the role of an objective and reliable arbitrator wherever necessary. One could argue that it was enough for the Commission to follow the Council’s instructions, with Parliament playing only a small part, when the EU had only 15 Member States. Now that the EU has 25 Member States, however, and given that there will soon be 27 players on the European stage, further enlargements will be fruitless unless the elected representatives sitting in this Chamber are very much involved.

To sum up, I should like to make it quite clear that the Commission and the Council should and must take note of the suggestions, ideas, visions and criticisms voiced in this House, for the good of the citizens of the EU Member States. The final borders of the European Union have not yet been determined, and we must work together towards this goal.

  Panagiotis Beglitis (PSE). – (EL) Mr President, the strategy of enlargement and integration into the European institutions is the only credible and effective proposal of the European Union, the only strong incentive which can mobilise the processes of change and reform.

Today, what we see in relations between the European Union and the candidate countries is a mutual distrust which has negative repercussions on public opinion in Europe. We cannot demand change and reform if the objective of future integration is not clear. At the same time, we cannot guarantee future integration if there is no sign of constant progress in the application of reforms. This applies to Turkey.

Today, as far as Turkey is concerned, we see a significant check on the momentum of reform from a serious lack of political will to implement specific commitments. How is the European Union thinking of reacting if Turkey continues this practice? The practice towards human and minority rights? The practice towards Cyprus. This is what is cultivating mistrust and the crisis of confidence among European citizens.

The European Commission, with its proposals to strengthen the European strategy of the Balkans, truly is moving in the right direction, reconfirming the strategy adopted by the European Council in Thessaloniki in 2003. Support for the European prospects of the Western Balkans, with the objective of their future integration into the European institutions, constitutes an investment in security for the European Union itself. The negotiations on the conclusion of stability and association agreements with Albania, Serbia, Montenegro and Bosnia-Herzegovina must proceed unimpeded.

Similarly, I would propose to the Commissioner that a clearer timetable for completing these negotiations is needed, as a strong incentive for these countries. The possible secession of Montenegro must not have a negative impact on negotiations with Serbia. Serbia has a decisive role to play in the stability of the Balkans. The European Union and the European Commission must have a high profile in negotiations on the final status of Kosovo, in accordance with the principles of international law. However, the European Commission must show a particular interest in the minority rights of Serbs in Kosovo.

To close, I should like to say that I agree wholeheartedly with the Commission proposal on the candidate status of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. As far as the outstanding issue of the name is concerned, I would like to say that it takes two to tango and, unfortunately, the leadership in Skopje is encaged in an impasse from the past.

  Doris Pack (PPE-DE). – (DE) Mr President, Commissioner, in principle the Commission’s proposals are a welcome development, and its enlargement strategy for the Western Balkans is exactly right. The fact that the Commission has now formally confirmed that EU membership is a medium-term prospect for the Western Balkan states is also good news. This is enormously important for the future development of this region, since in the long term it is the only thing that will bring peace to this part of Europe, which has had such a difficult past.

At the same time, however, the European People’s Party (European Democrats) would urge the Commission to assess the fitness of each candidate country in the Western Balkans to join the EU on an individual and point-by-point basis before binding dates are set for the opening of accession negotiations, and before timetables are drawn up for accession. The Commission must not make the same mistake with the countries known as the Western Balkan states that it did in the case of Romania and Bulgaria, and particularly in the case of Turkey, when it named a date prematurely, before the criteria had been met in full. The European public’s reaction to such a move would be even greater opposition to other countries joining the EU, while at the same time excessive demands would be made of the Balkan states in terms of their capacity for reform. This is the last thing we can afford in this highly unstable region, parts of which were ravaged by civil war until recently.

As the Commissioner himself said, it is apparent that significant progress has been made with reforms. The Commission is right to maintain that Croatia and Macedonia have made the most progress, and have therefore already been recognised as candidate countries, or soon will be, as in the case of Macedonia. This should also act as an incentive for neighbouring countries that are lagging behind on the road towards EU membership for many different reasons.

Each of these countries has its own lot with which it must contend. Albania must recover from the decades it spent under the communism of Enver Hoxha, when the country resembled a high-security prison. Bosnia and Herzegovina must come to terms with the nightmare years of displacement, murder and war, and shoulder the burden of the Dayton Agreement, which was a monstrosity that ended the war but failed to establish a platform for good governance and cooperation. Serbia took a long time to free itself of its dictator, and it is currently unclear how long its state union with Montenegro will last. Finally, the status of Kosovo must be determined without delay, by means of an agreement between Belgrade and Pristina mediated by the international community. I was pleased to hear the Commissioner say that the Commission would present an initiative and a strategy on this matter.

The Western Balkans and our enlargement strategy for this region are a litmus test for our European policies.

  Guido Podestà (PPE-DE). – (IT) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, I share the thoughts that Commissioner Rehn has put to this Parliament concerning the countries in the area of the Stabilisation and Association Process. Various Members have pointed out that this area, though still fragile, is showing positive signs in taking a route that has already characterised the other instances of our Union’s enlargement.

Enlargement has been a positive process from the preparation stage. Just the prospect of opening negotiations has very often accelerated the transition of the Eastern European countries from totalitarian regimes to committed and prosperous democratic governments, as well as having inspired delicate and difficult reforms in Turkey.

I must nevertheless also consider what Mr Brok said. We are faced with an enlargement that consists of 10 countries that have already joined, to which we must add Bulgaria and Romania, countries to whom we should in my view express our appreciation for the efforts they have made, on the lines of what the Commissioner said in the presentation of his report last month.

In addition I think it is a good moment to reflect also on the new countries with candidate status. I noticed that the words of Mrs Muscardini provoked the mirth of certain Members, whereas they should rather be given serious consideration. I believe in fact that Croatia ought to demonstrate more consistency concerning the various problems that have been identified in relation to free access to the property market. This is something that should be seriously addressed, because in my view consistency has no geographical limits.

We call upon the countries wishing to join the Union to demonstrate this consistency, not only as regards full cooperation with the International Criminal Court, as the Commissioner has mentioned, but also by meeting all those preconditions that must be common to all countries that believe in the free market and democratic liberty.

  Bernd Posselt (PPE-DE). – (DE) Mr President, it is probable that another three new Member States – Croatia, Romania and Bulgaria – will join the EU before the decade is out.

Croatia has already done an enormous amount of groundwork, and accession negotiations with this country could be the fastest in the history of enlargement, provided that both parties are willing. Romania and Bulgaria still have a great deal of catching up to do in terms of justice and minority issues, with the latter above all a priority for Romania. Our task in spring will be to decide on a final date for accession, and we will take a critical but objective and open approach to this task.

Turkey does not belong to Europe and never will. Our aim is to offer this country a privileged partnership, but even then it would still need to meet the criteria. I would like to invite Mr Rehn to comment on the Law on Religious Foundations, for it is our distinct impression that minorities in Turkey, most of which are Christian, continue to face enormous discrimination.

There are three priority problems for us to tackle in South-East Europe. The first of these is the democratisation of Serbia, the second is constitutional and treaty reform in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the third is the issue of Kosovo’s status and its future independence. While on the subject, I should like to tell Mr Pahor that I am very much in favour of the Slovenian President’s initiative, which I believe is a step in the right direction.

It goes without saying that all these problems can only be resolved in a wider European context. If I may, I should like to put a question to the Commissioner in this connection; what does the European Union mean to us? Does it mean nothing more than a group of nation states that use the prospect of enlargement as a foreign policy tool to stabilise neighbouring nation states, or do we genuinely want a strong federal Europe that is capable of acting and in a position to assert itself on the global stage?

Since I believe that the latter should be the case, I should like to make it clear that I have always been in favour of enlargement, and continue to be today. Yet we need a clearly defined period of consolidation, as well as a clear idea of the future institutional basis for this European Union of ours and of its future borders. I should like to point out to the Commissioner that the two latter issues are of key importance in my opinion, since this is a debate that we have sidestepped to date.

  Olli Rehn, Member of the Commission. Mr President, firstly I should like to thank the honourable Members for their overall support for a carefully managed accession process, which aims to enhance stability, security, freedom and democracy in Europe. I also thank them for their feedback and pertinent questions.

I should like to speak on two or three main issues. I will group several comments or questions together in order to facilitate a more concise response.

Mr Brok, Mr Eurlings and others called for a balance to be struck between deepening and widening. I would certainly agree. It is the Commission’s policy to take care of both deepening and widening; both are important political objectives of the European Union. That is one reason why we have underlined the need to take into account the Union’s own capacity to absorb new members, so that any future enlargement will not weaken but strengthen the Union and will not make our decision-making weaker but stronger in the face of the major challenges that we are currently facing.

Looking at its recent history, the European Union has achieved the best progress when deepening and widening, if not hand-in-hand, then at least in parallel. Since 1989, since the tearing down of the Berlin Wall, we have deepened our political integration by creating the single market, the single currency and the Schengen arrangement on the free movement of people, and have reinforced the Common Foreign and Security Policy. At the same time, the Union has widened: our membership has more than doubled from 12 to 25. That parallel deepening and widening proves that it can be done and that it is also beneficial to the European Union.

In the near future, the continuation of constitutional reform is essential for the European Union, in my view, in order to make our decision-making more effective and efficient, to enhance democracy and openness, and to reinforce our common security and defence policy.

Concerning its relation to enlargement, we had better keep the time perspective in mind: we need solutions on constitutional reform relatively soon, in the next few years; we have to use the pause for reflection effectively; we also have to draw conclusions from the discussion and reflection and start acting.

We cannot wait for the conclusions of the negotiations with Turkey, which might take 10 to 15 years. That is, by far, too long a time perspective for our own internal challenges. Therefore, for the sake of Europe, we have to be able to solve our problems related to the financial perspectives or to our institutional questions long before the Western Balkans or Turkey join the European Union.

My second point concerns Kosovo. I can fully agree with Mr Swoboda that the best service the European Union can now provide so that the negotiations are successful and the settlement is sustainable is for us to be supportive but critical. The rule of law and the rights of minorities are at the heart of European values. Those values are fundamental to any progress on the European perspective on Kosovo or the Western Balkans.

The Commission’s role is to facilitate a balanced and sustainable settlement. We work closely with the international community and its Status Envoy, President Ahtisaari, in order to make sure that whatever the precise outcome of the status talks, it will be compatible with the European perspective on Kosovo and the Western Balkans.

Thirdly, Mr Wiersma, Mrs Pack, Mr Szent-Iványi and Mr Lagendijk made references to regional cooperation in the Western Balkans and progress made by individual countries. I would very much agree with Mr Wiersma that our conditionality works. Take Bosnia-Herzegovina, for instance: there, the policy formed is very much a consequence of the conditions we set for that country in order to conclude a stabilisation and association agreement. Likewise for Serbia and Montenegro: the significant progress made in relation to the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia has been the result of our conditions for starting negotiations on the stabilisation and association agreement. We have to strike a careful balance between conditionality and rewarding progress as regards our candidate countries.

Next year, I hope we will see new moves for the Western Balkans. The Austrian Presidency is planning to hold a high-level event during its period in office in order to take stock and decide on the next moves as regards how to enhance political cooperation, economic development and citizens’ issues – such as visa facilitation – so that we can make the European perspective as concrete and tangible as possible for the citizens and the countries of the Western Balkans region.

I can assure you that the Commission will fully support the Austrian Presidency. I trust that the European Parliament will do the same. I am very much looking forward to working together with you. I count on your support for a carefully managed accession process of the Union.

  President.   The debate is closed.

Written statement (Rule 142)

  Margie Sudre (PPE-DE) , in writing. – (FR) Far from taking account of the popular sentiment expressed at the recent referendums in France and the Netherlands, and not content with the already controversial opening of accession negotiations with Turkey and Croatia, the Commission and the Member States have developed a genuine passion for opening up the European Union.

Under strong pressure from the US, the Union is about to speed up dramatically its enlargement towards the Balkans: after Kosovo and Serbia, it will immediately spread to Bosnia and naturally Macedonia.

It should, however, be clear that to rush into opening the whole Pandora’s box of the Balkans at a time when the Union has no Constitution or budget and when all the governments of the large continental countries are weakened as a result of serious internal problems, is pure folly.

The French delegation in the Group of the European People’s Party (Christian Democrats) and European Democrats is not opposed to the principle of a new wave of enlargement in the medium term, but categorically rejects the prospect of such a hurried commitment to these new partners on the part of the Union.